The Elections Committee has approved 62 aspirants to contest various national and regional positions.

Thirteen candidates, including incumbent executives, are vying for national positions, while 49 others are contesting regional roles, following a thorough vetting process and a review of petitions against some aspirants.

Current President, Albert Kwabena Dwumfour, is seeking re-election against media trainer and consultant Charles Yao Mawusi.

Also, the current Public Relations Officer (PRO), Rebecca Ekpe, is in a stiff competition for the Vice President position with Mary Tawiah Mensah, the Foreign Editor of the Daily Graphic and a former GJA PRO.

The current Organising Secretary, Dominic Hlordzi, is contesting for the General Secretary position. He faces strong competition from Akwasi Agyeman, who works with Adom FM under the Multimedia Group and previously worked with the Despite Group.

Maxwell Kudekor, the former Eastern Regional Chairman, is contesting for the position of Organising Secretary against Suleiman Mustapha, Acting Editor of Graphic Business.

In the race for Treasurer, Bertha Badu-Agyei of the Ghana News Agency is facing off against Theodora Amedetor from the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC).

In the Ashanti Region, environmental journalist and News Editor with the Multimedia Group, Kofi Adu Domfeh, is competing against Georgina Ama Ankomah for the Chairperson position, while Kingsley Nana Buadu and David Yarboi-Tetteh are contesting the same post in the Central Region.

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Among those cleared are 13 candidates for national positions and 49 for regional roles, following a thorough review of petitions against some aspirants by the vetting committee.

Balloting is set for Friday, June 13, 2025, at the Ghana International Press Centre, which serves as the national secretariat.

National

Current President, Albert Kwabena Dwumfour, is in a competitive race against Charles Yao Mawusi, a media trainer and consultant.

Meanwhile, the current Public Relations Officer (PRO), Rebecca Ekpe, faces Mary Tawiah Mensah, the Foreign Editor of the Daily Graphic and a former PRO of the GJA.

Dominic Hlordzi, the current Organising Secretary of the association, is contesting for the General Secretary position. He faces strong competition from Akwasi Agyeman, who works with Adom FM under the Multimedia Group and previously worked with the Despite Group.

Maxwell Kudekor, the former Eastern Regional Chairman, is contesting for the position of Organising Secretary, competing against Suleiman Mustapha, the Acting Editor of Graphic Business.

In the Treasurer race, Bertha Badu-Agyei from the Ghana News Agency is running against Theodora Amedetor from the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC).

Abagali Ceasar, who lost the Public Affairs position in the last election, is also vying for a win this year against Zadok Kwame Gyesi, a former journalist with Graphic Online.

Regional

In the Ashanti Region, Kofi Adu Domfeh and Georgina Ama Ankomah are contesting for the Chairperson position, while Kingsley Nana Buadu and David Yarboi-Tetteh are competing for the same role in the Central Region.

In the Eastern Region, Yvonne Neequaye and Neil Nii Armatey Kanarku are facing off for Chairperson, with Isaac Akwetey Okunor and Gloria Afful contesting for the Secretary position.

Abdul-Majeed Yakubu, the Northern Regional Chairman, is going unopposed, while Daily Graphic’s Mohammed Fugu is also going unopposed as North East Regional Chairman.

In the Upper East Region, Albert Sore and Ebo-Bruce Quansah will battle for the Chairperson role.

The Chairperson position is also being fiercely contested in the Upper West and Volta Regions, where Emmanuel Agbaxode and Kofi Belley Harrison are vying in Volta, while Prosper Kuorsoh and Seidu Ibrahim Bomanjo are competing in the Upper West.

Additionally, Ewoenam Kpodo and King Freeman Nutsukpoe are contesting for the Treasurer position in the Volta Region.

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Dr. Joseph Ankomah, the Medical Superintendent, made the appeal during a visit by the Parliamentary Select Committee on Health, noting that since GMH was upgraded to hospital status in 1987, there has been little to no significant improvement in its infrastructure and equipment, despite a continuous increase in both inpatient and outpatient attendance.

Originally established as a dispensary in the early 1950s at the then education office, the hospital was relocated to its current site in 1962 and later upgraded to a municipal hospital in 1987.

The facility comprises nine wards and a 10-bed Accident and Emergency Unit, providing general outpatient and inpatient services, major and minor surgeries, and specialized clinics, including eye, ear, nose, and throat (ENT), oral health, mental health, and physiotherapy.

Dr. Ankomah informed the committee that the hospital frequently experiences breakdowns of its Lightwave health information system equipment, alongside a lack of adequate staff accommodation. He also cited a shortage of office space and critical personnel, including doctors, radiographers, and supply chain officers, among others.

He explained that the aging infrastructure and equipment contribute to a high maintenance burden and called for the construction of a new hospital to address these challenges.

The facility also struggles with untarred internal roads, which become dusty during the dry season and muddy during the rainy season. Furthermore, the hospital’s only anesthesia and X-ray machine, as well as its sole vehicle, are currently out of service.

Dr. Ankomah urged the government to prioritize the construction of internal roads, introduce special incentive packages to attract and retain staff in the region, and build a lodge to accommodate caregivers of admitted patients.

Following the tour, Dr. Sebastian Sandaare, Chairman of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Health, echoed the concerns and appealed to the Minister of Health, Kwabena Minta Akandoh, and other key stakeholders to take urgent steps to improve the facility’s infrastructure, staffing, and equipment.

He assured hospital management and staff that the committee would submit a full situational report to the government for immediate action.

As a medical practitioner himself, Dr. Sandaare stressed the need for the immediate posting of critical healthcare personnel and the construction of new staff accommodation.

Their concern was expressed when they paid a working visit to inspect the facility and interact with staff.

Dr. Beyuo has therefore appealed to the government and the Health Ministry pay maximum attention to the critical needs of the hospital.

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Terms of the agreement were struck on Tuesday, February 25, after an initial breakdown in negotiations was announced in open court.

Following the agreement, the parties are to file the terms of settlement and appear in court on April 1, 2025, for it to be adopted as a consent judgment by the court presided over by Justice Forson Baah Agyepong.

On Tuesday, February 25, 2025, an initial proposal from Lilwin and his representative to pay GH₵150,000, which includes GH₵50,000 legal fees, was flatly rejected as lawyers of the plaintiff (Martha Ankomah) described it as an “eyesore.”

“We have been chasing the defendant for settlement,” counsel said. “My learned friend (counsel for Lilwin) is here, and I have called her several times just to get something to work with,” but to no avail.

Eyesore Proposal

Counsel said it was only last Saturday that counsel for the defendant (Lilwin) called “to propose something….and what they proposed was an eyesore.”

Nii Applatu Plange, counsel for the plaintiff, said, “In our view, it is not something that we will want to proceed further with, so we are back for the court to proceed with the case,” he said as negotiations for settlement broke down.

Reasonable Proposal

Counsel for the defendant said what counsel for the plaintiff told the court was largely true but stressed that what her client (Lilwin) had proposed was “reasonable.”

She was, however, “surprised to hear (from counsel of the plaintiff that it) is an eyesore.”

In the circumstances, she said, “We are in their (plaintiff’s) hands and the court.”

To clarify matters to the court, counsel for the plaintiff said, “At the last sitting, we (plaintiff and her counsel) came down (from GH₵5m to GH₵2m) significantly, and when my learned friend called, she proposed legal fees and GH₵100,000 for Martha to forgo it.”

This, counsel for the plaintiff said, was unacceptable and formed the basis of his description as an “eyesore.”

We Can’t Afford Martha’s Pedigree

Counsel for Lilwin (defendant) told the court that “We proposed that Martha should receive GH₵100,000 and legal fees of GH₵50,000 (totaling GH₵150,000).”

She explained that, “We are approaching Easter, and I know that the matter is not anything that we can quantify in terms of the injury caused to the plaintiff (Martha Ankomah).”

“We are doing this on the background that we are Christians. …We cannot pay Martha Ankomah for her pedigree,” counsel for Lilwin said as she mitigated for the damages.

Counsel for the defendant intimated that “We are proposing a whopping 1.5 billion (in old currency),” which, for them, is reasonable.

But counsel for the plaintiff also raised concerns about how the new apology that was to replace the rejected one was treated.

Justice Forson Baah Agyepong, the presiding judge who appeared to have had enough of the parties after his previously wise counsel for them to agree on settlement in his chambers, said, “I won’t talk again; I have advised both parties enough.”

GH₵200,000 New Proposal

When it appeared in open court that the plaintiff and her lawyers did not accept the initial GH₵150,000 proposal and wanted the case to proceed in court, Lilwin (defendant), through one of his managers, whispered into counsel’s ear.

Counsel then informed the court that her client had whispered into her ear that he would round the figure up to GH₵200,000, including legal fees.

That triggered a back-and-forth exchange in open court, resulting in the parties approaching the bench. They later agreed to have more discussions in chambers to resolve the matter, but this time without the judge.

After nearly two hours, the parties returned from chambers to inform the judge that they had agreed on terms of settlement.

After consulting their diaries, the parties informed Justice Baah Agyepong that they would be back in court on April 1, 2025, for the terms of the settlement to be adopted by the court as a consent judgment.

It is not immediately clear the final sum in general damages that was agreed on, but the settlement will include a new retraction and proper public apology.

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The ceremony involves a formal robing of students in a doctor’s traditional wear – the white coat.

The students, who are currently in Level 400, will graduate in 2027.

Significance

The Registrar of the Medical and Dental Council, Dr Divine Banyubala, who was the guest speaker, described the event as necessary since it imbibed in the student doctors and dentists the virtues of integrity, confidentiality, love and compassion needed for the work.

“As each of you walks across this stage today, you begin your journey in medicine and dentistry, inspired by the wisdom of Sir William Osler, who declared that the practice of medicine is an art, not a trade; a calling, not a business.

“You, as medical and dental students, bind yourselves to the same professional commitments that bind all physicians and dental surgeons,” he added.

Dr Banyubala also said that the ceremony joined the students with the time-honoured virtues of altruism, responsibility, duty, honour, respect for human dignity and compassion, symbolised by the white coat.

“You put on the white coat today, which is not just a garment in our professional space but a symbol of the sacred trust that you, as stewards of human health, have accepted.

“You make your white coat important to patient care, as it represents the trust and responsibility that you have undertaken.

“Patients favour physicians and dental surgeons who wear the white coat, as studies have shown,” he added.

Opportunities

The Pro Vice-Chancellor for Research, Innovation and Development (ORID) at UG, Prof. Felix Ankomah Asante, also urged the transiting students to turn every challenge they face into opportunities to help make the world a better place.

“Also to faculty, we in management, we know all the challenges you are going through and I am also hoping that you can turn the challenges into opportunities,” he said.

Dr Asante further advised the students to take advantage of their clinical period to develop their skills to excel in the medical profession.

“Taking time to develop your skills will ensure that you become a doctor or dentist who is morally useful to the community,” he added.

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A total of 801 parliamentary candidates are in the race.

They represent mainly the two major political parties, the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) alongside candidates from smaller parties and independents.

Over 18 million voters are expected to exercise their franchise in this election, with voting taking place at 40,648 polling stations across the country.

Find below the full list of parliamentary candidates on a regional basis:

GREATER ACCRA 

EASTERN 

VOLTA 

WESTERN

CENTRAL

ASHANTI 

UPPER EAST

UPPER EAST

NORTHERN 

BONO

BONO EAST

OTI

AHAFO

NORTH EAST

SAVANNAH

WESTERN NORTH

These young singers are set to captivate audiences with their vocal prowess as they compete for the ultimate prize.

The selected contestants were introduced following an intense audition process that brought together some of the country’s brightest young musical talents.

With the competition launched at the West Hills Mall, these finalists are now set to battle it out in the coming weeks for a chance to make history.

Below is the list of the contestants and their schools or hometowns:

1. Belinda Baaba Monney – Quayson J.H. School, Tarkwa Naboso (Age: 13)
2. Adobea Emerald Abedi – Akuamoah Memorial School, Nkawkaw (Age: 13)
3. Caprice Adelaide Forson – Future Home Child Care Academy, Mankessim (Age: 10)
4. Elizabeth Quayson – St. Matthew Catholic Basic School, Tarkwa (Age: 12)
5. Bernard Owusu Damoah – Nkran Ngresi D/A Basic School, Assin Darmang (Age: 13)
6. Joseph Kumi Quansah – Prophetess Mary Boafo Memorial School, Assin Ankwaso (Age: 7)
7. Emelia Boadiwaah – St. John De Evangelist School, Assin Sibinso (Age: 12)
8. Desmond Elliot Ankomah – Abuesi Methodist Basic School, Abuesi (Age: 12)
9. Tracy Osei Bonsu – ATTC Practice Basic School, Obuasi Akrokerri (Age: 11)
10. Nadia Sagoe – Stevejoy Academy, Trede (Age: 11)
11. Anabella Songsoma Banaaleh – Ghana Christian International High School, Adansi Asokwa (Age: 12)
12. Alberta Ewurama Coker – Delight International School, Cape Coast (Age: 8)
13. Blessing Otabil – Fetteh Church of Christ D/A Basic School, Gomoa Fetteh (Age: 12)
14. Fransisca Adom – Presby Model School, Suhum Nankese (Age: 10)
15. Aseda Celestina – Kofi Annor Asante Primary School, Suhum Nankese (Age: 11)
16. Freda Nuerteki Nuertey – Kpone Methodist ‘A’ Basic School, Kpone (Age: 12)
17. Ferdinand Kamkam Boadu – El-Shadai School, Tema Newtown (Age: 10)
18. Asdangel Nana Yaa Sikapa Gyesi – High View Montessori, Amasaman (Age: 8)
19. Michealla Ali – King’s Paradise International School, Ashaiman Taifa (Age: 12)
20. Nancy Donkoh – Shama Senior High, Shama Kumase (Age: 13)

The competition promises to be a thrilling season as these talented individuals showcase their vocal skills and stage presence, hoping to follow in the footsteps of last year’s winner, Ohemaa Perez.

Her extraordinary performance in Season 6 not only earned her the crown but also solidified her place as one of Ghana’s rising stars in music.

With a combination of vibrant performances and fan-favourite songs, Nsoromma Season 7 will undoubtedly keep viewers glued to their screens.

Hosted by Adom FM’s broadcaster and MC, Jerry Justice, the show continues to celebrate and nurture the musical talents of Ghanaian youth.

Addressing the legal risks associated with online communication, Mr. Ankomah underscored the critical importance of verifying content before sharing it online, as this could have potential legal ramifications.

He was speaking at a Media Executive Breakfast organized by the Africa Media Bureau (AMB) on the theme: “Ethical Considerations and Risks in Programming for Social Media: Responsible Election Reporting.”

“On the internet, if it is too good to be true, it is too good to be true,” Mr. Ankomah emphasized, urging media houses to exercise restraint and diligence in their reporting.

He explained that with the rapid spread of information facilitated by social media, unverified posts could have far-reaching consequences, including defamation and costly legal battles.

Citing a personal experience to illustrate the potential harm of misleading headlines or posts, even when the underlying content is innocuous, Mr. Ankomah recounted how a seemingly harmless video of him playing a piano at an airport went viral, misinterpreted by captions that were unrelated to the video’s content.

Today, he said, damage from libel was presumed because of the reach of social media, and millions could access false or misleading content within seconds, as the courts were beginning to award heavier damages for such cases.

Mr. Ankomah, who referenced key cases in Ghana’s legal history where the court awarded significant damages for copyright infringement and cyber libel, urged social media users to be mindful of the potential harm of their posts.

He called on media houses to adopt robust social media policies to regulate the use of their platforms and ensure compliance with the law.

“Monitor your content closely…If it looks inappropriate, delete it. Explicit consent is required to use copyrighted material, and when in doubt, don’t use it,” he advised.

Mr. Ankomah, also a Senior Partner of Bentsi-Enchill, Letsa & Ankomah, speaking about the legal implications of child protection laws, data privacy, and unauthorized electronic communications, warned that actions such as publishing indecent images of minors or using personal data without consent could result in criminal prosecution.

He urged all stakeholders, including political parties, to refrain from posting unverified content in their quest for public engagement as Ghana prepared for the crucial December 7 polls.

“Take a moment to think. Wait for 24 hours. Verify the facts before putting it out there,” he advised.

Dr. Aurelia Ayisi, Lecturer at the University of Ghana, expressed concern over the challenges posed by digital technology to the integrity of journalism and the credibility of information, calling for the need for a collective, multi-stakeholder approach to combat misinformation and rebuild trust in the media.

She pointed to the re-democratization of media brought about by digital spaces, stressing that while this development had allowed for greater participation in information dissemination, it had also blurred the lines between professional journalists and citizen content creators.

“While it’s all well and good to think that people can distinguish truth from fabrication, that is not always the case. The integrity of truth itself is under question,” she said.

She emphasized that misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation had created an environment where even accurate information could be manipulated to mislead.

“We are living in a post-truth era,” she explained, and “although the truth exists, it is buried under an avalanche of misinformation and distorted narratives. Malinformation — where true information is presented in a false context — poses one of the most significant threats to journalistic integrity today.”

Dr. Ayisi highlighted the critical role of information, digital, and media literacy in addressing these challenges, stating that despite widespread access to mobile devices and social media platforms, many users lacked the literacy skills to evaluate the credibility of the information they encountered.

Dr. Ayisi acknowledged that journalists were working in an increasingly difficult environment, where the demand for speed often conflicted with the need for accuracy, emphasizing that “getting it right has become even more paramount.”

While she acknowledged that finding comprehensive solutions may be idealistic, Dr. Ayisi called for progressive efforts to address the crisis of misinformation.

The Africa Media Bureau (AMB), a pioneering media organization dedicated to elevating the media landscape across the African continent, believes that a dynamic and robust media industry is essential for Africa’s progress and global engagement.

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Speaking in an interview on Okukuseku with Emelia Brobbey, the actress expressed hope that a good man would come her way.

She insisted that she believes in prayer and that God would answer her prayers and grant her heart’s desires.

“Who doesn’t want marriage? Let’s be real. I wish I had three kids that I could drop off at Sunday school and also take to school. It is a beautiful thing, but I am positive that God will listen to my prayers,” she said.

Martha Ankomah also clarified the notion that acting is a difficult career and that most actresses in Ghana find it challenging to settle down.

“I don’t believe in the idea that as an actress you won’t get a husband. You know what they see is different from what those of us in the entertainment industry see. It depends on how you, the individual, carry yourself. Because there are a lot of creatives who have gotten married and are living happily,” she added.

 

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UTAG’s National President, Prof. Mamudu A. Akudugu, expressed this strong stance ahead of a scheduled meeting with the government on Tuesday, October 1, adding that the association is prepared to take decisive action if no concrete steps are taken.

He also indicated that UTAG is not alone in this fight, adding that organized labour would likely follow suit if the government fails to act swiftly.

In an interview on Joy FM’s Newsnight on Monday, September 30, Prof. Akudugu noted that UTAG would not waver in its decision, insisting that their demands for immediate government intervention must be met.

“Our demands should be met – that’s our position. In our release, we were very clear as to what we will do when our demands were not met – thus, embark on an industrial action. We still stand by that,” he asserted.

UTAG has been advocating for the government to declare a state of emergency to address the severe environmental damage caused by galamsey, which has resulted in the pollution of major water bodies across the country.

They issued an ultimatum to government, threatening a nationwide strike by the end of September 2024 if a total ban on illegal mining is not imposed.

In a strongly worded statement, UTAG criticized state-led efforts to combat illegal mining, or “galamsey,” describing them as “failed and corruption-infested militarized battles.”

The Association lamented the severe damage caused by illegal mining activities, including the destruction of over 2.5 million hectares of forest cover, a 35% rise in respiratory diseases in mining areas, and a projected cost of $2.3 billion annually to the economy.

Additionally, Prof. Akudugu called on the two main political parties, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC), to sign a binding pact committing to combatting galamsey ruthlessly.

“This is something that should be immediate for them to do,” he said, stressing that UTAG would determine its next course of action based on the government’s response to these demands.

Source: Emma Ankra

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He emphasized the church’s potential role in providing sustainable solutions through advocacy, regulation, and intervention.

In an interview on Channel One TV, on Monday, September 30, Rev. Dr. Amoafo stressed the importance of raising awareness.

He called on religious leaders to use their platforms to educate Ghanaians, particularly those involved in illegal mining, on the critical need to safeguard the environment and preserve natural resources, especially water bodies.

“The church should approach this in two ways: first, by teaching the general public from the pulpit about our God-given responsibility to care for the environment. Secondly, by engaging with the government, because the government holds the church in high regard. In a country like Ghana, where almost everyone attends church, the church has influence. The church should work closely with the government to ensure proper regulation and offer viable alternatives for those affected by the changes.”

He also called for the church to set aside political differences and unite in the fight against illegal mining, stressing that “division within the church is a failure of its theological mandate. As Matthew 5:13-16 reminds us, the church is called to be the salt and light of the world. If we are too divided to fulfill that role, we are failing.”

Rev. Dr. Amoafo further encouraged the church to pray for divine guidance in the 2024 general elections, seeking God’s wisdom in selecting a leader who will promote peace, justice, and righteousness.

“Regardless of denomination, whether Pentecostal or mainline, the church should unite in prayer, asking God to prevent bloodshed, violence, and discord. We must seek His chosen leader for our nation at this critical time.”

Source: Adomonline

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Convener of Occupy Ghana, Ace Anan Ankomah, has declared that the battle against illegal mining, commonly known as galamsey, has been decisively lost.

In an assessment, he attributed this failure to the government’s lack of decisive action and repeated disregard of warnings about the unchecked spread of illegal mining activities.

During an interview on Channel One TV on Monday, September 30, Mr Ankomah expressed frustration over the government’s inability to produce concrete results in tackling galamsey, despite numerous promises from officials.

He emphasized that, the government has consistently ignored urgent calls for stricter enforcement of mining regulations, allowing illegal operations to thrive.

Mr. Ankomah’s remarks come as concerns mount over the environmental destruction caused by galamsey, which has severely polluted water bodies and ravaged forest reserves across the country.

He called for a comprehensive, focused approach to solving the issue, criticizing the reactive measures that have defined the government’s response so far.

The legal practitioner also urged civil society and the public to remain vigilant in advocating for responsible mining practices and environmental conservation.

Without a unified effort to dismantle the networks enabling illegal mining, Mr. Ankomah warned that the prospects for restoring Ghana’s natural resources and protecting public health are grim.

“The only positive is that we lost this fight to ourselves, so we can sit down and fix it. We’ve lost it. Some of the images we’re seeing are horrifying. They weren’t like this when we first visited Tarkwa in 2016, or even in 2022. When you fail to regulate, everyone digs in. Now, it’s not just local kingpins; foreign players with money have entered the fray. It’s a free-for-all, and we’ve opened the doors wide,” he insisted.

Source: Adomonline

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He asserted that legitimate mining companies should not be unfairly categorized alongside illegal operators, as this could have severe financial implications for both the economy and compliant businesses.

In an interview on Channel One TV on Monday, September 30, Mr. Ankomah stressed the need to differentiate between responsible and irresponsible mining practices.

He stressed that, blanket bans could harm law-abiding companies that contribute positively to the industry and the nation’s economy.

Mr Ankomah advocated for a more targeted approach, emphasizing the necessity of focusing on illegal mining activities instead of punishing all mining operations.

By doing so, he believes that the government can better support compliant companies while addressing the environmental and social issues caused by illegal mining.

“When you give someone the mining lease or the small-scale mining license, it’s for a certain term, you say that you have the power to revoke it, specifically upon the breach of the rules. So, I’m mining, I haven’t breached the law. She/he is breaching the law and sometimes coming into my concession to mine. They say ban all of us.”

“Moratorium may have to involve some level of engagement. But why do you want to tell the big mines who haven’t breached any of the laws that stop? Yeah, we agree, moratorium, how long? There’s a financial cost, not just to them, but to the nation. The law says you can’t mine at certain places, and to the extent that they have given leases into forest bodies, we’re asking them to put them on hold. Some of the calls are for an outright ban on all mining which will not be absolutely feasible.”

“There’s a law that says that you can’t mine within a certain zone of water bodies…Mining is not pretty, it’s not pretty anywhere. Mining when you see it, looks like savaging the earth. To the extent that the mine is operating legally, I don’t think that we should be talking about them at all. If a duly licensed or leaseholder is breaching the law, we identify that leaseholder and deal with that leaseholder or that license holder,” he said.

His comments come amidst ongoing discussions about the future of mining in Ghana, particularly in light of the challenges posed by illegal small-scale mining, commonly known as “galamsey.”

This is after protests broke out late last month, after an anti-immigrant misinformation campaign stoked outrage following a stabbing attack that left three children dead in Southport, northern England.

The UK’s Crown Prosecution Service said on Tuesday that prosecutors have already charged around 100 people over the violent unrest.

The gatherings ostensibly started as anti-immigration marches and quickly turned disorderly and violent.

Speaking on Joy FM’s Super Morning Show, Mr Ankomah provided reassurances that no significant harm has come to Ghanaians amidst the unrest.

“Except for one incident where a Ghanaian reported being threatened while taking a bus, there have been no reports of any untoward incidents affecting Ghanaians in the UK,” the High Commissioner stated.

Meanwhile, the High Commissioner says efforts are being made to ensure the continued safety of the Ghanaian community.

“Even as of this morning, our officers are calling around the country, speaking with the leadership of the Ghanaian communities, asking for updates and urging them to encourage Ghanaians in the UK to try and be indoors by 7 pm,” he added.

Mr Ankomah noted that Ghanaians have been urged to stay indoors at night and avoid areas where protests are expected to occur.

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The event was a breathtaking showcase of Asante culture which drew a prestigious crowd and left an indelible mark on all who attended.

AKWASIDAE FESTIVAL UK ((LIVE)) pic.twitter.com/6nIfucWUQg

— The Asante Nation (@Asante_nation) August 4, 2024

The celebration was graced by the presence of former President John Agyekum Kufuor, Ghana’s High Commissioner to the UK, Papa Owusu Ankomah, and a host of other distinguished dignitaries.

Executives from NPP-UK paid heartfelt respects to former President Kufuor, Papa Owusu Ankomah, and various ministers of state.

Radiating grace and regality, rapper Lousika, now known as Manso Nkwantahemaa, was a vision in her traditional attire.

The festivities also saw notable appearances by luminaries such as Dentaa and rapper Kojo Cue’s father as well as actress Gloria Agyemang.

The attendees dazzled in their exquisite kente outfits, transforming the event into a vibrant cultural pride.

The air was filled with the rhythmic beats of talking drums and the enchanting movements of Adowa dancers, weaving a captivating narrative of Asante heritage.

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Speaking at the Great Minds International School’s speech and prize-giving day in Ahenkro, Ashanti Region, LilWin bemoaned the deliberate negative narratives on social media.

He said he has never wronged anyone and would never intentionally cause an accident that could endanger his own life.

“With the recent issue that happened to me, people called me proud and disrespectful, yet I have never fought with anyone or stolen from anyone in Ghana before. I can’t tell if it’s because of the school I built, the house I live in, or the car I drive. There is no reason for me to intentionally orchestrate an accident that could kill me,” he cried.

This notwithstanding, LilWin said he is committed to his philanthropic efforts to make a positive impact in society.

“Good deeds get good rewards. Several years after when I am old, I want to hear an MP say that he or she got his or her education from the school I built. May God bless everyone, especially those who sent their children to my school. Due to the overflow of students in my school, I have built another school two minutes away from the first building to accommodate more students,” he added.

 

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Business leaders and supply chain experts will gather at the Kempinski Hotel Gold Coast City in Accra, Ghana, July 29-30 for the inaugural Supply Chain Business Forum and Exhibition (https://apo-opa.co/3RGjSJc). Organized by the Center for Applied Research and Innovation in Supply Chain – Africa (CARISCA) (CARISCABusinessForum.com), the event aims to enhance supply chain management practices across the continent.

The Business Forum will feature prominent African, European and U.S. entrepreneurs and business executives as keynote speakers, panelists and session leaders. The forum’s theme will be “Navigating the Future of Supply Chains in Africa.”

Keynote speakers include:

Ruby Amegah, a native Ghanaian and executive at Starbucks, USA, who will discuss the journey of coffee and cocoa beans from African soil to global cup.

Dr. Chibuzo Opara, co-founder and CEO of DrugStoc, Nigeria, who will share insights on building patient-centered supply chains for health commodity security and resilience.

Patricia Poku Diaby, CEO of Plot Enterprise (Gh) Ltd, who will offer her perspective on advancing the cocoa sector’s supply chain.

The forum will feature panel discussions about supply chain traceability in the cocoa, coffee, and health sectors, as well as presentations on the Ghana Logistics Managers Index (LMI) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) .

The LMI is a tool CARISCA created in 2022 to support business decision makers. The quarterly index is a predictive indicator of the overall Ghanaian economy. AfCFTA is an agreement signed in 2019 to create an action plan for boosting intra-African trade.

Rounding out the program, Switzerland-based Andre Kreie from the Kühne Foundation will travel to Ghana and lead a session on “Sustaining Supply Chains in Africa: Successes and Challenges.” Kreie heads the foundation’s education unit, which addresses capacity building in middle- and low-income countries related to logistics, supply chain management, leadership and strategy.

“We hope to discover answers to two questions during the Business Forum,” says CARISCA Executive Director Dale Rogers, an internationally renowned Arizona State University professor. “What are the best supply chain practices throughout the African continent? And what support does African business need from leading-edge university research?” 

Besides the presentations, the event will serve as an opportunity for leading companies to showcase their products and services in an exhibition space.

Corporate sponsors and partners are helping to make this event possible, in addition to the U.S. Agency for International Development, which funds CARISCA. Conship (www.Conshipgh.com/), or Consolidated Shipping Agencies, is the inaugural gold sponsor. Silver sponsors include Interplast, West Africa’s leading producer of plastic pipe systems, and logistics company M&M air sea cargo GmbH based in Germany.

Promotional partners for the event include Business and Financial Times and Ghana’s National AfCFTA Coordination Office.

More than 250 people have already registered to attend this in-person-only event. Registration is free and still open. To register or learn more about sponsorship and exhibition opportunities, visit CARISCABusinessForum.com.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Center for Applied Research&Innovation in Supply Chain-Africa (CARISCA).

Contact:
Evans Ankomah Jnr.
ankomahjnr@carisca.knust.edu.gh
+233 244 692 953

About CARISCA:
The Centre for Applied Research and Innovation in Supply Chain – Africa (CARISCA) is a centre of excellence at Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. It was created in partnership with Arizona State University and with support from the United States Agency for International Development. CARISCA is a globally recognized, locally owned hub for generating and translating innovative research into positive development outcomes for Ghana and pan-African supply chains.

In a post on Instagram, Lilwin shared a video of him on a hospital bed as a nurse put him on a drip though the illness is not immediately known.

In a short caption, he expressed appreciation to God for saving his life on Saturday.

This follows the premiere of his highly anticipated movie, A Country Called Ghana on Friday.

Social media users have joined in Lilwin’s thanksgiving to God amidst prayers and speedy recovery wishes.

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Watch the video below:

 

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The meeting was in anticipation of Medikal’s upcoming concert at the London Indigo O2, scheduled for Friday, May 3rd.

Not only did they familiarize and exchanged pleasantries, the UK High Commissioner shared some words of encouragement and support.

Expressing pride in the global reach of Ghanaian music, Papa Owusu-Ankomah applauded Medikal’s efforts in promoting Ghanaian culture through his music.

He assured the rapper of his support in all his endeavors during his stay in the country.

Meanwhile, Medikal is expected to have a radio tour in the biggest studios in London ahead of his concert.

Watch video below:

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During his address as the Guest Speaker for the awards ceremony on Thursday, April 25, Mr Ankomah emphasised the importance of maintaining high standards and avoiding mediocre performance.

He urged the awardees not to settle for anything less than excellence in their daily endeavours, emphasising that this is crucial for making meaningful impacts in their lives and society.

Mr Ankomah expressed concern over the prevalent culture of mediocrity in Ghana and Africa, attributing the region’s developmental challenges to this attitude.

According to him, the celebration of mediocrity has hindered progress in both individual lives and the broader community.

He stressed the need for a shift in mindset towards work ethic, emphasising the importance of hard work, dedication, and excellence.

Mr. Ankomah encouraged the awardees to be change-makers, challenging them to reject the status quo and strive for positive transformation in their respective fields.

In conclusion, he reiterated the importance of upholding high standards and urged the awardees to lead by example in promoting excellence and productivity in their endeavours.

“Stop encouraging laziness, humouring lateness, suffering foolishness gladly, tolerating tardiness, cheering average or below par performance, celebrating mediocrity and money cuddling the beggar and defeatist mentality, but declare as my best friend says on his WhatsApp that ‘I am not here to be average but I am here to be awesome’, ladies and gentlemen, time no dey,” he told the awardees.

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Dubbed the Court Shift System (CSS), the innovation, introduced by the Chief Justice, Justice Gertrude Sackey Torkornoo, will allow the selected courts to operate morning and afternoon sessions, with the morning session starting from 8:30 a.m. to 1 p.m., and afternoon session from 1:30 p.m. to 6:30 p.m.

The CSS is scheduled to start from March 25 this year.

Four lawyers have, however, expressed divergent views on the Court Shift System.

The new system, intended to be piloted at specific courts from next Monday, received both praise and criticism from the prominent court users in separate interviews with the Daily Graphic, with some calling for the implementation of other options to deal with the backlog of cases.

The courts selected for the CSS are the two High Courts at Adentan, the Amasaman High Court 1, the Circuit Court at Weija, the District Court at La, the District Court at Teshie, the two District Courts at Madina and the Nsawam High Court.

Rationale

A circular to all courts, signed by the Judicial Secretary, Justice Cyra Pamela Addo, and dated March 14, 2024, said the piloting of the court shift system was targeted at courts that had more than 600 cases pending.

The rationale, the circular said, was to reduce the backlog of cases to improve access to justice for people.

“The rationale for the Court Shift System stems from the fact that findings from a physical count of dockets undertaken in all courts nationwide demonstrated that a number of identified courts have huge caseloads, with some in excess of 600 pending cases.

“It is envisaged that the Court Shift System, when implemented, will reduce the backlog of cases in the specified courts, improve accessibility to justice for citizens by offering flexible court hours that accommodate diverse schedules, and enhance the overall effectiveness of the judicial system,” the circular said.

According to the circular, the CSS would be implemented by optimising the existing resources of the courts.

Backlog of cases

During an interaction with the media after the opening of a new Circuit Court at Atebubu in the Bono East Region in December last year, the Chief Justice hinted the implementation of the CSS on a pilot basis.

Justice Torkornoo lauded the government for constructing more than 100 new courts, which she said would increase access to justice.

She, however, said some courts had less case backlog compared to others which were inundated with as many as 1,000 cases.

Such a situation, she said, meant there was enormous pressure on such courts, making it difficult for them to deal with such cases expeditiously.

Lawyers’ views

But Senior Partner at Bentsi-Echill, Letsa and Ankomah, Ace Ankomah; journalist and Managing Partner at A-Partners @Law, Samson Lardy Anyenini; Managing Partner at WTS Nobisfields and Law lecturer at the University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA), Theophilus Tawiah; and Managing Partner at A-List Attorneys, Jerry John Asiedu, have expressed different views on the initiative.

Tight schedules

While lauding the initiative as revolutionary, Mr Ankomah said the initiative failed to take into consideration the impact on lawyers, who were one of the main actors in the justice delivery system.

He said hearing cases at night would add to the extreme tight schedules of lawyers.

“The lawyers’ work is not limited to the courtroom. Often, we drive long distances to get to court by 9 a.m. Then you arrive in the courtroom half tired already.

Then we may be on our feet for hours, arguing or simply sitting and waiting for our cases to be called, and juggling two or more cases in other courts. 

When we get back to the chambers, we have to work to clear files for the day, prepare and send client updates, do research and catch up on other drafting work, plan and prepare for the next day’s cases, conduct client interviews, work on other matters and do other non-dispute work.

“These are well-nigh impossible to achieve if we are to be in court in some days for up to 6 p.m. And we are only human, and there is only so much work that we can do,” he said.

Mr Ankomah called for more consultations on the shift system for its smooth implementation.

“There is certainly the need for more consultation and working together not just with the leadership of the Bar, but with the rank and file on how best to make this work or exploring other ways of clearing the backlog,” he added.

More needed to be done

Mr Anyenini welcomed the initiative but said it should be improved so that it does not become business as usual as pertains in some courts.

“What must not happen to this court shift system introduced in these particular courts loaded with cases is the needless adjournments.

I will, as it does, hurt for one to sacrifice their precious chamber work hours to drive all the way to the court only to be told it is not sitting, and to burn fuel in the crazy evening gridlock,” he said.

Apart from the CSS, counsel said more should be done to improve justice delivery in the country.

For instance, he said, rules should be introduced to provide specific timelines for the dispensation of cases just as it is done with presidential election petition, and for such timelines to be made part of judges’ key performance indicators.

“I have conducted a trial in a land matter within six months, and a parliamentary election case trial within two weeks. That can be the default turnaround time. The issue is that it took individual judge initiative to get judgment within six months and two weeks in those cases.”

Mr Anyenini also called for virtual courts sittings to be made part of the court system.

“It is the bigger picture of efficiency that I am concerned about. I should be able to do my simple motions and simple probate matters virtually or on phone-call with a judge, and also expect that proceedings, orders, judgments will be speedily available to me,” he said.

Positive initiative

For Mr Tawiah, the CSS was a positive and progressive initiative which should be expanded to other courts.

He was, however, of the view that in order to sustain it and make it part of the court system, there was the need for the Judicial Service to employ more judges or allow part-time judges to adjudicate on cases.

“The workload will always be there.

As the economy expands, there will be many cases for judges to deal with and there will be a lot of pressure on them. 

We may, therefore, have to consider the option of part-time judges,” he said.

He said another way the Judicial Service could reduce the backlog of cases was to improve its e-justice initiative and automate more courts to enable them to hear certain cases online.

“Certain courts should be automated so that they only hear online application.

 One court that could easily do that is the Probate and Administration Court.

 With the right IT infrastructure and system, this can be done.

This will ease the pressure on the courts,” he added.

Safety

For his part, Mr Asiedu said the CSS was a good one, but it should be implemented in a manner that will not bring untold hardship to litigants, lawyers and court staff.

He, therefore, called for measures that would ensure the safety of stakeholders in the justice delivery system when cases were heard at night.

“The shift system calls for the need to ensure tighter safety around the courts and also ensure effective lighting systems if the courts, lawyers and litigants are going to be on court premises till 6:30 p.m.

“Dumsor, for instance, at the courts in the evenings without alternative power arrangements will be problematic,” he added.

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In a recent interview on Joy FM’s Showbiz A-Z he attributed the lower visibility of Ghanaian films on Netflix to distribution gap. 

“A lot goes into it, talking about the quality and the standards, the requirements that they need to enable you get your film onto Netflix. But I have maintained and I am saying this that, our biggest problem as a space is because we do not have Ghanaian distributors who understand the terrain for distribution of films now.

So all the Ghanaian films that you see on Netflix, they didn’t get there by chance. They went through a distributor who could be a Nigerian or South African company who understands the model and these distribution companies always have a quota of films they have to submit. So of course, I am from this country, I would prioritize content coming from my country that content coming from Ghana,” he told the host Kwame Dadzie.

He emphasised that he had seen some very good Ghanaian films that could not make it through to Netflix because of the distributor they dealt with, and he was also privy to some very horrible films from different parts of the world ended up on Netflix.

He also touched on the business of demand meeting supply, as one of the reasons there are not many Ghanaian movies on Netflix.

“We have come to understand how Nigerians paying for subscription. So if Netflix is paying for their data they know where the money is coming from. They know those who are paying more for subscription. They will entertain them. They look at the analytics and know the type of films they watch, these are the kind of content they are interested in,” he said.

Netflix is an American subscription video on-demand over-the-top streaming service that primarily distributes original and acquired films and television shows from various genres, and it is available internationally in multiple languages.

Some Ghanaian films on Netflix are ‘The Burial of Kojo’, ‘Keteke’, ‘Azali’, ‘Gold Coast Lounge’, ‘Side Chic Gang’, ‘Aloe Vera’, ‘Ties That Bind’, among others.

He has exhibited widely, building an international reputation over several decades, as well as being regarded as a seminal figure on the West African art scene.

His work is held in many prestigious private and public collections, which include the Imperial Palace of Japan, the UNESCO headquarters in Paris and Chicago’s O’Hare International Airport.

He has received several national and international awards, including the Order of the Volta in Ghana, and is a Life Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, London.

He was Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Art Education and Dean of the College of Art at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology until 1994.

Born in the La community of Accra, Emmanuel Ablade Glover had his early education at Presbyterian mission schools.

He had his teacher training education at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi before winning a scholarship to study textile design at London’s Central School of Art and Design.

Glover returned to Ghana to teach for a while, before another scholarship, given by Kwame Nkrumah, enabled Glover to study art education at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne, where he began to use the tool that shaped his technique when his teacher suggested a palette knife to apply paint, rather than brushes.

Glover went on to further his education in the US, first at Kent State University, where he earned his master’s degree, and then at Ohio State University where he was awarded a PhD in 1974.

Returning to Ghana after receiving his doctorate, Glover taught for the next two decades at the College of Art at the University of Kumasi, becoming Department Head and College Dean.

He rose to the rank of associate professor within that period.

He founded the Accra-based Artists Alliance Gallery, which has roots in an earlier gallery he founded in the 1960s and its new incarnation was opened by Kofi Annan in 2008.

As well as being an outlet for Glover’s own work, this gallery features the work of other significant artists such as Owusu-Ankomah and George O. Hughes, together with collectible local artifacts.

Glover’s style has been described as “swirling between abstraction and realism” and his subject matter typically favours large urban landscapes, lorry parks, shantytowns, thronging markets and studies of the women of Ghana.

Asked about his influences, he has said: …if you notice, you see a lot of women in my work and people do ask me, why do you paint so many women? The first time I was asked the question, I didn’t think about it. I just opened my mouth and said because they are more beautiful than men. That wasn’t a serious answer. It was later, thinking about it, that it struck me they have courage. Women of Africa have some courage and they show it. When they walk the street, they are elegant. They are courageous, they are brave. When they are going about, they show it. Men don’t do that, do they?

In 1998, Glover received the Flagstar Award by ACRAG (the Arts Critics and Reviewers Association of Ghana) and was also honoured with the distinguished alumni award from the African-American Institute in New York City.

He has received several national and international awards, including the Order of the Volta in Ghana in 2007, and the Millennium Excellence Award in 2010 and is a Life Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, London.

He is also a Fellow of the Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences.

The trio are part of the star-studded cast currently shooting scenes for Lil Win’s highly anticipated movie, “A Country Called Ghana,” in a rural town in the Ashanti region.

Sharing the excitement on his Facebook page, the John and John actor posted a brief video showcasing Ramsey Nouah, Victor Osuagwu, and Charles Awurum in costume as law enforcement officers on set.

The 14-second clip, accompanied by the caption “A very big movie is coming,” quickly garnered over 17,000 likes and 1000 comments at the time of this report.

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His journey began in 1997 when he entered Parliament at the age of 40, becoming the third youngest MP on the NPP side.

Despite not being initially appointed as a Spokesperson or Deputy Spokesperson, he worked his way up and earned the position of co-deputy spokesperson for Youth and Sports and Works and Housing, the only person to have been so recognized. He was also a strong voice on Lands and Forestry matters.

A non-lawyer back-bencher of the Caucus, he single-handedly wrote the Caucus’ Constitution/Rules which came to guide the conduct of the NPP members in Parliament.

He was so preoccupied with the success of the Parliamentary party that he was often assisting the then Minority Leader, the venerable J. H. Mensah. In recognition of that fact, J. H. Mensah appointed him as the Secretary to the NPP group in Parliament.

In recognition of his versatility, the then Speaker of Parliament nominated him to accompany him on several trips including a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) International Conference in New Zealand.

Indeed, in the 1997-2000 group, he was the face of Youth and Sports even though Mustapha Iddriss was the spokesperson; he was the face of Forestry matters even though Agyare Koi-Larbi was the spokesperson on Lands and Forestry; he was the face of Works and Housing even though Kwamena Bartels was the spokesperson.

In 2001 when the NPP won the Presidential and general elections, most people expected him to be named as the Minister for Youth and Sports, it went to Mallam Issah.

In the meantime, Kwamena Bartels, the then newly appointed Minister for Works and Housing was also strongly lobbying for him to be made his Deputy Minister. None of these happened under President Kufour.

At the beginning of 2001, that is the commencement of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic, the Party, in consultation with the Parliamentary Leader, J. H. Mensah, appointed him as Deputy Majority Whip.

He rose to the position of Chief Whip after Abraham Ossei Aidoo moved from Chief Whip to Deputy Majority Leader under Hon. Felix Owusu Adjapong.

When Felix in 2007 announced his intention to contest for the Presidential Candidate of the NPP, he had to leave his position as Majority Leader. Ossei Aidooh replaced Felix Owusu Adjapong as the Majority Leader and Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu moved up to become the Deputy Majority Leader.

As the Deputy Whip, Chief Whip and Deputy Leader, all the Majority Leaders – J. H. Mensah, Papa Owusu Ankomah, Felix Owusu Adjapong and Ossei Aidooh all attest to the fact that Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was the one person who worked tirelessly to cover their backs.

Unsurprisingly, when the NPP lost power in 2008 and a new Parliament was ushered in, the NPP MPs in one accord, united behind him and had the party appoint him as the Minority Leader even though some elderly colleagues had been strenuously lobbying to be appointed as Minority Leader.

For the eight years Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu served as the Minority Leader, he distinguished himself and positioned the party as a credible alternative administration.

His advocacy was not propaganda but thorough, well-researched and very intellectual but at the same time, down-to-earth presentations.

His Leadership style was inclusive and unblemished, and that explains why when a group of the MPs resorted to subterfuge to change the Leader in 2013, their attempt was snuffed out by the larger group in Parliament working together with the central party under Jake Obetsebi Lamptey and Kwadwo Owusu Afriyie, aka, ‘’Sir John’’.

In the lead-up to the 2016 Presidential and General elections, the party suffered severe turbulence. It was as if the elected officers had positioned themselves against the victory of Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo Addo, the hope of the vast majority of the party members.

It took the effort of the then Minority Leader, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu and the then Chairman of the Disciplinary Committee, Prof. Mike Oquaye to rescue the party by causing and facilitating the holding of the Presidential Primaries which yet again resulted in the victory of Nana Akufo Addo.

If there was one group in the NPP which worked tirelessly, consistently and unrelentingly towards the victory of the NPP in the 2016 elections, it certainly was the NPP Minority Caucus under the Leadership of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu through their activities in Parliament, the various information platforms including press conferences, lectures, symposia, television and radio interviews as well as other political engagements such as demonstrations.

Many of the Ministers, especially during the first chapter of the Nana Akufo Addo administration, before the advent of COVID-19, sponsored many revolutionary bills. The anchor person who smithed these Bills that Parliament passed is no other person than Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu.

Even in Minority in Parliament, he was the lead person in polishing bills that the government brought to Parliament for passage. The Attorneys-General in the NDC government all attest to this, and that is right from the time of Dr. Obed Asamoah. To Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu, this is service to God and country.

In terms of parliamentary practice, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu knows something about every subject matter, be it education, local government, agriculture, health, works, housing, finance, energy, trade, industry, sports, forestry, you name it.

Indeed, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu serves as the loom for the party, and it is the reason why every morning, the various radio and television stations want to hear his views on literally every subject matter.

He has been the most principled and stoic defender of the cause of the party and government, in government and in opposition, which arguably no one else has done before. It is the reason why social communicators, especially, the uninitiated always target him for insults, not for any intellectual engagement, of course.

In all these matters which others would sprint away from or shield themselves, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has remained unperturbed, often quoting former Prime Minister Busia that, ‘’to become a successful politician in Africa one must have a large stomach to take in all manner of stuff, the good and the bad’’.

The contribution of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu to our democracy is in the area of governance and that is where he stands tall.

In terms of complementarity, the attributes of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu cannot be matched by anyone in Parliament now.

In the near-hung parliament, the diplomatic skills of the Majority Leader who leads a skin-of-the-teeth Majority Caucus, are admirable.

He is very intentional in bringing the emboldened Minority Caucus who have a sympathetic Speaker to cushion them, on board of major issues.

He is a tough nut when he needs to be, especially when he picks his points on issues relating to the constitution, various enactments, the practices and conventions of the House, and above all, the Standing Orders, gliding his way through suppositions, perceptions and plain farce. That is why the MPs see him as peerless.

The versatility of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu became manifest when in the absence of a Finance Minister, (because en Ofori-Atta who had been nominated by the President had not been vetted and approved by Parliament and following the Constitution, the Finance Ministry did not yet have a Deputy Minister) he was authorised by the President to present the Budget Statement and Economic Policy for the year 2021. Parliament and the entire nation gave him a standing ovation for an impeccable delivery.

The Majority Leader and Leader of the House that Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has been for the past seven years, he has been a father, big brother and uncle to many of the MPs from both sides of the political divide.

It is why on any typical working day, his office experiences a constant stream of NPP and NDC members visiting for various reasons. The Majority Leader has patience for all of them. That is how harmony is kept in the House of Parliament.

The Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs has been used to harmonise relationships between MPs (on both sides) and MMDCEs as well as Regional Ministers. That is why the rancorous and acrimonious relationship that had existed between MPs, MMDCEs and Regional Minsters is gradually easing off.

The unifier that Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu is, the Technical Committee that exists at the Ministry to input into bills is made up of both NPP and NDC members and the Nation is benefitting from that vehicle.

The Consultative Committee that has been put together by the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs comprises all shades of political opinion and is working assiduously to holistically review the Constitution.

At the international level, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu rose to become the President of the Africa Parliamentarians Network Against Corruption (APNAC). He served for two consecutive two-year terms, having first been elected in Kampala, Uganda and, for the Second term, in Ndjamena, Chad by his peers.

At the global level, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was elected as the Vice President of the Canada-based Global Organisation of Parliamentarians Against Corruption. He served for a total period of 4-years as such and only recused himself when he was appointed a minister in the Nana Akufo Addo-led government in 2021.

Within the Geneva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) which is the world assembly of parliaments, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu gained the admiration of his associates when he got elected to chair one of the only four committees at the IPU, representing Africa.

Within the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, he has for more than 15 years been an Executive member for the African Regional chapter.

Within CPA International, he has been an Executive Committee member for four years culminating in his election to serve as Acting Vice Chairman for two years and substantive Vice Chairman for an additional year.

Even though a non-lawyer, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was charged with the responsibility of reviewing the constitutions of APNAC and GOPAC which amendments were subsequently unanimously approved by the respective plenary of the two associations.

In reviewing the constitutions of both CPA, Africa Region and CPA International, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has played crucial roles.

Charity, it is said, begins at home. It is worthy to note that Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has played a very pivotal role in reviewing the Standing Orders of Parliament which the House may soon adopt and implement.

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was the first to identify Dr Bawumia as the successor to President Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo-Addo. He was the first to step out and to stick his neck out for him. That attracted punches from the then potential aspirants including, in particular, Boakye Agyarko. Many chose to remain in their shells.

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was the one who mooted the idea about three years ago that the party should build consensus on a Bawumia-Alan ticket (he was not thinking of himself). Nana Akomea was later to retail the idea. He was also lampooned. If people who matter in the party had taken the matter up!

Despite not being initially appointed as a Spokesperson or Deputy Spokesperson, he worked his way up and earned the position of co-deputy spokesperson for Youth and Sports and Works and Housing, the only person to have been so recognized. He was also a strong voice on Lands and Forestry matters.

A non-lawyer back-bencher of the Caucus, he single-handedly wrote the Caucus’ Constitution/Rules which came to guide the conduct of the NPP members in Parliament. He was so preoccupied with the success of the Parliamentary party that he was often assisting the then Minority Leader, the venerable J. H. Mensah. In recognition of that fact, J. H. Mensah appointed him as the Secretary to the NPP group in Parliament.

In recognition of his versatility, the then Speaker of Parliament nominated him to accompany him on several trips including a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) International Conference in New Zealand. Indeed, in the 1997-2000 group, he was the face of Youth and Sports even though Mustapha Iddriss was the spokesperson; he was the face of Forestry matters even though Agyare Koi-Larbi was the spokesperson on Lands and Forestry; he was the face of Works and Housing even though Kwamena Bartels was the spokesperson.

In 2001 when the NPP won the Presidential and general elections, most people expected him to be named as the Minister for Youth and Sports, it went to Mallam Issah. In the meantime, Kwamena Bartels, the then newly appointed Minister for Works and Housing was also strongly lobbying for him to be made his Deputy Minister. None of these happened under President Kufour.

At the beginning of 2001, that is the commencement of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic, the Party, in consultation with the Parliamentary Leader, J. H. Mensah, appointed him as Deputy Majority Whip. He rose to the position of Chief Whip after Abraham Ossei Aidoo moved from Chief Whip to Deputy Majority Leader under Hon. Felix Owusu Adjapong.

When Felix in 2007 announced his intention to contest for the Presidential Candidate of the NPP, he had to leave his position as Majority Leader. Ossei Aidooh replaced Felix Owusu Adjapong as the Majority Leader and Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu moved up to become the Deputy Majority Leader.

As the Deputy Whip, Chief Whip and Deputy Leader, all the Majority Leaders – J. H. Mensah, Papa Owusu Ankomah, Felix Owusu Adjapong and Ossei Aidooh all attest to the fact that Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was the one person who worked tirelessly to cover their backs.

Unsurprisingly, when the NPP lost power in 2008 and a new Parliament was ushered in, the NPP MPs in one accord, united behind him and had the party appoint him as the Minority Leader even though some elderly colleagues had been strenuously lobbying to be appointed as Minority Leader.

For the eight years Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu served as the Minority Leader, he distinguished himself and positioned the party as a credible alternative administration. His advocacy was not propaganda but thorough, well-researched and very intellectual but at the same time, down-to-earth presentations.

His Leadership style was inclusive and unblemished, and that explains why when a group of the MPs resorted to subterfuge to change the Leader in 2013, their attempt was snuffed out by the larger group in Parliament working together with the central party under Jake Obetsebi Lamptey and Kwadwo Owusu Afriyie, aka, ‘’Sir John’’.

In the lead-up to the 2016 Presidential and General elections, the party suffered severe turbulence. It was as if the elected officers had positioned themselves against the victory of Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo Addo, the hope of the vast majority of the party members. It took the effort of the then Minority Leader, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu and the then Chairman of the Disciplinary Committee, Prof. Mike Oquaye to rescue the party by causing and facilitating the holding of the Presidential Primaries which yet again resulted in the victory of Nana Akufo Addo.

If there was one group in the NPP which worked tirelessly, consistently and unrelentingly towards the victory of the NPP in the 2016 elections, it certainly was the NPP Minority Caucus under the Leadership of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu through their activities in Parliament, the various information platforms including press conferences, lectures, symposia, television and radio interviews as well as other political engagements such as demonstrations.

Many of the Ministers, especially during the first chapter of the Nana Akufo Addo administration, before the advent of COVID-19, sponsored many revolutionary bills. The anchor person who smithed these Bills that Parliament passed is no other person than Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu.

Even in Minority in Parliament, he was the lead person in polishing bills that the government brought to Parliament for passage. The Attorneys-General in the NDC government all attest to this, and that is right from the time of Dr. Obed Asamoah. To Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu, this is service to God and country.

In terms of parliamentary practice, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu knows something about every subject matter, be it education, local government, agriculture, health, works, housing, finance, energy, trade, industry, sports, forestry, you name it. Indeed, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu serves as the loom for the party, and it is the reason why every morning, the various radio and television stations want to hear his views on literally every subject matter.

He has been the most principled and stoic defender of the cause of the party and government, in government and in opposition, which arguably no one else has done before. It is the reason why social communicators, especially, the uninitiated always target him for insults, not for any intellectual engagement, of course. In all these matters which others would sprint away from or shield themselves, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has remained unperturbed, often quoting former Prime Minister Busia that, ‘’to become a successful politician in Africa one must have a large stomach to take in all manner of stuff, the good and the bad’’.

The contribution of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu to our democracy is in the area of governance and that is where he stands tall. In terms of complementarity, the attributes of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu cannot be matched by anyone in Parliament now.

In the near-hung parliament, the diplomatic skills of the Majority Leader who leads a skin-of-the-teeth Majority Caucus, are admirable. He is very intentional in bringing the emboldened Minority Caucus who have a sympathetic Speaker to cushion them, on board of major issues.

He is a tough nut when he needs to be, especially when he picks his points on issues relating to the constitution, various enactments, the practices and conventions of the House, and above all, the Standing Orders, gliding his way through suppositions, perceptions and plain farce. That is why the MPs see him as peerless.

The versatility of Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu became manifest when in the absence of a Finance Minister, (because en Ofori-Atta who had been nominated by the President had not been vetted and approved by Parliament and following the Constitution, the Finance Ministry did not yet have a Deputy Minister) he was authorised by the President to present the Budget Statement and Economic Policy for the year 2021. Parliament and the entire nation gave him a standing ovation for an impeccable delivery.

The Majority Leader and Leader of the House that Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has been for the past seven years, he has been a father, big brother and uncle to many of the MPs from both sides of the political divide. It is why on any typical working day, his office experiences a constant stream of NPP and NDC members visiting for various reasons. The Majority Leader has patience for all of them. That is how harmony is kept in the House of Parliament.

The Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs has been used to harmonise relationships between MPs (on both sides) and MMDCEs as well as Regional Ministers. That is why the rancorous and acrimonious relationship that had existed between MPs, MMDCEs and Regional Minsters is gradually easing off.

The unifier that Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu is, the Technical Committee that exists at the Ministry to input into bills is made up of both NPP and NDC members and the Nation is benefitting from that vehicle.

The Consultative Committee that has been put together by the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs comprises all shades of political opinion and is working assiduously to holistically review the Constitution.

At the international level, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu rose to become the President of the Africa Parliamentarians Network Against Corruption (APNAC). He served for two consecutive two-year terms, having first been elected in Kampala, Uganda and, for the Second term, in Ndjamena, Chad by his peers.

At the global level, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was elected as the Vice President of the Canada-based Global Organisation of Parliamentarians Against Corruption. He served for a total period of 4-years as such and only recused himself when he was appointed a minister in the Nana Akufo Addo-led government in 2021.

Within the Geneva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) which is the world assembly of parliaments, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu gained the admiration of his associates when he got elected to chair one of the only four committees at the IPU, representing Africa.

Within the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, he has for more than 15 years been an Executive member for the African Regional chapter.

Within CPA International, he has been an Executive Committee member for four years culminating in his election to serve as Acting Vice Chairman for two years and substantive Vice Chairman for an additional year.

Even though a non-lawyer, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was charged with the responsibility of reviewing the constitutions of APNAC and GOPAC which amendments were subsequently unanimously approved by the respective plenary of the two associations.

In reviewing the constitutions of both CPA, Africa Region and CPA International, Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has played crucial roles.

Charity, it is said, begins at home. It is worthy to note that Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu has played a very pivotal role in reviewing the Standing Orders of Parliament which the House may soon adopt and implement.

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was the first to identify Dr Bawumia as the successor to President Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo-Addo. He was the first to step out and to stick his neck out for him. That attracted punches from the then potential aspirants including, in particular, Boakye Agyarko. Many chose to remain in their shells.

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was the one who mooted the idea about three years ago that the party should build consensus on a Bawumia-Alan ticket (he was not thinking of himself). Nana Akomea was later to retail the idea. He was also lampooned. If people who matter in the party had taken the matter up!

Ghana’s political dynamics and the affirmative action: The position of Dr…

John Mahama argued that, election security is primarily the job of the police and not the military.

The NDC flagbearer was addressing members of the Ahmadiya Muslim Mission of Ghana during their 91st Annual National Convention (Jalsa).

The 2024 Jalsa is focused on what the mission describes as Celebrating 100 years of Islamic Revival in Ghana.

Speaking as the guest of honour for the second day of the three-day event, former President Mahama said the comments made by DCOP Gabriel Prince Waabu are true and must not be taken out of context.

It will be recalled that during the launch of the Multimedia Group’s Election Headquarters, the Director-General of Research of the Ghana Police Service indicated, among other things, that the military will not be used for basic roles during this year’s polls.

These developments forced the Police Service to reject that position in a press release.

But Mr. Mahama believes the military is mostly stationed to handle issues beyond the police and not at polling centres for election monitoring.

He describes the decision by the Ghana Police Service as strange, urging them to remain professional in protecting voters.

The NDC flagbearer added that, the police invite other security agencies such as immigration and fire service due to their low numbers to man all polling centres.

John Mahama further charged faith-based organizations to include advocacy for justice in the preaching of peaceful elections they are currently championing.

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It currently has only one operational dialysis machine, compelling the unit to refer individuals in need of services to private facilities.

Finance Minister, Mohammed Amin Adam assured that the challenges facing KATH would be addressed.

“Because of the concern by our president, the directive for us to find money and address these outstanding infrastructure issues.

“You have seen us moving very quickly and this visit by me demonstrates the commitment to addressing these challenges so we can bring relief to the people of Kumasi, Ashanti region.

“And I know that lots of cases are referred to Komfo Anokye from other regions of the country,” he said.

However, the Ranking Member on the Health Committee in parliament, Kwabena Mintah Akandoh says government has a problem of misplaced priorities.

“I don’t understand why government cannot purchase dialysis machines for hospitals. And we are interested in Agenda 111, wasting a lot of money.

“And if you listen to the kind of things we are using our resources, you ask yourself, do we have our priorities right?” he quizzed.

According to him, funds for the Agenda 111 project could have been used to retool many hospitals.

For him, government has demonstrated no commitment to solving the problem.

“And when you get officials to come and speak to the issue, they either lie to you, or they give you hopeless hope.

“You’ll recall that the Minister was briefing the Parliament of Ghana on the floor that House indicated that the President has instructed him to look at means of including dialysis in the National Health Insurance Scheme.”

“Have you ever gotten ready to do anything about it? They are not ready to do anything about it and it hurts.”

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Titled 1957, the upcoming Ghallywood film promises to shed light on the origins of the age-old feud between the Asante and Northern tribes, its implications and advocacy for national unity.

Northern immigrants have been present in the Ashanti region dating back to the early 18th century.

However, over time, these communities have become embroiled in bitter rivalries, sparking tribalism that persists to this day.

In a bid to confront the issue head-on, Kyekyeku has assembled a diverse cast representing both the Ashanti and Northern tribes.

Notable names include veteran Kalsoume Sinare, Papa Kumasi, Dr. Likee, Vanessa Nicole, Bernice Asare, Empress Gifty, and many others, all coming together to deliver a powerful message of unity and reconciliation.

The highly anticipated premiere of 1957 film is scheduled to coincide with Ghana’s Independence Day on March 6 at the SG Mall in the Ashanti Regional capital, Kumasi.

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As Ghanaians anticipate the latest production, celebrities have also showered Kyekyeku with love for the groundbreaking project.

Watch trailer below:       

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by official kyekyeku (@officialkyekyeku)

Speaking on Atinka TV’s Agenda Show on Wednesday, February 15, 2024, Dr. Domfe said it is erroneous to blame Mr. Ofori-Atta for the challenges the Ghanaian economy faces.

“At the beginning of 2022, Ghana had over GH¢9 billion reserves but the extraneous factors came in to disrupt the economic growth trajectory. It happened to be the highest nominal reserves ever for the country” he said.

“The war Putin waged on Ukraine drove oil prices from $72 per barrel to $121 in 2022. The Finance Minister of Ghana does not control that” he averred.

Dr. George Domfe also indicated that unlike the US economy which is not affected if the one in charge of finances even gets sick, Ghana is different, adding, Ghana’s financial sector is not that responsive to such changes.

“Ghana’s economy is not so well integrated into the global economy and for that matter, the removal of the Finance Minister, Ken Ofori-Atta, will not have any effect on the economy”.

Dr. Domfe also indicated that COVID-19 also had debilitating effects on the economy as prices of the factors of production went astronomically high, thereby affecting prices of goods in the country.

“The global supply chain was hugely hit by the closures of factories due to COVID-19. Production went critically low, leading to more monies chasing few goods” he indicated, citing the effects on even the developed economies.

He held that when production factors have their prices increased, the resultant effects were that importers and manufacturers had to adjust their prices upward, and that contributed significantly to bringing the economy to its knees.

“When all these factors are taken into consideration, it’d be an error of judgment to hold Ken Ofori-Atta responsible for our economic crisis. He also is not to blame”, he stated.

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Prof Gyampo expressed concern that the recent reshuffling was not carried out in a way that met the standards of transparency and fairness that are expected in a democratic society.

Speaking on the AM show on Joy TV, he explained that the criteria for the reshuffling are based on factors such as competence and expertise.

“First of all, you do reshuffling because, it introduces new skills, talents, competence, and fresh ideas to governance machinery. Secondly, reshuffling is a way of repositioning people to areas where their talents and expertise will be better needed.”

Professor Gyampo explained that reshuffling can serve as a means of holding government officials accountable, as the threat of demotion can motivate them to work harder and deliver results.

According to him, reshuffling is an opportunity to replace underperforming officials with more qualified and capable individuals.

“They may be used as a mechanism to downsize government or bring into board more hands to help. They are a mechanism for promoting inclusivity in governance and nation building.”

Professor Gyampo stated that reshuffling must be undertaken periodically in developing democracy.

However, he noted that frequent reshuffles can have negative effects, such as the loss of institutional knowledge and experience in carrying out the task of governance.

“But also refusing to reshuffle or delaying for a long time for the calls of reshuffling as our current president has done is also dangerous as it perpetuate incompetence, promotes complacency and denies a developing country like Ghana of access to its limited resource base that must be tapped for national development.”

“The periodization of reshuffling is more important than its frequency. This explains why successive government in the fourth republic of Ghana periodically reshuffles. The only government that appears to have no appreciation of the idea of reshuffling, as far as I am concerned , it’s the current one headed by President Akufo- Addo,” he said.

Background

After months of calls from the general public, President Akufo-Addo has made changes to his government.

This comes a month after former Trade Minister, Alan Kyerematen and Agriculture Minister Dr Owusu Afriyie Akoto resigned to focus on their respective political campaigns.

As required by the 1992 Constitution, the President wrote to the Speaker of Parliament, informing him of the new changes in government on Tuesday, February 7.

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This year’s event, which is on the theme: “Our Democracy, Our Pride”, was launched in Koforidua yesterday, alongside the unveiling of the anniversary logo.

The President of Cote d’Ivoire, Alassane Ouattara, is expected to grace the ceremony as the Guest of Honour, while President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo takes the salute.

A total of 21 contingents from the various security services and 11 schools in the Eastern Region will be on parade, aside from other cultural groups.

Dignitaries

The two former Presidents, John Agyekum Kufuor and John Dramani Mahama, will also be there.

Also in attendance will be the Speaker of Parliament, Alban Sumana Kingsford Bagbin, the Chief Justice, Justice Gertrude Torkornoo, Supreme Court Justices, as well as all the 275 Members of Parliament (MPs).

The President of the Eastern Regional House of Chiefs, who is also the Konor of Manya Krobo, Nene Sakite II, and all the 11 paramount chiefs in the region are also expected to attend.

Members of the diplomatic corps, representing 120 countries, members of the Council of State, as well as Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs), will also grace the occasion.

Eighteen groupings of various bodies in 16 regions will equally make their presence felt. 

Rotation 

The Director of Operations at the Presidency and Chairman of the National Planning Committee of the event, Mr Lord Commey, said in 2017, President Akufo-Addo decided to rotate the venue of the independence celebration, which hitherto was held only in Accra, the national capital.

He indicated that the rotation was to boost the economies of the various regions and open them to the outside world.

Mr Commey, who described the anniversary as important, said it would project the Eastern Region and its rich culture to the rest of the world.

Mr Commey said he was happy with the progress of work at the Koforidua Youth Resource Centre and expressed the hope that this year’s event would be the best so far.

Local economy

The Eastern Regional Minister, Seth Kwame Acheampong, was happy the region had been selected for the national event since that would boost the economy and the rich culture of the region to the outside world.

He said adequate preparations had been made to deliver a beautiful and successful celebration.

The minister said as the President’s representative in the region, he was proud to be part of the historic occasion.

He thanked the President for choosing the region for the event, as well as his commitment to national development.

Mr Acheampong called on the people, chiefs, queenmothers, political parties, youth groups, traders and artisans, among others, to get on board to make the event memorable.

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Lilwin has been sued for derogatory comments against Martha’s professionalism and integrity in the film industry.

In a defamatory suit filed at an Accra High Court on February 14, Martha Ankomah is demanding damages among others in the sum of GH¢5 million and an apology and a retraction of the said defamatory words with the same prominence.

Taking to Instagram, the comic actor shared an old video of the Chairman of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) Asiedu Nketia clarifying his 2012 infamous comment “Every idiot can go to court.”

Attached to the video was a caption which read; As the final arbiter of the law, the Court is charged with ensuring the Ghanaian people the promise of equal justice under the law and, thereby, also functions as guardian and interpreter of the Constitution. Movie is my Life. Long live Ghana ?? Movie. Thus me #Lilwin #wezzyempire.

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Watch the video below:

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by OfficialLilWin (@officiallilwin)

Speaking on 3Music TV, she emphasised that in such compromises women are not only being taken advantage of or exploited but, also undermines their dignity and self-respect.

“It’s just that some men think that is how they can exhibit power…If you are a young girl and you are caught up in that situation, I’ll say to you, do not have sex with a man,” the broadcast journalist said.

“One girl told me if ‘I have sex with a man it’s not written on my forehead, nobody will know’. Yes, but it is your dignity. If you want to have sex with a man, have sex with a man but not because there is an opportunity at stake, that is your self-esteem gone,” she added.

Although she has never had any man give her such an ultimatum in the workplace, she strongly believes that it is in the interest of any woman in such a situation to not risk it.

Additionally, she noted that the blame cannot be placed at the feet of the young women in such situations as many do.

Addressing the tendency to blame young women for these predicaments, she said “It is not their fault…if you say watch ‘how you carry yourself’ then you are apportioning some blame to the young women. There is an insane man who thinks that ‘this girl, even though she is competent, I must get into her pants before she gets the job.’ So it is not the young woman’s fault,” she said.

Nana Aba Anamoah believes it is completely fine if women decide to have mutual sex however, they should never do it because there is an opportunity at stake.

“Of course, you will be confronted with so many challenges that at that point you need the job and the money…However I want to tell every young woman that exchanging sex for a job is not the way to go,” she said.

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Mr Ankomah declined to serve on the committee, where he was to serve as the Vice Chairman, with the Vice President of the Ghana Football Association (GFA), Mark Addo serving as the Committee Chairman.

The formation of this committee follows the removal of Chris Hughton from the coaching position after the Black Stars’ early exit from the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournament. Despite overseeing Ghana’s qualification, the team managed to secure only two points out of a potential nine.

The committee’s primary responsibility is to recommend a qualified coach to the Executive Council of the Football Association.

Other members of the committee include Professor Joseph Kwame Mintah, the Director of Coaching Education at the GFA, Opoku Nti, a Ghanaian football legend, and William Caesar Kartey, the Chief Director of the Ministry of Youth and Sports.

In related news, the Ghana Football Association (GFA) has announced that the deadline for submitting applications for the coaching role is set for February 2.

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Initially designated as the vice chairman of the committee by the Ghana Football Association (GFA) on Thursday, January 25, Ankomah was expected to collaborate with committee chairperson Vice President Mark Addo.

The other committee members included Professor Joseph Kwame Mintah, Director of Coaching Education at the GFA; Opoku Nti, Ghanaian football legend; and William Caesar Kartey, Chief Director of the Ministry of Youth and Sports.

The committee’s primary task was to recommend a new coach to the GFA’s Executive Council after Chris Hughton was relieved from his role as the Black Stars coach on January 23, 2024, following the team’s disappointing performance at the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) in Ivory Coast.

Sports journalist, Saddick Adams in a post on X reported that, Ace Ankomah, the legal expert, has declined the committee appointment.

“I’ve been informed that Lawyer Ace Ankomah has declined to serve on the Committee to search for a new Black Stars coach. I have personally called on the President of Ghana to dissolve that Committee, halt the search, and instruct his minister and the GFA to first, render an apology to the people of Ghana.

“Submit technical and management reports, and their budget and investigate the causes of the disaster in Abidjan. It’s commendable that Lawyer Ace has declined. The other members should follow suit in their interest. The chairman of that committee himself is not fit for purpose. Aluta Continua.”

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A dedicated five-member search committee has been set up to assess and propose a suitable candidate to the Executive Council for endorsement.

Heading the Committee is Mark Addo, Vice President of the Ghana Football Association, with lawyer, Ace Ankomah (Esq.) serving as Vice Chairman.

Other committee members include: Professor Joseph Kwame Mintah, Director of Coaching Education at the GFA, iconic Ghanaian football figure ,Opoku Nti, and William Caesar Kartey, Chief Director of the Ministry of Youth and Sports.

The Committee is entrusted with the responsibility of presenting their recommendation for the next Black Stars coach within a three-week time frame. Furthermore, a comprehensive job description for the head coach will be released shortly to guide the selection process.

Below is the full statement

This announcement comes after Chris Hughton was sacked following Ghana’s disappointing performance at the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations (GFA) tournament, where the team exited at the group phase with just two points.

The criteria for the selection of the new head coach has been summarized, with the Ghana FA emphasizing the need for a thorough and strategic approach to find a suitable candidate.

• 1. The potential Head Coach should be a proven winner in coaching Top Men’s  National Team or Club Football
• 2. Must have a football philosophy that aligns with or compliments our DNA
• 3. Must hold the highest football license in the world with over 15 years of coaching experience
• 4. Proven track record in team reconstruction, organization and development of young talent
• 5. Proven disciplinarian, tactician and leadership skills

Simultaneously, a five-member committee has been appointed by the Ghana FA to evaluate and recommend a suitable candidate to the Executive Council for approval.

The committee, led by Mark Addo, Vice President of the Ghana Football Association, includes legal expert Ace Ankomah (Esq.) as Vice Chairman. Other members of the committee comprise Professor Joseph Kwame Mintah, Director of Coaching Education at the GFA, Opoku Nti, an iconic Ghanaian football figure, and William Caesar Kartey, Chief Director of the Ministry of Youth and Sports.

The committee is tasked with presenting their recommendation for the next Black Stars coach within a three-week timeframe.

Additionally, a detailed job description for the head coach position will be released soon to guide the selection process according to the Ghana FA.

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The photos were to mark the little girl’s birthday as she turned a year older on January 19.

The series of photos posted captured a happy child who served bold fashion statements in pink and yellow outfits.

She has her hair tied up in a pony with the edges neatly laid as she gave off exciting poses for the camera.

Miss Ankomah shared the lovely photos on Facebook captioned, Happy birthday to my beautiful lovely daughter. I love you.

Though details about the baby girl remains sketchy, the post has generated many goodwill messages from followers.

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Below is the post:

And now the end is here
And so I face that final curtain
My friend I’ll make it clear
I’ll state my case, of which I’m certain
I’ve lived a life that’s full
I traveled each and every highway
And more, much more
I did it, I did it my way

Regrets, I’ve had a few
But then again too few to mention
I did what I had to do
I saw it through without exemption
I planned each charted course
Each careful step along the byway
And more, much, much more
I did it, I did it my way

Yes, there were times I’m sure you knew
When I bit off more than I could chew
But through it all, when there was doubt
I ate it up and spit it out
I faced it all and I stood tall and did it my way

For what is a man, what has he got?
If not himself then he has naught
Not to say the things that he truly feels
And not the words of someone who kneels
Let the record shows I took all the blows and did it my way

Mr Ablakwa has said the Attorney General, Godfred Dame Yeboah will also be summoned to answer questions on the debt.

“Our oversight role in terms of summoning these ministers and finding out why they created this, and seeing if there can even be a vote of censure, failed the last time we tried that because we did not have the two-thirds majority.

“But we will not give up, and we have already served notice that we are going to pursue this matter because this is such a colossal amount of money wasted, and people must answer questions. You can’t waste all of these resources which could have been used to build roads, hospitals, solve our water problems, and address our housing challenges for displaced persons. So, I can assure you that we are not going to be derelict on this matter,” he stated in an interview on Accra-based Citi FM.

Ghana incurred the judgment debt over a decision to terminate the power purchase agreement with the Ghana Power Generating Company (GPGC).

Upon the advice of the Attorney General in 2017, the government terminated the deal on grounds that due to its attendant high tariffs, if implemented, it would have cost the state $115,480,000.

But Trafigura, the majority owner of GPGC in January 2021 secured the award after an arbitral tribunal in London found that Ghana had unlawfully terminated a contract for the installation and operation of two power plants.

The government was mandated to pay $170 million to the company or face the risk of losing the Ghana High Commission building in the UK, which provides visa and other services; the commissioner’s residence; the Ghana International Bank building; and other properties through auctioning.

The government has thus released $20 million to initiate the payment process.

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The project is in fulfillment of the MDF board’s aim to provide financial support to mining institutions and communities for sustainable development.

Commissioning the fully furnished facility on Wednesday, the Deputy Minister for Lands and Natural Resources responsible for Mines, George Mireku Duker, said, Manso-Nkran is one of the many mining communities across the country that has benefited from mineral royalties.

Mr Duker applauded the Chief of Manso-Nkran, Nana Danso-Poku and leaders of the Local Management Committee (LMC) for making the right decision to have a police station which will serve as a place of public order and safety in the community.

He urged the Police personnel to cultivate a good maintenance culture to keep the building in good condition, while admonishing the people to cooperate with the police to better serve the community as required.

The Minister used the platform to reiterate the benefits Ghana stands to gain in the lithium contract between Barari DV Ghana Limited, a subsidiary of Atlantic Lithium Limited.

He stressed that the Lithium project will provide an increase in royalty rate, improve state and Ghanaian participation, as well as value addition to the mineral to be mined.

The Ashanti South Regional Police Commander, ACP George Ankomah who spoke on behalf of the Inspector General of Police, Dr. George Akuffo-Dampare indicated the readiness Police to judiciously use the resources provided to aid in the discharge of  their duties.

The Police Commander maintained that in enforcing laws, there is a need to have a  shared responsibility between the police and the citizenry, and further encouraged the police to live in harmony to help enhance their working life.

Addressing the gathering, the Deputy Minister for Agriculture, who doubles as MP for Manso Adubia Constituency, Yaw Frimpong Addo indicated that plans are far advanced to provide good roads, electricity, telephone facilities and proper security for the community.

He also pledged his unwavering commitment and assistance to the Chiefs and people of Manso-Nkran, stressing that ”he will respond to them anytime he’s called Upon”

On his part, the Amansie South District Chief Executive, Hon. Lawyer Clement Opoku Gyamfi, mentioned that the ultramodern police station has a male and female cells with washrooms, one juvenile cell, seven offices which makes it unique from other stations in the district and disclosed that a nine bedroom apartment will also be handed over to house the Police personnel.

Awards were presented to some deserving officers for their commitment and hardwork in bringing the project to fruition.

During an exclusive interview on JoyNews’ PM Express, Business Edition, the High Commissioner indicated the proactive steps taken to tackle challenges and bolster economic ties between Ghana and the United Kingdom.

He highlighted the establishment of the UK Ghana Business Council in 2018, which convenes biannually to engage in comprehensive discussions regarding trade priorities and challenges encountered by both countries.

The primary focus is to identify barriers to trade and to devise actionable strategies to overcome them.

“Recently too, at the last meeting in June, the UK, Ghana Investors Advisory Group was set up.It is supposed to focus on the private sector and then try and as it were, see if there are any bottlenecks to investment and trade, and then put in place or make recommendations to overcome these bottlenecks,” he highlighted on Thursday.

The High Commissioner noted that there is a mutual commitment of both nations to enhance their economic relationship, expand trade opportunities, and encourage investment for the benefit of both Ghana and the United Kingdom.

He acknowledged the substantial progress achieved in recent years and underscored the significance of the UK’s support to achieve its goal of fostering a more conducive environment for business and investment.

“So we are making the best effort on both sides to improve upon our economic relations and deepen economic relations, expand the areas of trade, business and investment for a win-win situation for both countries.

Acknowledging Ghana’s strengths in automotive, textiles and pharmaceuticals sectors, Mr Owusu-Ankomah insisted that the support of the UK government and its agencies was crucial to train business individuals in the said sectors and enable these skilled professionals to identify and explore markets in the United Kingdom effectively, thus facilitating increased exports of Ghanaian products.

“Of course, we’ve signed the Trade Partnership Agreement, in just early part of 2021 where you could have free access to markets in the UK. So a lot depends on us and with the support of the UK government.

We’ll try to then identify as I said, the bottlenecks and then enable our entrepreneurs in those particular areas to be able to export more to the United Kingdom,” he said.

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She made this known in an interview with colleague actor Peter Ritchie ahead of their upcoming premiere of film, Shades of Grace, in November at Silverbird Cinemas.

According to her, if a film does not frown on evil and inspires good for personal enrichment and national advancement, it makes no sense and is not worth her time.

“I’ve rejected a lot of roles. Basically, I look at the storyline and the script. If I read the script and there’s no sense in it, I will not join the cast,” she said.

“There are movies which go about in circles and appear aimless. You find no sound advice in it. It’s not something the youth can learn productive things from. So any movie without a good moral lesson, I reject,” she added.

She cited an example of how she was bold to recently tell a producer a script didn’t make sense.

“I was bold enough to tell the person who sent the script that the story doesn’t make sense. I was straightforward, and I have said that to many producers also,” she indicated.

“Nowadays, people don’t see me in a lot of movies. It’s because if the movie doesn’t make sense, I won’t show up for it,” she stated.

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Introduction

I feel highly honoured but down spirited by this invitation to lead this lecture today. Mr. Chairman, on the eve of our independence, our country was consecrated to the sacred and Immaculate hearts of our Lord Jesus Christ and our Mother the Blessed Virgin Mary.

This probably explains why Ghana has not experienced major mishaps. The returns from such a consecration are normally inestimable as exemplified in the cases of the United States of America and Israel.

Against this background, where Ghana stands now is a cause for grave lamentation. Ghana is heavily blessed in terms of natural and human resources so one is justified to ask: why the economic and social hardships?

That said, my mandate for this lecture as per my invitation letter is in terms of:

1. Sharing my lived experiences with the Justice delivery system vi-a-vis public confidence in the judiciary.
2. How recent Judicial pronouncements and rulings portend for consideration of Ghana’s democracy.

This is against the backdrop that the African youth are increasingly losing hope in the democratic experiment and are manifesting same by pouring onto the streets to show support for military juntas who overthrow democratically elected civilian regimes.  Indeed, the flyer on this invitation is in even wider terms.

1. My lived Experiences

Everything has a beginning. When I was in form 2 in Notre Dame Secondary School, Navrongo, our Latin master put before us a number of mottos for our choice. Some chose “Orando et Laborando’, ‘Fidelis in Parvo’, etc. I chose ‘Justitia Omnibus and I still love it.

When I commenced my Private legal practice at Bolgatanga in the then Upper Region of Ghana, in August 1975, I soon realized that there was much corruption in the judicial system. By the grace of God, I stayed out of it though it was very challenging. In the web of the 1979 revolution, a neighbor of mine was badly brutalized by some soldiers and he sent for me to hear his story and see his condition.

Despite the heat of the revolutionary atmosphere, I issued a writ against them and they came to seek settlement. Unsurprisingly their terms of settlement centered around smoking the peace pipe in the form of sharing a roasted fowl. I rejected this and kept to the writ.

Unfortunately, their duties in Bolgatanga had ended and they immediately returned to Accra and my attempt to serve them with further court processes received no co-operation from their command structure.

After the 31^st December revolution, I was appointed chairman of the then Upper Regional Investigations Committee and subsequently also briefly, I was the acting special public prosecutor for the same region. In the course of time, a flight-lieutenant from Accra came to Bolgatanga and asked why there were only a few cases for trial by the National Public Tribunal when it came to try cases in the Upper Region. I told him that the crime rate differs from region to region. He then asked about our investigation into the affairs of the then Farmers Services Company (FASCOM) of the Upper Region. I told him that our committee had spent 3 months thoroughly investigating that case and that we were not prepared to change anything. He went away.

In addition, one evening a major of the Ghana Army from the Kamina Barracks in Tamale came to intervene in our committee’s investigation into a case involving his nephew, and his colleague officer who was temporarily stationed at Bolgatanga, introduced him to me that evening. I told him that we would attend to him the next morning. The next morning, I had him called into our committee sitting room and had him sworn. I then asked what was his mission. He could not testify meaningfully. I then addressed him that it was they the Army that launched the revolution to ensure justice prevailed so how could that be achieved if they tried to obstruct the due flow of Justice? He became uneasy and was glad to be told to go his way. He saluted us and left. These are a few episodes.

I found myself appointed from the Bar to the Supreme Court on 30^th November 1995. I soon noticed that public confidence in the Judiciary was of considerable concern in that there were perceptions of corruption and slanted Judicial positions especially constitutional cases. There were frequent calls for the entire number of justices of the Supreme Court to be empanelled on constitutional cases. I propose to try to unearth the causes for these perceptions which were built up over the years. The perceptions were aroused by perceptions of political inclinations on the part of some judges. There is a long history to it. Sometimes the suspicion was anchored on the incidence of political influence. This occurred in various ways to various degrees at various times.

• Political confrontation   

On 20^th April 1970 the Court of Appeal coram Apaloo, Siriboe, Sowah, Anin and Archer JJ.A, gave judgement in Sallah v The Attorney General 2 G&G 739 (2d) 1319. The Court upheld the plaintiff’s claim for a declaration that his employment as a manager with the GNTC had been wrongly terminated by the Busia regime.  This decision meant that well over 350 other persons whose employments were similarly affected could also successfully sue the government. Before the court could hear the case unsuccessful objections on the grounds of bias were raised against Apaloo, J.A (on the ground of close friendship with the plaintiff and Sowah J.A. (on the ground that his brother-in-law’s wife had approached him to help her husband, Jonas, who was similarly affected as Sallah by the termination of his employment). In the evening of that day (20/04/1970) of the delivery of the judgement, an incensed Dr. Busia, the then Prime Minister of Ghana made a Radio Broadcast on this judgement, the full text of which is in 2 G&G 739 (2d) 1374. Inter alia, he fumed as follows at 1378-1379 “if any others who were not reappointed in the recent implementation of the transitional provisions of the constitution wish to sue the government, they are at liberty to do so.

The government will not stop them. But if they hope thereby to coerce the government to employ them, then they will be wasting their time and money. My government will exercise its right to employ only those whom it wishes to employ.

No court can enforce any decision that seeks to compel the government to employ or re-employ anyone. That would be a futile exercise. I wish to make that perfectly clear.”

This outburst flew in the face of article 102 (3) of the 1969 constitution of Ghana, that ‘ in the exercise of the Judicial power of Ghana, the Judiciary in both its Judicial and administrative functions shall be subject only to this Constitution and shall not be subject to the control or direction of any other person or authority’.

 Article 115 (1) and (2) of the said 1969 constitution of Ghana provided as follows:

1. “The Chief Justice shall be appointed by the president, acting in consultation with the Council of State by warrant under his hand and the Presidential seal”
2. ‘The other Judges of the Superior Court of Judicature shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and the Presidential Seal acting in accordance with the advice of the Judicial Council’

Consequent upon this judgement Justices, Azu Crabbe and Apaloo who after Ollennu J.A were the most senior justices of the Court of Appeal, see the list under the heading JUDGES OF THE SUPERIOR COURTS OF GHANA contained in (1968) GLR, E.A.L Bannerman who had been a Senior Magistrate, the equivalent of a Circuit Court Judge was appointed the Chief Justice of Ghana and K.O. Larbi a private Legal Practitioner and Siriboe J.A (the only judge who ruled in favour of the Busia Administration  were made more senior judges over them on the Supreme Court. What was more V.C.R A.C. Crabbe who in 1968 was the 11^th most senior high court Judge out of a list of 12High court judges (see under Judges of the Superior Courts of Ghana (1968) GLR, was appointed from the High Court to the Supreme Court as a senior over and above Azu Crabbe and Apaloo JJ.A.

The appointments aroused public scrutiny as revealed in BADU v THE REPUBLIC  (1974) 2 GLR 361. The facts of the case as summarized in the headnote are as follows; “the appellant, the editor of a newspaper. The spokesman published a front page editorial commenting on the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court established under the suspended Constitution of 1969, which indicated that the appointments, including that of the first prosecution witness, were improper. The editorial also imputed that the first prosecution witness who was at the material time a High Court Judge, was unfit to hold the post of a Supreme Court judge and that as Interim Electoral Commissioner, he had during the 1969 general elections, misconducted himself by showing bias in favor of the winning party. The appellant was therefore charged with intentional libel arising from the publication, contrary to section 112 (2) of the Criminal Code 1960 (Act 29).”      

Again, the plaintiff in TUFFUOR v ATTORNEY-GENERAL (1980) GLR634 C.A sitting as the Supreme Court, successfully claimed that even though the 1979 constitution preserved existing offices at the time it came into force, President Limann purported to nominate Apaloo who was the sitting Chief Justice for parliamentary approval, to be Chief Justice anew. Parliament rejected him on very tenuous grounds. Otherwise Apaloo C.J. would have been ousted and the Limann government would have had a free hand to pick the Chief Justice of his liking with its attendant implications.  

President Limann also made a similar radio broadcast as Busia had done in 1969, when, as far as I can recollect, Colonel Frank George Barnasko rtd. challenged his scheme of the distribution of essential commodities in court.

Also President Kuffuor in swearing in a Chief Justice of Ghana said that although the Judiciary is independent yet he could not ignore politics and that he must take politics into account. When the Supreme Court ruled the Fast-Track court as unconstitutional President Kuffuor fumed from outside Ghana that he was dissatisfied with the decision and that he would do everything in his power to have it reversed.

Indeed, Justice Kwame Afreh was promoted to the Supreme Court from the Court of Appeal and was part of the reversing panel on the final decision on the Fast-Track court matter.  Such executive intimidations, not forgetting the unfortunate murder of 3 high Court Judges and a Retired Army Major in 1982, could demoralize the judiciary. As noted in his book Ghana Bar Association Lectures in continuing legal education 1993-1994, the very distinguished late legal scholar, S.Y. Bimpong-Buta, quoted pp.1-3 of the Weekly Spectator No. 1288,28 November 1992 frontpage, which referred to the fact that the New Patriotic Party (NPP), the Peoples National Convention (PNC), the National Independent Party (NIP) and the Peoples Heritage Party (PHP)’s “decision not to contest the results of the presidential elections is based partly on “loss of confidence in the judiciary. In the words of a leading member, of one of the four opposition parties: ‘it will be a waste of time and money to go to court, because the judiciary as at now is not independent: the judges have been so intimidated that there is no way they will rule in our favor against the government’. In fact, the leader of the NPP was quoted as having said that the decision of the party not to challenge the results of the presidential elections at the Supreme court (was on the grounds, inter alia, that ‘the party had no confidence in the Chief Justice and the judges of the Supreme Court’. At p.3 he stated thus: “And quite recently in an article appearing in the Ghanaian Chronicle, Professor Paul Ansah of the University of Ghana (now deceased) was able to assert that: ‘We know that with the kind of a de facto one party system that we have, Parliament may not be able to do much, and with an enfeebled, emasculated and compromised judiciary, the prospects don’t look too bright..”

Though the author subsequently states that the said loss of confidence in the Judiciary was not justified, this is not entirely correct. In Republic v. National Public Tribunals, Ex parte office of the Special Public Prosecutor (1993-94) 1 GLR 478 S.C, the special public prosecutor applied to the supreme court for directions to the National Public Tribunal concerning a review application before it. At pp486-487 the very distinguished Adade JSC felt compelled to say thus “the proper party to apply in this case is the People or the Republic. The office of the special public prosecutor is none of these. If the special public prosecutor had mounted a full blown action under article 2 of the constitution 1992, that is enforcement of the constitution provision, perhaps different considerations might arise. For the present, however, its locus standi is questionable. Nonetheless, as this case raises constitutional issues of some importance, I propose to deal with it on the merits, and not dismiss it, justifiably, on the foregoing grounds, and risk being accused unjustifiably, of deciding it on so- called technicalities, even if those perceived technicalities are part of the laws which the courts are enjoined to interpret and enforce.”

JUDICIAL ADMISSIONS OF EXECUTIVE INTRUSION OF THE JUDICIARY

In (1980)12 R.G.L at pp. 2-3 Apaloo CJ in paying tribute to the late Akuffo -Addo C J and President of Ghana said “For a lawyer of his caliber, elevation to the bench was a matter of course. To most lawyers, that is the culmination of a successful legal career. It came in 1962 after he was in the law for 22 years, having been called to the bar in 1940.

Such honour was deserved much earlier. That it did not come to him quicker, cannot be explained by want of merit but by the political alignment of the day. But when it did arrive, its undue delay was acknowledged because he made history by being appointed together with lawyer R.S. Blay, to the then highest court of the land namely, the Supreme Court, by-passing the High Court in the process.

He was not destined to remain long in that court because ironical as it seems, one of the treasured qualities of a judge which he possessed and exhibited, became his undoing. He had the courage of his conviction and spoke his mind firmly in a judicial decision which displeased the then power in the land. He was dismissed in February 1964, having been on the bench for less than two years. But merit, like cork never remains submerged.

Just over two years afterwards, he was returned to the bench to fill its highest office Chief Justice. He remained in that office till August 1970 when he was invited to occupy a still higher office- the Presidency of Ghana. On the whole, he occupied high judicial office for just over 5 years and did so with great distinction’.

 In New Patriotic Pary v Inspector General of Police (1993-94) 2 GLR 459 at 469 to 470, SC Amua-Sekyi JSC, commenting on the statutory reversal of an acquittal and retrial of certain leading personalities on a charge of treason, bluntly said:

“Acquitted in proceedings intituled State v Otchere (1963)2 GLR 463, SC the verdicts were set aside by executive order: See Special Criminal Division Instrument, 1963 (EI 161). Put back on trial before a more pliant bench, the executive had the satisfaction of seeing them convicted and sentenced to death. Mercifully, the sentences were not carried out; but a grave precedent had been set. The judges were not spared: Korsah CJ was removed from office, and a constitutional amendment cleared the way for the dismissal of Adumoa-Bossman J (as he then was) and other judges whose loyalty to the Absolutist State was now called in question.” (The emphasis is ours).

Again, in Wuaku v Attorney-General (1993-94) 2 GLR 393 at 396, SC Amua-Sekyi JSC trenchantly stated as follows:

“After the overthrow of the Nkrumah regime, the judiciary came in for much criticism for the role it had played while the previous government was in power. It was said that it had departed from its traditional role as an independent arm of government and had become a willing tool of repression in the hands of the executive. It was also said that some of the appointments to the bench had been politically motivated in that persons with known sympathies for the regime had been favoured over those who exhibited an independent frame of mind. Worse still, it was said that some of the judges had become so depraved and demoralized that they habitually took bribes. The answer of the new administration was the wholesale dismissal of judges – cleaning the Augean stables, as it were- and appointing new ones to take their place. But it was soon realized that merely changing personnel would not be enough: what was required was a reappraisal of the role of the judge in the body-politic and the creation of the conditions necessary for the proper exercise of his functions.” (The emphasis is ours).

In Hasen v Ankrah (1987-88) GLR 639 at 667, SC Sowah JSC said:

“Before I am done, I consider it ethically and judicially unacceptable the comments on the composition of the panel in this appeal. If my brother Taylor JSC had reservations, he should have made them abundantly clear before hearing and not after opinions have been rendered which are contrary to his own. And in any event the judges referred to are by all standards, including their knowledge of the law and integrity, competent to adorn the Supreme Court bench. It is by sheer accident of past politics that they have not taken precedence over some members of the Supreme Court.” (The emphasis is ours).

This long-standing skepticism of the independence of the Judiciary and now the Supreme Court, in particular, led to the issuance of the following Practice Direction on empanelling of Justices of the Supreme Court reported in (2000) SCGLR 586 as follows:

“PRACTICE DIRECTION

PRACTICE IN EMPANELLING JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT 10 January 2001

Practice and procedure – Supreme Court- Constitutional cases – Empanelling of court by Chief Justice – Practice in – Chief Justice to empanel all available justices of the Supreme Court or at least seven justices in constitutional matters – Rationale for empanelling all available Justices of Supreme Court in such matters – Constitution, 1992 arts 125 (4) and 144 (6).

It is provided by the Constitution, 1992, arts 125 (4) and 144 (6) that:

“125 (4) The Chief Justice shall, subject to this Constitution, be the Head of the Judiciary and shall be responsible for the administration and supervision of the Judiciary.”

“144 (6) Where the office of the Chief Justice is vacant, or where the Chief Justice is for any reason unable to perform the functions of his office (a) until a person has been appointed to, and has assumed the functions of, that office; or (b) until the person, holding that office has resumed the functions of, that office; those functions shall be performed by the most senior of the Justices of the Supreme Court.”

(In exercising the functions of the office under articles 125 (4) and 144 (6) of the 1992 Constitution, His Lordship, the Ag. Chief Justice, per his letter dated 10 January 2001 addressed to all the Justices of the Supreme Court and copied to the Judicial Secretary and the Registrar of the Supreme Court, directed as follows:)

“In order to minimize the mounting criticisms and the persistent public outcry against the Judiciary in our justice delivery and to restore public confidence, it is my desire that where practicable and especially in constitutional matters, all available Justices of the Supreme Court have a constitutional right to sit, or at least (7) justices of the court.

In view of the above and in the instant case (ie. Republic v High Court, Bolgatanga and Hajia Fati Seidu; Ex parte Hawa Yakubu, Civil Motion No 2/2001), by virtue of the powers conferred on the Chief Justice by article 125 (4) and on me by article 144 (6), I have decided that Hon Justice Sophia Akuffo and myself, ie Hon Justice E K Wiredu, Ag Chief Justice, be added to the justices already panelled. (The emphasis is ours). Signed. Hon MR. Justice E K Wiredu Ag Chief Justice.

(Editorial Note: In pursuance of the above Directive, a panel of seven Justice of the Supreme Court, coram: Edward Wiredu Ag CJ, Adjabeng, Acquah, Atuguba, Sophia Akuffo, Lamptey and Adzoe JJSC in Republic v High Court, Bolgatanga, Ex parte Hawa Yakubu, CM No 2/2001, on 16 January 2001 unanimously granted (reserving the reasons), the application by Madam Hawa Yakubu for an order of certiorari to quash the proceedings and order of the High Court, Bolgatanga dated 6 January 2001, in an electoral petition resulting from the 7^th December 2000 Parliamentary Elections for Bawku Central Constituency. In the respectful view of the Editor, the above Practice Direction, issued by His Lordship the Hon Ag Chief Justice, is to be most welcomed by all members of the Bench and Bar and the general public; and it may also be considered as very appropriate and long overdue. The Practice Direction, in the form of a letter to all the Justices of the Supreme Court, makes the empanelling of the Supreme Court for the determination of the constitutional cases more transparent; and more importantly, the Direction is in line with the democratic aspirations of all Ghanaians and the sustenance of the Rule of Law in the country. It has also the obvious merit of insulating and freeing the high Office of the Chief Justice from all imaginary and unproven but disturbing allegations of political bias in the empanelling of the Justices of the Supreme Court SYBB.”

This skepticism, as noted at pages 48-49 of Dr Date-Bah’s formidable book, Reflections on the Supreme Court of Ghana, Wildy, Simmonds & Hill Publishing (2015), has persisted under the current Chief Justice. He thereat states as follows:

“The Chief justice’s power to empanel judges confers on him or her, arguably, the opportunity or potential to influence the outcome of particular cases. The Chief Justice’s knowledge of an individual judge’s track record on particular issues or his or her judicial inclinations on particular issues may give the Chief Justice this potential. This, rightly or wrongly, has attracted unfavorable comment from people in political circles, in relation to politically controversial decisions. It is in reaction to such comments that Chief Justice Georgina Wood decided that she would, during her tenure, empanel, as a matter of practice a bench of nine justices to hear all constitutional cases.

On this current practice, the Constitution Review Commission commented that it finds in regard to Ghana’s judicial practice that no law has ever prescribed the maximum number of Justices of the Supreme Court that should sit on a case brought before the Court, though it has been the practice to specify the quorum. It has noted that this is a deliberate policy on the part of the law makers to allow the highest court a certain flexibility and freedom in deciding when to field a full complement of members depending on the gravity of the case and the need for a reconsideration of the law. It acknowledges that this practice has helped ensure that in the adjudication of matters of importance, as many judicial minds as possible would be involved in settling the law and making a definitive pronouncement. In this regard, the Commission commends the emerging practice by which 9 justices of the Supreme Court are empaneled to sit on constitutional cases.” (The emphasis is ours).

The legal colossus, Dr. Date- Bah JSC (Retired), at page 201 of his said book has further observed as follows:

”A perception and conviction by the public of the Supreme Court’s impartiality between parties in its adjudication is vital to its fulfilment of its broader role. Nevertheless, there has in recent years been a degree of controversy in the media as to the impartiality of the judiciary in general in disputes between the Government (by which is meant the Executive) and the individual. This has been a challenge that the Supreme Court, along with other courts, has had to live with. The challenge has arisen from the highly competitive nature of Ghanaian party politics in the last decade and the perceived tendency for a party in government to prosecute politicians belonging to opposition. The court has been caught in the middle of this conflict and in their endeavour to do justice between parties before them have incurred the wrath of political party activists of the governing party who have alleged that the judiciary is biased against the government. The best response to this challenge is for the conduct of the judiciary to manifest its indubitable impartiality.” (The emphasis is ours).

On the other hand, Dr Date-Bah JSC (Retired) in his aforementioned book states at 211-212 regarding this matter thus:

“The mode of appointment of Justices of the Supreme Court is specified by article 144 of the 1992 Constitution. It provides for their appointment by the President, acting on the advice of the Judicial Council, in consultation with the Council of State and with approval of Parliament. Thus, both the executive and the legislature are involved in the process. 

The intention of the framers of the Constitution, as confirmed by practice, appears to be that nominations should be made by the Judicial Council, although the appointment is by the President. The names of nominees recommended by the Judicial Council are forwarded to the President who places them before the Council of State for their views. If the views of the Council of State are not negative, the President then forwards the names to the Speaker of Parliament for Parliamentary vetting. 

It should be noted, however, that Presidents in the Fourth Republic have not considered themselves bound by the advice of the Judicial Council in relation to nominations for appointment to the Supreme Court. Presidents have on occasion refused to accept some nominees recommended by the Judicial Council. ——–Under a Constitution on the Westminster model, such as that in force in Ghana between 1957 and 1960, the Governor-General was obliged to follow the advice given him on judicial appointments.

However, this convention and understanding have not survived into the Republican era. Ordinarily, Presidents tend to accept the nominees of the Judicial Council as, it has to be remembered, the Attorney-General (the President’s principal legal adviser) and four nominees of the President serve on the Judicial Council. The President thus has ample opportunity to influence the nominations by the Judicial Council. ——–Furthermore, because the constitutional provision requires parliament’s prior approval, Parliament has a veto power over the appointment of any Supreme Court Justice.

JUDICIAL COMPROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE

Sometimes the judiciary gives the impression that it is giving an undue advantage to the executive. In NATIONAL MEDIA COMMISSION v. ATTORNEY GENERAL (2000) SCGRL1 the national media commission complained to the attorney general that the president was usurping their clear authority under Article 168 of the 1992 constitution of Ghana “to appoint the chairmen and other members of the governing bodies of public corporations managing the state-owned media in consultation with the president.” When it was unheeded, it sued the attorney-general in the supreme court for a declaration in January 1996. However, it was not until November 1999 that the suit was listed for hearing and judgement was given in favor of the plaintiff on 26^th January, 2000 by which date the then President Rawlings had left office after two presidential terms of office! This trend has continued in very recent times. Thus, in Ghana Centre for Democratic Development & 8 others v. Attorney General, as Amegatcher JSC delivering the judgement of the Supreme Court, stated, Judgement was delivered in this case on the 21^st May, 2023. Long after Mr. Domelevo had been pushed out of office. Coincidentally, it was on the same day that the Supreme Court also delivered judgement in the case of Prof. Kwadwo Appiagyei -Attua & 7 others v. The Attorney-General. In this case the plaintiffs challenged the constitutionality of the Imposition of Restrictions Act, 2020 (Act 1012) which was enacted in consequence of the deadly Corona Virus (Covid 19) Pandemic 

It can unhappily be said that the Supreme Court acted unconstitutionally and in bad faith when it inordinately delayed in delivering judgement in the National Media Commission v Attorney-General, as well as the Domelevo and Covid-19 cases for short. This is because it is the constitutional duty of the Supreme Court to enforce the constitution forthwith when it is breached. That is the mandatory duty under article 2 (1) of the constitution. Thus in Gbedemah v Awoonor – Williams 2 G&G 739 (2nd) 1167 at 1175 Azu Crabbe J. A (as he then was) said:

The pith of the plaintiff’s claim as expressed in paragraph (8) of his statement of claim is that on 5 September 1969 the defendant took his seat as a Member of the National Assembly, notwithstanding the fact that he was not qualified so to do by virtue of article 71 (2) (b) (ii) and (d) of the Constitution, and that the defendant intends to continue to sit in the said National Assembly. If the matter rests here, then prima facie there has been an infringement of the Constitution, and an alleged threat to continue such infringement. This would constitute a mischief, and it would become the inescapable duty of the Supreme Court to suppress it by enforcing the Constitution.”

In the National Media Commission, Domelevo and Covid-19 cases the Supreme Court failed to suppress the mischiefs of the infringements of the Constitution for an inordinate period of time. The entertainment and determination of the James Gyakye Quayson’s case (Michael Ankomah Nimfah v James Gyakye Quayson and two others) WRT NO J1/11/2022, 17^th May 2023 by the Supreme Court is quite unfortunate though the Court, in my humble view was misled by the earlier decision of the Supreme Court in Sumaila Biebel (No.1) v. Dramani and Anoher (2011) 1 SCGLR132.

Even there the Biebel case was not, unlike the Gyakye Quayson case, determined on its merits by the High court and the Court of Appeal.

However, the determinative consideration is that the constitution has clearly assigned post parliamentary election matters to the High court under article 99 and post presidential election matters to the Supreme court. These provisions are specific whilst the provisions of Articles 2 and 130 are general and therefore verba generalia specialibus non derogant. This is particularly so since In re parliamentary elections for Wulensi constituency; Zakaria v Nyimakan (2003-2004) 1 SCGLR 1 has decided (though I disagree with it) that post parliamentary election matters end at the Court of Appeal level.

It is so in some other jurisdictions. Common sense is also a rule of the construction of statutes, therefore since parliamentary elections occur in as many as 275 constituencies in our country, the constitution could not have reasonably contemplated and provided for post parliamentary election matters should be litigated in the centralized Supreme court unlike the singular and unitary post presidential elections. If it is the consideration that the constitutional breach cannot be left unredressed after the 21 day period for presenting a parliamentary election petition, can it also be argued that after the 21 days period under article 64 (1) of the 1992 constitution, a person can bring an action under articles 2 and 130 of the constitution to invalidate a presidential election? And except otherwise provided by the constitution under article 130 (which comprehends article 2 also), the jurisdiction of the Supreme court, is exclusive of all other courts, how can the supreme court have concurrent jurisdiction over any matter with another court, which is the implication if the supreme court purports to adjudicate post parliamentary electoral matters alongside the High court?

There are instances in which it may be felt that some members of the judiciary pay allegiance apparently to the executive or otherwise instead of to Ghana. Despite the clear provisions of article 146, a very knowledgeable chief justice of Ghana wrote on two occasions to a justice of the supreme court terminating his tenure as a supreme court judge on the ground of ill health without complying with the said article 146. On being shown the letters by the judge concerned I strongly exhorted him to reply them raising the contravention of article 146. The same chief justice indirectly suspended me for 6 months by not empanelling me on any case immediately after I maintained my solo dissent in Tsatsu Tsikata v. The Republic when it came up for review by the Supreme Court. Before I curtail this issue, the same Chief Justice sidelined me as the then realistic most senior justice of the Supreme court contrary to article 144 (6) who should act as the Chief Justice in his absence. I felt that since the Supreme Court is the custodian of the constitution, I could not condone its infractions.

I therefore assumed the functions of the Chief Justice with clearance from the then most senior justice who was then very seriously indisposed and handicapped until I got to know from him very shortly afterwards that he had become fit enough to act as Chief Justice upon the death of the then incumbent Chief Justice.

It is this event which led Kweku Baako, a very prominent journalist, to state on a radio program that in the bid for the post of Chief Justice, I declared myself as the acting Chief Justice, but when the said most senior justice of the supreme court got wind of it, he said “You lie, I can act”. When I heard that allegation I was gravely hurt since I have never in my life made any move to be appointed the Chief Justice of Ghana because I consider lobbying for a position as a corrupt act since it involves compromising one’s conscience.

CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GHANA

These sorts of things do not augur well for constitutionalism in Ghana which it is the primary duty of the courts to ensure. Our 1992 constitution has ordained constitutionalism for Ghana.

This is plain from particularly articles 1,2, 3 and 35 of the constitution which provide inter alia for the sovereignty and welfare of the people of Ghana, the supremacy and enforcement of the constitution and the blessings of democracy. Constitutionalism has been well explained by some eminent jurists in Ghana.

In his very able book, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF GHANA: TEXT, CASES AND COMMENTARY, Prof. E. Kofi Abotsi states at page 32 thus “Constitutionalism as a concept can be defined as the limitation placed on the exercise of legal and political power. The concept of constitutionalism is peculiarly important for African countries given the long-standing experience of dictatorship, anarchy and misrule on the continent. As corollaries, constitutionalism and responsible government have been said to be mutually re-enforcing.

Constitutionalism promotes responsible government in the sense that it compels government to act in a manner consistent with the expectations for the conferment of power and respond to feedback from the citizenry.

In this context, one can accept that constitutionalism is a welfare- oriented concept to the extent that it seeks to ultimately champion the welfare of the governed by ensuring that governments exercise conferred powers in the best interest of the governed”.   Also in his thoroughly researched book, THE NEW CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW OF GHANA: FROM THE GARDEN OF EDEN TO 2022, Prof. Raymond Atuguba states at page 2 as follows: “The mere existence of a constitution is not enough for proper governance. A constitution can lead to constitutionality or constitutionalism. Constitutionality is the rule of law at the constitutional level; no matter what the content of the law is that rules. 

Constitutionalism on the other hand is good governance or people-centered governance at a constitutional level. With constitutionalism, there is limited government, people-centeredness, protection of minority and other rights, fairness, justice, equity.

In countries such as the United States which practice constitutionality and not constitutionalism, a constitution exists along side social concerns like racism, gender inequity and the prisons industrial complex. These are incompatible with the countries that practice constitutionalism”.

See also Prof. Date- Bah’s very scholarly book; Selected Papers and Lectures on Ghanaian Law page 76.

The appointment of judges particularly of the Supreme Court as the fulcrum of constitutionalism and the Rule of law has its hiccups. It is the Judicial Council that recommends suitable lawyers or judges for eventual appointment by the President.

Sometimes some judges are recommended by the Judicial council to the Supreme Court over and above more experienced and senior judges even though they are not more competent and experienced than their seniors.

Often when there is regime change, some of the sidelined senior judges now get recommended for appointment to the Supreme Court through the same Judicial Council, but they then become juniors to their earlier juniors by reason of their later appointment. In practice, however, these later appointed judges often write the unanimous or lead judgements in difficult cases shortly after their appointment to the Supreme Court. Certainly, eyebrows can be raised over such practices. What can be the justification for such things?

Nonetheless, depending to some extent on the Judicial season the Judiciary has deepened constitutionalism in Ghana, notably the nullification of the 31^st December holiday celebration funded from public funds, the freedom of choice of independent counsel by state bodies instead of the Attorney-General, despite Article 88(5) where there is conflict of interest, see Amegatcher v Attorney-General (1) [2012] 1SCGLR 679, National Media Commission v Attorney-General, supra.    

As stated by Professor Date-Bah in his said book at pp.17-18: “constitutionalism is about having limits to the powers of constitutional bodies and enforcing those limits. The judiciary, through its exercise of the power of judicial review, is accordingly a vital actor in this process. The Ghana Supreme court has been quite effective in protecting the legal framework of the liberal multi-party democracy whose grundnorm is the 1992 constitution. An example here would be appropriate. To my mind, this case illustrates the contribution of law to the development in Ghana. At first sight, the case (Ahumah Ocansey v Electoral Commission; Center for Human rights and several liberties v The Attorney -General and the Electoral Commission (2010) SCGLR 575), which was decided by the Ghana Supreme court, would appear to have little to do with law and development.

The main issue raised in the case which in fact consisted of two consolidated cases, was whether prisoners were entitled to vote. In spite of article 42 of the 1992 constitution, which provides that every citizen of Ghana of 18 years of age or above and of sound mind has the right to vote and is entitled to be registered for the purposes of public elections and referenda, the Attorney -General had argued in this case that it was in the public interest that convicted offenders are punished, kept under lock and key and not allowed to vote. The Supreme court rejected this contention and held that there was no justification for denying prisoners their unqualified right to vote. This right was conferred on all adult Ghanaians who are sane by article 42 of the Constitution. As I said in that case: “nothing in the core values and spirit of the 1992 Constitution justifies the restriction on prisoners’ right to vote, that is advocated by the learned attorney-general. There is thus no basis for implying the restrictions argued for by the Attorney-General to qualify the clear and unambiguous language of article 42”.    

However, it is lamentable as pointed out by Prof. Raymond Atuguba in his said Sterling book that ‘Notwithstanding the Supreme Court departed from the preposition espoused by Date-Bah, in the Osei Boateng Case, decisions of the Court after that departure still create doubt as to the current legal position. In some of these subsequent decisions, the Supreme Court seemed to be toeing the line of Date-Bah JSC in the Osei Boateng Case, by declining Jurisdiction to enforce the Constitution on the ground that the constitutional provisions sought to be enforced were clear and unambiguous.

Notable cases are Mayor Agbleze v Attorney General and Asare v Attorney General and General Legal Council. Some other subsequent decisions of the Supreme Court have followed the reasoning in Noble Kor v Attorney General. This turn of events creates a cloud of confusion and inconsistency in our jurisprudential space, making it difficult for one to tell the direction of flow of our country’s constitutional law in this area. This must be a cause of worry to students and practitioners of Constitutional Law.”

REALISTIC INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY

I want to emphasize that there is a vast chasm between independence of the judiciary in theory and its independence in practice. Thus, as explicitly stated by Dr. Dat-Bah in his aforementioned book at page 90 “Independence of the judiciary has two dimensions: the institutional and the personal. Personal independence relates to the commitment of individual judges to the judicial values that ensure their impartiality and fairness. I am here referring to values such as eschewing corruption and not allowing ethnic and other particularistic considerations to affect judicial determinations.

Institutional independence of the judiciary, on the other hand, relates to the constitutional, statutory, and other arrangements put in place to assure the independence of the judiciary. Issues that are customarily dealt with under institutional independence include: separation of powers; security of tenure for judges, including appropriate provisions on the appointment process of judges, the conditions of service of judges and the process for the removal of superior court judges; financial and administrative autonomy of the judiciary; and measures are what make judicial independence justifiable. It would be unacceptable to have independent but unaccountable judges.

SUMMARY

The James Gyakye Quayson’s decision by the Supreme Court is with all due respect scandalous in that the court, in the teeth of the settled maxim Res Judicata et non quieta movere, re adjudicated the same matter that has been adjudicated upon by the High court on the merits. All that was left was its execution according to court processes. Again the stress laid by the court on the statutory processes for  acquisition and renunciation of citizenship shot it self in the foot.

If the certificate of renounciation is so mandatory and conclusive why was it not conclusive in its effect to qualify Gyakye Quason when he received it, dated 26^th November 2020, whereas the parliamentary election was held on 7^th December 2020?  Statutes, judgements, and documents must always be applied with consistency both in the letter and spirit.

These must always be construed holistically and as instruments of justice since it is a well settled principle that the duty of a court is to do justice and a court should not be turned away from doing justice.

In the 2013 presidential election petition (2013) SCGLR (Special Edition) 73 at 141 I stated as follows: ‘Again in Osman v Tedam (1970) 2 G & G 1246 (2d) CA and Osman v Kaleo (1970) 2 G&G 1380, the Court of Appeal held that though the respondents were members of the Convention Peoples Party whose constitution made all Members of Parliament of the Convention Peoples Party members of the party’s Regional Executive Committee that did not without more, make the respondents members of such committees and therefore disqualified to contest the 1969 Parliamentary Elections, which they had won.

The decision in Osman v Kaleo   is even more striking. Though the respondent had secured exemption from disqualification from contesting the parliamentary elections, it was submitted that since his exemption had not been published in the Gazzeet, upon which publication it will have effect, under paragraph 3 (5) of NLCD 223, 1968, the same was inoperative, notwithstanding that under paragraph 3(7) of that Decree, the decision of the Exemptions Commission was final and conclusive. The court of Appeal rejected that contention”.

Again in JUSTICE DERY v TIGER EYE PI AND OTHERS (2015-2016) 2 SCGLR 816, the Supreme Court unanimously held that though the impeachment process against the plaintiff was published in contravention of Article 146 of the 1992 Constitution that could not vitiate the crucial impeachment procedures against him. In other words the substantial and more important provisions on the removal of a corrupt judge could not be diverted by the incidence of the unconstitutional publication of the impeachment petition.

Similarly, then the certificate of Renunciation dated the 26^th November 2020 was more important than the anterior participation by Gyakye Quayson in the parliamentary campaigns between 5^th and 9^th October 2020 when he filled his parliamentary nomination papers with the electoral commission. The Supreme Court does not stand in good light, with all due respect in disqualifying Gyakye Quayson despite his clear certificate of Renunciation of his Canadian Citizenship as from 26^th November 2020. By analogy also, in CLOSSAG v ATTORNEY GENERAL AND 2 OTHERS (2017 -2018) 1SCGLR 210, the Supreme Court unanimously held that a member of the Civil Service or Local Government Service can join a political party but cannot actively participate in politics or hold office as a political party nominee or remain in the Civil Service after election as a member of the District Assembly.

In other words, the operative evil to guard against is membership of the District Assembly not the contest for the same. Similarly, therefore, the operative evil to guard against about a dual citizen is, as regards parliament, his actual membership of it, not just the campaigns. That is why in the Gyakye Quayson’s case, his renunciation of Canadian citizenship certificate dated 26^th November 2020 is the operative consideration. In any case it will be noticed that his certificate of citizenship is tied to an Oath pf allegiance. The 2 move together, the letter and the spirit. It is difficult to think that Gyakye Quayson who submitted his Renunciation of Citizenship Papers to Canada in 2019 could still in December 2020 be held as seriously owing allegiance as a matter of hard realism as opposed to formalism, to Canada. In the King David example I cited in Asare V Attorney General (2012), 1 SCGLR 460, his Israelite citizenship became of real concern to the Philistines when going into actual war with Israel.

CURRENT PUBLIC IMAGE OF THE JUDICIARY IN GHANA

The current public image of the Judiciary in Ghana is reflected on Social Media. For example, GHANAIANS ARE LOSING CONFIDENCE IN THE JUDICIARY SYSTEM by Dr. Lawrence as published on ghananewsonline.com on the 16^th of October, 2023. Founder of the Diaspora Progressive Movement in the (USA), Dr. Lawrence Appiah, has said that Ghanaians are losing confidence and hope in the ability of the Court to administer Justice in the country. He accused the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government of appointing cronies to the Judiciary.

In a recent interview with ghananewsonline.com.gh, Dr Lawrence claimed that President Nana Addo Danquah has deliberately appointed Judges who are in bed with him in order to skip accountability. In a statement signed by Dr. Lawrence and circulated on social media, he said in Ghana, the Judiciary is gradually becoming a thin god, allowing them to pass some outrageous judgements. He argued that some of the judgements passed by some notable courts in the country leave much to be desired. In Ghana today, the birth certificate is not a legal document to prove that someone is a Ghanaian. Meanwhile, the birth certificate is the base document used to prepare a Ghanaian passport which is used to travel the entire world. He emphasized that the Judiciary is packed with NPP inclined Judges because this government has carried out a deliberate policy of putting their people onto the bench to frustrate Ghanaians.

He further said, it will take a new leader like John Mahama in the next NDC administration to lead the process to repair what he describes as (badly dented image) of Ghana’s judiciary for people to win the trust in the system.

In his opinion, the deteriorated image of the Judiciary easily sparks laughter from the citizenry when one decides to go to the court for justice, adding that it is of the scariest  existential threats to any democracy when citizens think their judiciary holds no value for them or no use to them, and this is the security threat that the National Security apparatus tried to draw the attention of the nation to recently but was poorly received by the president.

He added that such lawlessness in the country threatens the peace and stability of Ghana’s democracy and must be quickly corrected (because) if pragmatic measures are not taken, it will get to a stage where people will have no qualms about taking the law into their own hands because they do not have the confidence that they can get any justice in the system.

Dr. Lawrence writes: The dangers of our current judiciary

During the hearing of Hon. Gyakye Quayson’s case after the 2020 elections, the lower courts ruled that he was not supposed to go to parliament whiles his case XXX. The Supreme Court ruled the member of Assin North, Hon. Gyakye Quayson, after he was elected by his constituents, that not only should he not be able to represent his constituents, they went further to order parliament to strike his name from parliament records as if he never entered parliament. During the recently ended limited registration exercise by the Electoral Commission, the NDC and some Civil Society Organization filed a motion at the Supreme Court to stop the EC from conducting the exercise.

The Chief Justice came and set a hearing date for October 17, 2023. Meanwhile, the whole limited registration exercise ended on October 2, 2023. During the hearing of Hon. Gyakye Quayson’s case after the 2020 election. The lower court ruled that he was not supposed to go to parliament whilst his case was ongoing. At the same time, another lower Courts hearing the case of the MP for Techiman South, ruled that the people of Techiman South need a representative in parliament, so while the case was ongoing, the MP could still represent his people. The case is now stalled in that court.

This same outrageous court agreed with the Attorney General that after |Hon. Gyakye Quayson’s had been elected the second time to parliament was to appear in court every day for hearing. The case has become inactive when the minority in parliament resolved to join their colleague in court.  When the executive needs a reform, the President is changed. When the legislative needed reform, the Speaker was changed. When the Judiciary needs a reform, the Chief Justice needs to be changed. If Nana Addo could remove the Electoral Commissioner, the Auditor General and it was good, so should John Mahama be able to remove the Chief Justice. We need serious reforms in every institution including the NPP. This is one of the reasons Ghanaians want him to be President again.

I heard for talking too much, the Paramount Chief of Dormah Traditional Council and a High Court Judge, Osagyefo Agyeman Badu II has been transferred from the Greater Accra to the Volta Region. (Ghanaians are not angry enough).

Second example is: MIKE OCQUAYE CALLS FOR APPOINTMENTS AND REMOVAL OF JUDGES as published on myjoyinline.com on the 28^th of April 2022 where it was reported that Prof. Aaron Michael Ocquaye, the former Speaker of Parliament, has called for reforms in the appointments and removal of Judges as provided for in the 1992 constitution to strengthen the country’s Judicial system.

Prof. Ocquaye said the case of Justice Amoah Sekyi gave the country the lesson that where the executive was bend on removing a Judge, it was easier to do so than meets the eye. xxxx

On the appointment of Council of States Members, he suggested the need to introduce institutional representation and not allow the President to choose his advisors because the 1992 Constitution gave the President too much power in the appointment of the members. We need to adopt the recommendation of the Committee of experts which provided that ‘the Council of State shall aide and counsel the president, the Council of Ministers, Parliament and other organs of state in the performance of their functions under the constitution or under any other law (sec. 3.i))’, he said.

In pointing out all these matters, I am not oblivious of the very difficult tasks of interpreting our 1992 constitution amidst the several decisions and dicta of the Supreme Court. But it is important that there be great reflection on the core issues and principles which should be the basis for decisions of the courts instead of the lesser considerations which tend to arouse suspicions, speculations and concerns in the body politic.  

CONCLUSION

In view of all this what matters mot is the realistic auditing and restructuring of the Judiciary and indeed all other governmental institutions because just as the cyanide of illegal mining galamsey has devastated our forest lands and poisoned our water bodies so also has the cyanide of Political Corruption poisoned our Governance Institutions.

Appointments to the Judiciary or any other governance institution must be made by thoroughly independent bodies based on nothing but merit and not on things like protocol, cronysm, ethnicity, or other improper considerations. The governance institutions particularly the Judiciary must be realistically insulated against presidential and other political pressures. Service conditions must be reasonably attractive and security of tenure of office must be enshrined. The Executive Powers of the President and his functionaries must be drastically curtailed. There must be real separation of parliament from the Executive branch. The emphasis should be on good and sincere governance in the interest of the people and not on hollow over exaggerated notions of electoral conferment of power on any body or group of persons.

But no meaningful political reforms can be reasonably expected even under a regime change without sustaining the Political Renaissance which has started and is growing well in Ghana.

It is for this reason that I would like to acknowledge, encourage, and congratulate nationalists like Kwasi Pratt, Dr. Arthur Kennedy of the USA, Dr. Gyampoh of the University of Ghana, Prof. Bokpin of the University of Ghana, Prof Agyeman -Duah of the Centre for Democratic Development (CDD), recently Dr. Asare-Baah rtd, formerly of the Political Science Department, KNUST., Kwame Pianim, Dr. Nyaho-Nyaho Tamakloe, Kelvin Taylor of the USA (though he should desist from insults), Emmanuel Wilson Jnr. The Chief Crusader Against Corruption in Ghana. I don’t know most of these people I have mentioned personally but I have followed their works on social media, and I am impressed, however I hope that they will remain nationalistic no matter the regime in power.

I also wish to acknowledge some of the many Civil Society Organisations such as Ghana Centre for Democratic Development, Ghania Integrity Initiative, Citizen Ghana Movement, Africa Centre for Energy Policy, Parliamentary Network Africa, Penplusbytes, Media Foundation for West Africa, Send Ghana, One Ghana Movement, Centre for Democratic Development, Democracy Hub, Occupy Ghana, and Institute for Democratic Governance. I regret I cannot recall all of them but nonetheless, none of them should feel excluded.

Mr. Chairman, invited guests, media friends, ladies, and gentlemen, permit me once more to show my appreciation to all of you, including the organisers for this platform and the hearing,

God bless our homeland Ghana and lead us to the promised land.

Thank you.

The company is threatening the seizure and auctioning of the country’s assets in the UK to defray the debt.

Trafigura, the majority owner of GPGC, a power company secured the award in January 2021 after an arbitral tribunal found that Ghana had unlawfully terminated a contract for the installation and operation of two power plants.

Ghana High Commission’s building in the UK which provides visa and other services, the commissioner’s residence, the Ghana International Bank building, and other properties are at risk of being sold to defray a $140 million judgment debt awarded to Trafigura.

A Deputy Attorney General, Alfred Tuah-Yeboah, says the government has already asked the Finance Ministry to take steps to liquidate the debt.

According to him, the Finance Ministry entered into an agreement with the judgment creditors as to how the state was going to pay the debt of about $140 million.

Although part payment was made, the Deputy Attorney General admitted that the state reneged on its promise to go by the instalment agreement.

“Having failed to do so, the judgment creditor decided to execute the judgment. They attached property belonging to the Republic in the UK, and then they sought to serve us with that process. We then filed a motion trying to set aside the process through which we were served but the High Court in England said no, and that the service on us [state] was properly made. So now, the Ministry of Finance has been advised to once again approach the judgment creditors and make every effort to pay that money,” he explained.

Speaking on Top Story on JoyNews, Ghana’s rep in the United Kingdom, Papa Owusu Ankomah, confirmed that so far, only one building, known as Regina House has been attached.

“As far as I am aware, it’s only Regina House which is used for commercial purposes because it’s been rented by the Ghana International Bank, two other banks and another commercial entity. That is the one that has been attached. All other properties are diplomatic properties and covered by immunity. I heard you talk about the High Commissioner’s residence, but that’s being used for diplomatic purposes, likewise, the other building you’re talking about, that’s the chancery, has not been attached. But I am sure the government is taking steps to liquidate that debt.”

He added, “It’s unfortunate that we’ve come to this stage. It appears our financial circumstances as a country probably, are not holding brief for the finance minister, and that may have constrained the Finance Ministry from honouring the obligation to pay the debt by instalment. But, I am aware that the Finance Ministry is presently engaged in negotiations with lawyers for the judgment creditor to liquidate this debt.

It’s embarrassing; I am embarrassed as High Commissioner for this thing to appear on the internet and everything, and be a subject matter of discussion in Ghana and in the Ghanaian media here. It’s serious, but even for those in private business, it gets to a stage you have to prioritize payments when you don’t have access to credit and monies being generated do not meet your obligations. Of course I am sure government could have said that we will pay this debt, and not pay some workers.”

Despite being alarmed by the situation, the former Minister of state explained that Ghana was not merely going to lose its assets due to the order of the court. He believes the creditors are only taking these initial steps to pile pressure on the government.

“This is just the beginning. It’s quite a process. It’s not as if it can be done either today or tomorrow because Regina House for instance is on a lease. Even though it’s for a long time, it’s got about five or six years to run, and there are negotiations to extend the lease.”

But I can assure you and Ghanaians that the Ministry of Finance has things well in hand. The creditors are interested in their money and it’s not going to be easy selling these properties, so it’s not as if tomorrow they are going to evict the Ghana High Commission and its staff from its premises, or the High Commissioner from his residence or tenants in Regina House are going to be evicted, no. They are going to manage it somehow till they recover the money, so it’s just a way of pressurizing government to pay the judgment debt which I am sure the arrangements are being done” he reiterated.

When the host of Top Story, Evans Mensah asked about what happens to the operations of the Ghana International Bank, the former Sekondi legislator said, “The Bank is a separate entity from the government of Ghana even though the shareholders are agencies of the government. They have access; they are still working, nobody has been evicted including the other tenants in the building. I can confirm that. I was briefed by the Bank even before the order itself was sent to our office, and I know we forwarded it to the Ministry of Finance and I have had some discussions with some members of government about it.

It’s in the interest of even the judgment creditor to get a settlement of bills because executing this by attaching certain properties of the government will not let you easily get your money “he argued.

While avoiding detailed commentary on the decision to terminate a contract that brought about this mess, the former Attorney General blamed this situation on the financial challenges the country is faced with.

“The fact is that we are under serious financial strain, and that is what has occasioned this unfortunate situation. Part [Of the money] was paid, then up to a certain stage because of the financial crunch, I am sure we couldn’t have the means.

I don’t think that we would have deliberately overlooked this liability. When you are financially challenged you prioritize payments. I have been a member of government before so I know what I am saying. Will you stop importing oil because of this debt? Do you stop paying salaries? So, understandably I am sure it’s because of these financial challenges that we’re faced with this situation.

Background

On the 26th of January 2021, Trafigura obtained the final award in its favour against the government of Ghana in arbitral proceedings in England.

A written agreement for the installation and operation of two power plants gave rise to the award, which was roughly $140 million. However, Ghana illegally terminated the agreement before the terms were provided.

On the 4th of November 2021, the Court granted Trafigura leave to enforce the award in the same manner as a judgment of the High Court.

According to sources, service was effected and the deadline for challenging the order was two months and 22 days after service. The deadline date was 1st August 2022, and later it was made by Ghana.

On 17th May 2022, Trafigura issued an application for charging orders in relation to the five London properties and which Ghana had a freehold or leasehold interest.

On the same day, the company also issued an application for alternative service. On 28 April, 2023 an order was made permitting alternative service upon Ghana.

So Trafigura served the ICOs the order and other related documents on 5th May, 2023 by a post by email.

In response to one of the emails, a legal counsel in the Ministry of Finance, whose email address was one of those listed in the appendix to the order, in particular, sent an email on 5th May, 2023, specifically acknowledging receipt of the documents.

On 24 May 2023, Trafigura received an email from White and K stating that it expected to receive instructions to act for Ghana and seeking to agree on a revised timetable in relation to Trafigura’s applications.

However, on 30th May 2023, the hearing was subsequently vacated consents.

On 23rd June, 2003, Ghana issued an application to set aside the order. The order was subsequently dismissed, but a substantial basis for the application was that Trafigura had been obliged to serve not only the order but also the application for the charging orders and the ICO themselves by diplomatic procedure.

Ghana then filed the objections on the 21st of July, 2003 in relation to making the ICOs final but on the 2nd of August, 2023, Trafigura made an application for a receivership order in relation to Ghana’s leasehold interest in one of the London properties.

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The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, the worldwide body of Parliaments in countries that in the past had come under the rule of Great Britain was to have its Annual Conference in Accra from 30^th September to 6^th October, 2023.

The Ghana branch had sent invitations to former Speakers of the Ghanaian Parliament as well as former Leaders of the House. Mr Felix Owusu-Adjapong, a three-term Member of Parliament for Akim Swedru was a Majority Leader after the brief leadership of Papa Owusu Ankomah, and, as such, had been invited to the inaugural event.

Speaker Alban Bagbin, the host Speaker, enquired from me whether the Speakers and leaders could make it. That was in the evening of Tuesday, 3^rd October.  I informed him that I had met both Professor Oquaye and Rt. Hon. Sakyi Hughes at President Kufuor’s residence and the former had confirmed he would be coming.  I indicated that I had not heard from Hon. Felix Owusu-Adjapong for a while but I thought he might be in good shape as he was doing very well the last time I visited. 

The following day, Wednesday, October 4, 2023, just the day after that conversation with Rt. Hon. Bagbin, the transition of Mr. Felix Owusu-Adjapong came through.  Showing the communication to the Speaker in the evening at the Conference Centre at the dinner for the conferees, it catapulted him from his chair.

Felix, as a Leader of the House was one who was always looking for results.  He would not allow anything to stand in his way. As the Leader of Government Business, his attitude was that a government is elected to fulfill its social contract, encapsulated in its manifesto, with the people. In that regard, the work programme of the elected administration must be duly implemented, and Parliament must provide effective partnership. If the people, the ultimate beneficiaries, felt short-changed, they are clothed with the authority to vote out the government. In other words, in his considered view, the minority must have their say, but the Majority would have their way.

Some in the Minority group in Parliament considered Felix was uncompromising, and gave him the accolade: “Great Leader”.  Paradoxically, Hon. Owusu-Adjapong came to love the title and signed letters with the “honour” bestowed. The surveyor and lawyer that Felix was, he was thorough in his activities.

In 1997 when the NPP first entered Parliament, the number for the Parliamentary group was just 61 in the 200-member chamber. The Caucus was complemented by 4 CPP members and two PNC which brought the Minority up to 67, denying the NDC the watershed two-thirds which would have given them absolute majority. The conduct of activities in Parliament in those times engendered desperation especially, when the then Speaker, Justice Daniel Francis Annan insisted that because the ratio in the House was 2:1, he would, on any subject matter of debate or comment in plenary, accord the NDC two speaking turns and one for the Minority Caucus.

This compelled the NPP group to begin a frantic exercise to expand our numbers. Felix Owusu-Adjapong provided the group space at his office. The group was populated by back-benchers. That meeting birthed “Mission 2000” which was the fund-raising vehicle that was used to support the orphan constituencies. Each MP adopted one orphan constituency. The upshot of it all, enter January 2021, was the dramatic overnight increase in the numbers of the NPP to 103 from 61.  Felix Owusu-Adjapong was very instrumental in the mobilisation of the funds: at least 20% of the funds raised ensued directly from his contacts. The resources came to be placed at the disposal of the party.   

Felix served under two Speakers, Rt. Hon. Peter Ala Adjetey and Bagyina Sakyi Hughes, the latter of whose election he, Uncle Felix, was very instrumental in.

The Majority Leader, Leader of the House, and Minister for Parliamentary Affairs, Hon Felix Kwasi Owusu-Adjapong was one of the 17 people who put in their hat in the party’s presidential primaries to succeed President Kufuor. After the abortive attempt, he was brought back into the Executive as the Minister for Energy from where he exited the Executive and Parliament on January 6, 2009.  Since then he has led a quiet life.

There cannot be any doubt that he fought a good fight for the cause and the Party, the New Patriotic Party that he so much believed in. Senior Felix, May your soul rest in perfect peace.