These days, it has become so fashionable that a funeral is seen not only as a measure of respect for the dead and status for the living.

Hitherto, funerals were modest and not that expensive and not lavish as today.

No serious food was served except for travelling relatives who eat after the funeral, especially on Mondays and this relates to typical Akan communities like my hometown in Sefwi. 

But increasingly, civilisation and urbanisation have made Ghanaian funerals too expensive.

There are pockets of communities where the leaders have tried to limit lavish funerals, and I don’t know for sure how these measures have been effective.

Apart from the high financial outlay, the funeral ceremonies have left in their trail an increase in social vices, the result of excessive merry-making instead of mourning the dead.

Many families go to the extent of selling properties, and borrowing from financial institutions that come to the funeral grounds to collect donations to make up for any money given out.

Yet losses are recorded many a time with expectations not being met. 

This disturbing emerging conundrum needs to be tackled with practical steps to reduce the burden, if not eliminate same.

Why the emerging trend?

Studies on funeral practices in Ghana show that funeral celebrations have gradually transformed from modest communal rites into expensive social events heavily influenced by modern lifestyles, migration, social expectations and competition.

It is to be noted that whilst funerals in Ghana can consume substantial household income, they also negatively affect productivity, as many workers travel frequently for funeral activities.

Social pressure and competition in the public space lead many families to do what is beyond their means because of the fear of criticism if a funeral appears relatively simple. In some communities, funerals have become occasions to display affluence, influence and social standing.

Multiple ceremonies also account for this trend. Hitherto, one-week observances, pre-burial rites, wake-keepings and thanksgiving services, which now all add to the final cost, were modestly done and limited to a few people.

Now what seems to be the major driver of the high cost is food, drinks, chairs, canopies, sound systems and entertainment.

These consume a chunk of all funeral budgets.

Even people from relatively lower-income backgrounds spend so much on very expensive custom-designed funeral cloths and expensive attire for family members and this, in many cases, has become almost mandatory, such that those who cannot afford have to seek financial assistance.

The financial burden of funerals can have long-term consequences.

Some families remain in debt for years after a funeral. Ironically, people who did not and could not afford proper health care, for instance, for relatives while alive, sometimes spend heavily after death.

, including yours truly, argue that society must begin prioritising dignity over display.

Way forward?

We must, as Ghanaians, return to simplicity and our old ways of doing things rather than seeing life as a competition.

In this way, all traditional leaders, churches and families can encourage modest funerals focused on mourning and remembrance rather than spectacle, so to speak. 

Funeral days, especially the one-week observance, must be regulated and limited to only family members to announce the day of the final funeral rites. Reducing funeral activities to a single main day could significantly cut costs.  

Families should be encouraged to set clear spending limits and avoid unnecessary expenses driven by public pressure.

Furthermore, families should be encouraged to do funeral savings and insurance schemes as this is also an emerging scheme which may help families prepare without resorting to loans.

Ultimately, a cultural reorientation to changing attitudes is essential.

A dignified funeral does not have to be extravagant. Respect for the dead should not come at the expense of the living.

More children have to be in school.

Arguably, funerals remain an important part of Ghanaian culture and social identity.

Ghanaian Affairs Analysis

They unite families, preserve traditions and provide emotional support during grief.

However, as costs continue to rise, there is a growing need for honest national conversation about sustainability.

Honouring the dead should not impoverish the living.

Perhaps the time has come for Ghana to redefine what truly makes a befitting funeral.

The writer is Legal Manager/Company Secretary, 
Graphic Comm. Group Ltd., Accra. 
E-mail: sahstephen2002@gmail.com

Five people were confirmed trapped, including two in contact with rescuers, ​and 18 more were feared under the rubble, officials said.

“We have five ⁠confirmed trapped victims, and we have a figure of 18 workers from the list ​of construction workers on duty today, but no feedback yet from their families. This ​brings the estimated number of trapped victims to 23 as of today,” Maria Leah Sajili, information officer at the regional Bureau of Fire Protection, told a press briefing.

At the site of the collapsed multi-storey building ​under construction in the city of Angeles, north of the capital Manila, rescuers were seen ​clambering over a mound of concrete slabs and mangled steel, covered in green netting, searching for ‌survivors.

The ⁠number of rescued, including those in the vicinity, remained at 24, with no deaths reported, Sajili said.

Among the rescued was a 51-year-old Malaysian national who was staying in a nearby budget hotel, which was damaged when the concrete structure collapsed, Jay Pelayo, the Angeles city ​information officer, told Reuters ​in a phone ⁠interview.

He had earlier told DZBB radio that 30 to 40 people were feared trapped, based on information from a site foreman who was among ​those who escaped.

Officials said the cause of the collapse is ​under investigation, ⁠but records showed the building was intended as a nine-storey condo-hotel under the approved permit, but a 10th floor for a pool was being constructed.

Ambulances were on standby, and fire ⁠trucks had ​been deployed to assist in the rescue, Pelayo ​said, adding that moving the concrete debris was a challenge for rescuers.

Speaking during a visit to inspect the implementation of Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) education at Sawla Primary School, the President said the first phase of the initiative is already underway, with approximately 2,000 kilometres of roads currently under construction across the country.

“We are re-scoping phase two of the Big Push project,” he said.

President Mahama explained that the ongoing projects are being financed entirely with domestic resources, stressing that the government is funding the works without relying on external support.

“Since I commissioned the staff of the Big Push project several months ago, work is ongoing on about 2,000 kilometres of roads all around the country at the same time,” he stated.

According to him, preparations are underway for the second phase of the programme, which is currently being reviewed and will be formally announced by the Minister for Finance during the presentation of the budget to Parliament in November.

“There is a second phase we are scoping, and it will be announced by the Minister of Finance when he presents the budget in November to Parliament,” he said.

The President assured communities whose roads are yet to be included in the ongoing works that they will be captured under the next phase of the project.

“I can assure you that your roads are contained in the Big Push project for next year,” he stated.

He added that once Parliament approves the budget, contractors will be mobilised to the site early next year to continue the nationwide road expansion programme.

“Once the budget is presented in November and approved, early next year we will have contractors on the ground working on the roads,” President Mahama said.

ALSO READ:

• ‘I would’ve been an engineer if there was STEM while I was in school’…

• Big Push projects are not politically motivated – Roads Minister

The claim, which has been rejected by the Ministry of Finance due to a lack of supporting documentation for the transactions, was raised during proceedings of the Public Accounts Committee on Thursday, May 21.

Speaking before the committee, the Minister explained that upon assuming office, she encountered concerning reports from UNESCO regarding forts and castles, warning that the country risked being delisted from the World Heritage register.

She noted that in both 2022 and 2024, a reactive committee had raised red flags over the situation, prompting urgent intervention.

“In fact, I had to go to France, even on this matter, to go and plead on behalf of Ghana,” she said, referring to diplomatic efforts to protect the country’s heritage status.

The Minister further indicated that she attempted to engage the former Director of the Ghana Museums and Monuments Board to address outstanding concerns regarding the restoration of the forts and castles. However, she said he had not responded to her attempts at engagement.

She added that the Budget Officer’s difficulty in providing clarity suggested that key decisions and disbursements were handled directly between the ministry and the Ghana Museums and Monuments Board leadership at the time.

Given what she described as a lack of transparency surrounding the use of funds, she urged the committee to recommend that the matter be referred to the Attorney-General for a full investigation.

“I want to suggest that because of the lack of transparency on how these monies were disbursed and used for the restoration of the forts and castles, that you do recommend this to the Attorney-General so that we have some closure on this matter,” she stated.

The Minister stressed that Ghana still faces the risk of being delisted from the heritage list and called for urgent steps to resolve the outstanding issues. 

“As we speak, we still stand the risk of being delisted. So I’m very passionate about it, and I would like to suggest to the committee that you ensure that you assist us to get to the bottom of this by recommending to the attorney general to take charge of it,” she said.

The Minister further addressed issues surrounding the stalled Marine Drive project, outlining steps being taken to revive its implementation.

She said the government has reconstituted the board of Amdel, the special purpose vehicle established to manage the Marine Drive project, to improve coordination and delivery.

According to her, the Deputy Minister is now chairing the reconstituted committee to drive the process forward.

She added that the anchor developer and Amdel are preparing to embark on a roadshow to attract investors and secure financing for the project.

“I think we have crossed all the T’s and dotted all the I’s. We just need people to express interest in it and, of course, bring the financing to come and engage with the ministry so that we can take off from there, she noted. 

Madam Abla Gomashie says plans are underway to attract investors to revive the stalled Marine Drive project, with developers preparing a roadshow to promote it.

She expressed confidence that key preparatory processes had been completed and that the focus now is on attracting investment to enable the project to proceed.

The forum, held at the Regional Coordinating Council Hall, brought together aviation officials, traditional leaders, and local government authorities to address the serious safety risks posed by bird strikes and stray animals crossing the airport runway.

Detailing the severity of the crisis, Ghana Airports Company Limited (Ghana Airports Company Limited) Manager for Wildlife Management, Adams Seidu, revealed that over 200 bird species, predominantly the Yellow-billed Kite and African Wattled Lapwing, have been identified within a 13-kilometre radius of the facility.

He attributed this dangerous concentration to human activities, citing open waste dumping, an uncovered abattoir, and weak enforcement of municipal sanitation bylaws as the main attractants.

The immediate threat to incoming flights is further exacerbated by agricultural activities.

Wa Airport Manager Eric Nartey Yeboah issued a strong appeal for a ban on grain farming in the waterlogged areas surrounding the airport, noting that rice and maize farms frequently attract flocks of more than 300 birds, which can dangerously cross the flight path within seconds.

During the open forum, frustrations over enforcement failures ran high. Former Upper West Regional Chairman of the Ghana Journalists Association, Suala Abdul Wahab, recounted a harrowing near-disaster in 2008 when an aircraft carrying former Vice President Aliu Mahama nearly crashed due to a goat on the runway.

Mr Wahab expressed dismay that houses marked for demolition to secure the airport perimeter remain untouched, while new unauthorised structures are actively being built.

A former Wa District Chief Executive and Paramount Chief of Busa, Naa Seidu Pelpuo Yelemaana, who is also Chairman of the New Airport Site Committee, challenged the region to take responsibility for its waste.

He recalled how Wa transformed from the dirtiest town in 1996 to the cleanest by 1998, proving that the current sanitation crisis can be overcome with a decisive shift in public attitude.

Upper West Regional Minister Charles Lwanga Puozuing delivered a stern rebuke of the local culture of political interference, condemning the practice of influential individuals shielding offending relatives from paying sanitation fines.

He framed the municipal filth not just as an aviation hazard, but as a severe existential threat to the Upper West Region.

“Beyond drug abuse in Upper West, the next thing is sanitation,” the Regional Minister warned.

“For me, those are the two biggest problems in Upper West, drug abuse and sanitation. The rest we can manage, but these two are key issues that can destroy most of us.”

Acknowledging the severe resource constraints faced by the local government, the Minister appealed to GACL to assist the assemblies by providing much-needed waste skips to help curb indiscriminate dumping near the airport.

Responding to the appeal, Kwadwo Abrefa Sarkodie, Director of Airports Management, clarified the company’s financial boundaries. While noting that wildlife hazard management is a “shared responsibility,” he stressed that GACL cannot shoulder the financial burden of municipal waste management.

He urged the Regional Coordinating Council to prioritise sanitation in its budget and warned leaders to fiercely protect both the current facility and the proposed new airport lands from further encroachment.

Reinforcing this stance, Adams Seidu issued his own appeal to the local assemblies, urging them to formalise their approach to the crisis. Seidu called for the establishment of clear objectives and terms of reference to track regional progress.

Challenging the local authorities to look inward first, he asked, “Before we start thinking about financial support from GACL, what resources do we currently have and how can we pool them together?”

To ensure the engagement yields tangible results, Minister Puozuing concluded the forum by taking direct administrative control over future stakeholder participation. Noting a local trend of officials ignoring invitations, he issued a strict new directive.

“I’ve asked that when the time comes, Ghana Airports Company writes the invitation to me and lists those who are supposed to be invited,” the Regional Minister declared, emphasising that all future quarterly meeting notices will be routed directly through his office to guarantee attendance and accountability.

ALSO READ:

• ECOWAS clashes with Ghana over new airport taxes

• I don’t own my Airport Hills residence – Ablakwa

Speaking during his ongoing thank-you tour of the Tolon Constituency, Mr. Asiedu Nketia urged party supporters not to allow anger and disappointment to divide the NDC, but rather channel their frustrations into the pursuit of justice for the late Haruna Shaibu, popularly known as Alhaji, who lost his life during the 2024 elections.

“If you say you are not working for your party and the party in Tolon goes down, who benefits? Is it not the NPP? So please don’t allow anger to destroy you,” he said.

According to him, the pain over Alhaji’s death should instead motivate supporters to continue demanding justice rather than turning against their own party.

“The way to fight for justice is not to destroy your own party. The way to fight for justice is to fight the person who benefited from the death of your brother,” he stated.

Mr. Asiedu Nketia assured party faithful that both the NDC leadership and the government remain committed to ensuring justice for the deceased.

“This is my assurance that we will not relent in our struggle for justice for Alhaji, and personally, I have taken steps in pursuing this matter,” he added.

On unemployment, the NDC Chairman acknowledged the frustrations among the youth, noting that the government is aware of the growing economic pressures facing young people.

“The biggest problem in the country now is youth unemployment. Government is not lying idle. Government recognises that it is not possible to give everyone appointment letters, but what is possible is to train people to take advantage of various employment opportunities,” he said.

He listed initiatives such as the apprenticeship programme, youth entrepreneurship programme, youth in agriculture initiative and the One Million Coders Programme as some of the interventions being rolled out to create opportunities for young people.

However, he admitted that financial constraints inherited by the government had affected the pace of implementation.

“The reason you are not feeling the impact yet is because of the financial constraints that we inherited. So far, we have not been able to enrol sufficient numbers of our youth into training under these programmes,” he explained.

Mr. Asiedu Nketia disclosed that the government’s next budget would place greater emphasis on funding youth-centred programmes to expand opportunities and reduce unemployment across the country.

READ ALSO:

Aseidu Nketia has made the NDC more attractive – Osei Owusu

Aseidu Nketia disagrees with EC’s decision to print ballot papers

A report, produced by the American Hotel & Lodging Association (AHLA) has found that bookings are well below expectations in almost every host city.

The AHLA said this does not align with Fifa’s statement that more than five million tickets have been sold, and it creates a risk that “the anticipated economic lift may fall short”.

The AHLA is the largest hotel association in the US, representing more than 32,000 properties and over 80% of all franchised hotels.

Its report partially puts the blame at the door of Fifa, accusing world football’s governing body of block-booking far too many rooms for its own use and creating false demand.

This, the AHLA said, led to artificially high pricing which, after Fifa cancelled a large number of rooms, has been replaced by a vacuum of availability.

Fifa said it does not recognise this accusation.

Hotels said high match ticket pricing, local transport and tax costs, and the political backdrop have put visitors off.

For the hotels, this World Cup could fall flat.

Fifa bookings ‘manufactured artificial demand’

The AHLA said hotels spent years preparing and have made “significant investments” based upon official projections.

A study commissioned by Fifa, released last year, predicted that in the US the World Cup could create 185,000 jobs, adding $17.2bn (£12.7bn) in gross domestic product.

The hotels were planning for an influx of international travellers, who book longer stays with a higher spend.

But the AHLA said fewer overseas fans “threatens the broader economic impact” with just over three weeks until the opening game on 11 June.

The AHLA said the large-scale bookings made by Fifa in all cities “shaped revenue forecasts, staffing plans and preparations”.

It said this booking policy “manufactured artificial demand” and masked the fact that tourist flow is going to be lower than predicted.

Up to 70% of rooms reserved by Fifa in Boston, Dallas, Los Angeles, Philadelphia and Seattle have been cancelled, the AHLA said.

In a statement Fifa rejected the AHLA’s claims and said it had followed agreements made with hotel chains.

“All room releases were conducted in line with contractually agreed timelines with hotel partners – a standard practice for an event of this scale,” a Fifa spokesperson said.

“In many cases, room releases were made ahead of established deadlines to further accommodate requests from hotels.

“Throughout the planning process, Fifa’s accommodations team maintained consistent discussions with hotel stakeholders, including room block adjustments, agreeing to rates, confirming room types and regular reporting, supported by townhall and ongoing communication.”

Prices spiked after the draw was made, as soon as fans knew which cities their teams would be in.

There has been a gradual fall since then, reportedly by a further 20% in recent weeks.

But this could be too late to entice fans back.

Hotel prices in cities like Boston are still more than $300 (£224) a night, and most fans are working to a lower budget.

Chris Hancock, an England fan who has been to four World Cups, told BBC Sport that his group of five are travelling on an accommodation budget of $75 (£56) per person per night.

They will hire a car in each city and book a mix of hotels and Airbnb accommodation between 45 minutes to an hour away.

“We always tend to stay out of town a little bit and cut the cost that way, so we’re not in the middle of Dallas, Boston or New York,” Hancock said.

“If you’re out of the city centres where everything’s happening, you can get some cheaper deals.

“We’re working within that budget. And at the minute we should be well under that.”

The AHLA told BBC Sport it “expects occupancy to strengthen in June and July”.

“We know that many fans are still waiting on tickets and schedules to become clearer before finalising plans,” a spokesperson said.

“We believe bookings will pick up in the weeks ahead. Hotels are ready to welcome guests and ensure that they have the best possible experience.”

Airbnb says the World Cup is on course to be the “biggest hosting event in Airbnb’s history”, overtaking the 2024 Olympic and Paralympic Games in Paris.

Hotels might need to rely on making gains in the knockout rounds, when fans have to make bookings at short notice.

But the World Cup seems unlikely to bring in the revenue that was being predicted.

Addressing the Minority Caucus ahead of Thursday’s resumption of Parliament, Dr. Bawumia rejected what he described as a culture of vague governmental announcements passing without scrutiny, and told his MPs that the Ghanaian people are no longer moved by slogans.

“Where the government makes a claim, ask for the numbers. Where the government announces a programme, ask for the budget, the implementation architecture, the timelines, the beneficiaries, and the measurable outcomes.”

The NPP Flagbearer identified a range of specific issues he wants the Minority to train its scrutiny on in the coming session, including the 24-Hour Economy policy and its actual cost and implementation plan; the credibility of the NDC’s job creation promises; the rising pressure on household budgets; the return of dumsor; the future of Ghana’s cocoa farmers; the fight against illegal mining; the management of natural resources including lithium; and the use of statutory funds such as the District Assemblies Common Fund.

Stability Is Not Enough
Taking direct aim at the government’s macro-economic narrative, Dr. Bawumia argued that the NDC’s claim to macroeconomic stability, while legitimate as far as it goes, is insufficient as a yardstick of governance performance. He reminded MPs that the road to stability began under the NPP’s watch after the twin crises of the global COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war-induced economic disruption.

“Stability is not an end in itself; it is a means to an end,” he told the Caucus. “The end game is how that stability is maintained and translated into relief in the cost of living for our people.” He challenged the Minority to ask how macroeconomic stability is reaching the market woman, the teacher, the nurse, the young graduate, the farmer, the trotro driver, the small business owner, and the unemployed youth.

On the 24-Hour Economy
Particular attention was drawn to the NDC’s flagship 24-Hour Economy policy, which the government has positioned as its answer to youth unemployment. Citing Afrobarometer data indicating that jobs are the most important issue on the minds of young Ghanaians, Dr. Bawumia directed the Minority to choreograph a sustained series of activities that mainstream the jobs conversation and expose what he described as the NDC’s continued deceit on the jobs question.

Smart Opposition, Not Blanket Opposition
While pressing for aggressive scrutiny, Dr. Bawumia cautioned against an opposition that opposes everything and is therefore heard by nobody. He urged the Caucus to come to the table with credible alternative propositions, improve legislation rather than block it reflexively, and reserve walkouts and boycotts for only the gravest of matters.

“I want this Caucus to be known as a serious, prepared, and patriotic opposition: tough but not reckless; firm but not disorderly; principled but not bitter; and always ready to put Ghana first,” he said. “That is how we win back trust.”

READ ALSO:

24-Hour Economy Secretariat ‘in coma’ – Amin Adam claims

Amin Adam praises NPP digitalisation agenda under Bawumia

According to the Karaga MP, the government cannot rely on the public sector to drive the policy because of the financial burden associated with expanding staffing and operations across state institutions.

“If anyone was expecting that the government would create jobs through the public sector approach, you must be reviewing your expectations because the government cannot fund it,” he stated.

Dr. Amin Adam maintained that the private sector should be at the centre of the initiative, but criticised the government for failing to roll out the incentive packages promised in the 2026 Budget to support businesses willing to operate under the policy.

“The policy, if it will survive, should be private sector-led, yet the government has failed to provide the incentive package promised in the 2026 Budget to the private sector almost half a year of the budget implementation,” he said.

He also alleged that the 24-Hour Economy Secretariat had become inactive because the government had not released funds allocated for its operations.

According to him, the delays undermine confidence in the policy and cast doubt on the government’s commitment to its implementation.

READ ALSO:

Bimbilla NPP Chairman withdraws resignation, returns to office

Adaklu DCE cuts sod for classroom blocks and teachers’ bungalows in six communities

The warning was issued by Christian Tetteh Yohuno on Tuesday, May 19, during a ceremony where the Mobile Money Advocacy Group Ghana presented him with a plaque and citation in recognition of efforts to combat crime within the mobile money sector.

Addressing the gathering, the Inspector General of Police reiterated the Service’s commitment to protecting citizens and pursuing criminals, particularly those involved in attacks targeting mobile money operators and vendors.

“We want to sound a strong warning to criminals wherever they are that we will not give up in our endeavour to make sure we protect Ghanaians. They should lay down their arms and stop committing crime because whatever they do and wherever they hide in this modern day of policing, they can run, but they cannot hide,” he stated.

Mr. Yohuno further stressed that modern policing methods and technological advancements are strengthening the Police Service’s ability to track down offenders and ensure justice is served.

President of the Mobile Money Advocacy Group Ghana, Edward Ofori-Agyemang, praised the IGP’s leadership and dedication in tackling crime.

He also called on the Police Service to sustain its operations against criminals, especially those targeting mobile money agents and vendors, to strengthen security and improve public confidence within the sector.

READ ALSO:

Interior Minister presents new vehicles to GNFS

Ghana’s entire budget cannot complete Agenda 111 projects – Titus Beyuo

Its mandate encompasses the organisation and discipline of the military, disaster management, humanitarian support, and active participation in international peacekeeping operations.

In addition, the Ministry fosters bilateral and multilateral partnerships, generates employment, and strengthens national unity—factors that collectively underpin Ghana’s trajectory towards sustainable development and prosperity.

The role of the defence minister is pivotal, particularly in a developing and risk-exposed country like Ghana. The minister’s responsibilities include overseeing the armed forces, ensuring operational readiness, shaping defence policy, managing military budgets, and cultivating strategic alliances.

Effective leadership in this capacity is fundamental for internal security, deterrence of external threats, and the successful execution of peacekeeping missions both domestically and abroad. Deficiencies in ministerial leadership can compromise the Ministry’s ability to fulfil its mandate, exposing the nation to security vulnerabilities.

In recent times, the absence of a substantive Defence Minister has necessitated reliance on an acting minister. This interim leadership has maintained operational continuity, discipline, and commitment to national security. The acting minister has overseen defence projects, coordinated with international partners, and upheld military readiness, while also advocating for reforms to enhance efficiency and morale among personnel. Despite persistent challenges, these efforts have mitigated disruptions and supported ongoing progress.

For the fiscal year 2026, the Ministry of Defence was allocated GHC 10.77 billion from the national budget of GHC 357.1 billion, representing 3.2% of total government expenditure. This marks a significant increase from previous years—up from 1.76% in 2024 and 1.9% in 2025—positioning defence as the fourth largest budgetary priority after Education (9.5%), Health, and Interior. The year-on-year increment of 68.8% is the most substantial in recent history, driven largely by procurement requirements (including four helicopters), personnel costs, infrastructure, and enhanced security needs following the passing of key government officials.

Ghana’s defence budget aligns closely with the African average of 3.5%, although it remains below the African Union’s target of 2% of GDP. By comparison, Nigeria and Ivory Coast allocate 3.66% and 3.07%, respectively, though Ghana’s per capita defence expenditure (USD 2.36) is lower than both countries (Ivory Coast: USD 21, Nigeria: USD 6).

The increased budgetary allocation and operational successes may suggest justification for maintaining interim leadership. However, pressing concerns necessitate the appointment of a substantive minister. The acting minister’s background in finance, while valuable, does not adequately project the Ministry’s strategic relevance to external actors, and expertise in defence or security is conventionally expected.

The deputy defence minister’s experience within the Ghana Armed Forces, though notable, lacks the professional and academic depth required for the role, further underscoring the need for an appropriately qualified appointment.

Internal party cohesion is another consideration. The reduced size of government has led to perceptions of marginalisation among party members. Appointing a substantive minister not only addresses these concerns but also demonstrates the government’s commitment to competence and inclusivity, while also eroding perceptions of mistrust and indecision.

Security and defence challenges in Ghana require robust intelligence and proactive management, particularly in light of regional instability, terrorism, and geopolitical tensions. Recent incidents—including attacks on traders in Burkina Faso and fishermen in Ewutu—have disrupted economic activities and heightened public fear, highlighting the urgent need for strengthened security measures. Additional threats, such as armed robberies, kidnappings, and assaults on public transport, further reinforce the necessity for decisive leadership within the Ministry of Defence.

Ghana currently lacks an updated defence policy or strategy, with the most recent document dating back to 2021. The development of a new strategic framework is imperative and constitutes a critical rationale for the appointment of a substantive minister. The leadership vacuum has had tangible implications for governance and security. Delays in decision-making, policy implementation, and international coordination have the potential to impact military readiness and response capabilities. Morale and discipline within the armed forces may also be compromised, with broader consequences for public confidence and national stability.

While the acting minister and the president must be commended for their resilience and management, continued reliance on interim arrangements risks engendering procrastination and exposing the nation to political and governance vulnerabilities. Immediate action to appoint a substantive Defence Minister is essential to fortify Ghana’s security architecture and ensure continued progress in national development.

READ ALSO:

Interior Minister presents new vehicles to GNFS

Deputy Transport Minister joins dignitaries for GCAA 40th anniversary grand finale dinner

The logistics commissioned include two Toyota Hiace minibuses, four Nissan Navara pick-ups, and one Toyota Camry saloon vehicle procured by the government for the Service, as well as a Honda motorbike donated to the GNFS.

READ ALSO:

Ghana’s entire budget cannot complete Agenda 111 projects – Titus Beyuo

You cannot build 24-hour markets in every district and say Agenda 111 is unimportant – Nsiah Asare

According to him, the government remains committed to completing the projects despite the huge financial burden involved.

Speaking on Burning Issues on Adom FM, Mr. Beyuo explained that the cost of completing all Agenda 111 hospitals is enormous and cannot be funded solely through the Ministry of Health’s budget.

“The entire Ministry of Health budget cannot complete all Agenda 111 projects. Even if the whole national budget is used for Agenda 111, the country will come to a standstill because no other projects will take place,” he stated.

He noted that work on some of the projects stalled because the previous administration did not make sufficient funds available for their completion.

According to him, the current government is working to mobilise resources to continue the projects and intends to complete at least 33 hospitals.

Mr. Beyuo further explained that the government had to conduct an audit of the projects to determine the actual cost involved and assess the stages of completion before proceeding with construction works.

“Another issue that delayed the work is that government needed to audit the projects to ascertain the cost involved and the level of completion of each facility,” he said.

He disclosed that allocations have already been made in the 2026 budget for 10 hospitals, which he described as evidence of the government’s commitment to the project.

According to him, the Minister of Health has directed contractors working on the 10 selected hospitals to return to site and resume work.

Touching on concerns regarding the government’s Free Primary Healthcare policy, Mr. Beyuo defended the initiative, saying it is aimed at ensuring equitable and unhindered access to basic healthcare services for all citizens.

He explained that the programme seeks to shift healthcare delivery from expensive curative treatment to preventive care, which would reduce pressure on outpatient departments at major hospitals across the country.

“If the Free Primary Healthcare policy is sustained, many people may not even need to go to hospitals. So those suggesting that money for the programme should be diverted to Agenda 111 do not clearly understand the concept,” he added.

READ ALSO:

Two US nationals arrested over stunt at enclosure of famous monkey Punch

Akatsi North MP pushes for more teacher recruitment, dedicated school rehabilitation fund

According to the MP, the number is inadequate given the growing shortage of teachers at the basic school level nationwide.

Speaking in an interview with Adom News during the commissioning of some legacy projects in the Akatsi North District, Mr. Nortsu-Kotoe said authorities are pushing for the recruitment figure to be increased significantly.

“We are fighting hard and we want the number to be doubled because estimates show that about one million school children at the basic level are lacking teachers,” he stated.

The lawmaker stressed that the shortage of teachers continues to affect effective teaching and learning in many communities, especially in deprived areas.

Mr. Nortsu-Kotoe also disclosed that discussions have been held with the Ghana Education Trust Fund to allocate a dedicated budget line next year for the rehabilitation and maintenance of school infrastructure across the country.

According to him, attention has often been focused on constructing new classroom blocks while existing educational facilities continue to deteriorate without proper maintenance.

“We only build new ones and once they start deteriorating, nobody cares about them. So we are insisting that from next year there should be a dedicated budget line for the renovation of classrooms,” he noted.

He further explained that the proposed intervention would ensure funds are readily available to respond to emergencies such as rainstorms that damage school buildings.

“Where there is a rainstorm and the roof is blown off, money should be available immediately to repair them. I think efforts are being made to ensure that the maintenance culture is upheld,” he added.

The projects were commissioned in collaboration with the MP, Volta Regional Minister James Gunu, and the District Chief Executive for Akatsi North, Bless Katamani.

READ ALSO:

Some ministries are collapsing due to lack of funds – Effia MP claims

Claims that Ato Forson is withholding funds from ministries are laughable – Deputy Finance Minister

The global benchmark Brent crude sank from $112 (£83) to $109 after Trump made the comments on Truth Social.

Before the social media post, the price had swung throughout Monday. Trump warned Iran on the weekend that the “clock is ticking”, with talks to bring the war to an end apparently stalled.

Energy markets have been on a wild ride after Iran effectively closed the key Strait of Hormuz waterway in retaliation for US and Israeli strikes on the country, which started on 28 February.

Around a fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas usually passes through the narrow shipping route.

The oil market has been reacting swiftly to any signs of progress, or lack of it, towards a peace deal that will reopen the strait.

The rise in crude in early trade on Monday came after Trump wrote on social media that Iran had “better get moving, FAST, or there won’t be anything left of them”, adding “TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE!”

The president warned last week that the ceasefire was on “massive life support” after rejecting Iran’s demands, labelling them “totally unacceptable”.

According to news platform Axios, Trump is expected to hold ​a ​meeting on ⁠Tuesday ​with his ​top national security advisers to ​discuss the ​options for military ‌action ⁠regarding Iran.

However, oil prices fell back later after reports that an Iranian news agency said the US had accepted a temporary waiver on sanctions on Iran’s crude oil during the negotiations, raising hopes of progress in peace talks.

Later on Monday, Trump said, “Serious negotiations are now taking place”.

In a post on Truth Social, he said he had been asked to hold off a military attack on Iran planned for Tuesday by the leaders of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Trump said he had been informed that a deal would be made that is “very acceptable” to the US, adding that there would be “NO NUCLEAR WEAPONS FOR IRAN!”

But he warned that the US military would be prepared to “go forward with a full, large-scale assault of Iran, on a moment’s notice” if there was no acceptable deal reached.

Iran has not publicly commented on Trump’s latest statement.

Government borrowing costs rise

The rise in energy costs since the conflict began has also pushed up government borrowing costs, as measured by bond yields.

The fear is that higher energy bills will increase inflation leading central banks to hike interest rates.

On Monday, the benchmark 10-year US Treasury yield – effectively the interest rate charged to the US government for a 10-year loan – hit 4.63% at one point, its highest level in more than a year, before falling back.

Yields on Japanese bonds also jumped after Reuters reported the government there was likely to issue fresh debt as part of funding for a planned extra budget to help cushion the economic blow from the war.

The yield on the 30-year Japanese government bond rose to its highest on record at 4.2%, while the 10-year yield jumped to 2.8%, its highest since October 1996.

Yields on eurozone bonds also started the day higher before they fell back as oil prices declined.

The latest moves came as G7 finance ministers met in Paris.

European Central Bank head Christine Lagarde, asked as she arrived if she was worried by a sell-off in global bond markets, replied to reporters: “I always worry, that’s my job.”

‘Summer of pain’

Claudio Galimberti, chief economist at Rystad Energy, told the BBC that the high level of oil prices was “a very dire situation and it’s going to get worse unless the strait is opened”.

“We are approaching a summer of pain, I am afraid, unless Hormuz is opened.”

Higher oil prices have pushed up fuel costs for businesses, including airlines, many of which are entering the peak holiday season.

Irish airline Ryanair reported its full-year results on Monday and said: “The conflict in the Middle East has created economic uncertainty and we still don’t know when the Strait of Hormuz will reopen.”

The carrier said it had secured contracts to fix the price for 80% of its jet fuel in the months ahead.

But it said the price of the remaining 20% “has spiked due to the Middle East conflict”.

Ryanair’s profits rose to €2.26bn (£2bn) from €1.6bn last year, with sales up 11% to €15.5bn for the year to the end of March.

But it said the business’s outlook was difficult to predict at the moment due to the Iran war and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

During the Middle East conflict, Iran has launched attacks on neighbouring countries, including Israel, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

On Sunday, the UAE said a drone strike had triggered a fire near its nuclear power station, calling the incident a “dangerous escalation”.

Officials are investigating the source of the strike. The country’s defence ministry said three drones had entered the UAE from the “western border direction”.

While two were intercepted, the third drone struck an electrical generator “outside the inner perimeter” of the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant in Abu Dhabi, sparking a fire.

No injuries were reported and there was no impact on radiological safety levels, local authorities said.

The six-day competition, staged at the University of Ghana Stadium, came under heavy criticism over alleged poor organisation, with several athletes expressing dissatisfaction with the standard of arrangements during the event.

Following the backlash, some reports claimed that the agreed government allocation of GHC40 million was not disbursed to the Sports Ministry ahead of the championship.

However, speaking on Ekosii Sen on Asempa FM, the Member of Parliament for Asuogyaman rejected those claims, insisting that budgetary provisions are always made for sporting events.

Audio below

Meanwhile, Ghana ended the championship with five medals, though the host nation failed to secure a gold medal.

According to him, several ministries remain financially constrained despite assurances from the government that budgetary allocations and commitment authorisations are being processed.

Speaking on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen show, the lawmaker questioned the government’s handling of the economy and accused the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) administration of being disconnected from the realities facing ordinary Ghanaians.

“Is the NDC living in a different world? Some ministries are really suffering due to a lack of funds to operate. Nothing is moving; the country is dormant,” he stated.

Mr. Boamah-Nyarko alleged that ministers are unable to effectively carry out their duties because funds expected for operations have either been delayed or not released.

“The ministers are struggling. There are no allotments or release of funds for the ministries. All the commitment authorisation is just talk,” he said.

He further explained that even agencies with internally generated funds are unable to utilise their resources promptly because approval processes at the Finance Ministry are taking too long.

“Ordinarily, some agencies have their own funds and want to use them, but they still need commitment authorisation. When the letters are submitted to the Finance Ministry, approvals take too long,” he claimed.

The Effia MP also questioned the government’s claims about economic improvement, arguing that many citizens are yet to feel any meaningful impact in their daily lives.

“The country is not doing well. Why is the Finance Ministry behaving as if revenue is not coming in? Where is the money? Why are the people not feeling the economy?” he quizzed.

Mr. Boamah-Nyarko insisted that the government must take urgent steps to address funding challenges within ministries and restore confidence in the management of the economy.

READ ALSO:

Let’s open a new chapter for Ghana’s justice system – Baffour Awuah

Six poorest districts in Ghana found in North East region – GSS

According to him, the government has continued to release funds to ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) in line with approved budgetary allocations while maintaining prudent economic management.

Speaking in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen show, Mr. Ampem said the Finance Minister remains committed to Ghana’s development agenda and would not deny any ministry funding out of personal interest or vendetta.

“It is laughable to say that Ato Forson is not releasing funds to certain ministries. Every ministry has received its funds. Even the Ministry of Education has received 4.5 billion cedis from us,” he stated.

He stressed that all funding requests that fall within the approved national budget are being honoured, adding that government has already carried out significant budget allocations for MDAs.

“If there is anyone who has Ghana at heart and is committed to the development of the country, it is Ato Forson. He isn’t petty, and there is no way he would refuse to release funds because of personal vendetta,” he said.

Mr. Ampem disclosed that close to 40 percent of the budgetary allocation for MDAs has already been released, insisting that no ministry has been denied funding.

“We have done budget allocations and there is no ministry that has not received its funds,” he noted.

Addressing concerns about delays in employing trained teachers and nurses, the Deputy Finance Minister acknowledged the existence of a backlog but explained that government is unable to absorb all qualified personnel onto the payroll at once due to financial constraints.

“There are genuine concerns about a backlog of trained teachers and nurses who are not yet on the payroll. We gave the Education Ministry clearance for about 7,000, but the numbers are more than that and we cannot accommodate all at once,” he explained.

He further revealed that aside from staff compensation, the government has released approximately GH¢4.5 billion to the education sector to support ongoing operations and programmes.

“Education alone, apart from staff costs, has received about 4.5 billion cedis, and we are on course,” he added.

Mr. Ampem reiterated that the Finance Ministry remains focused on prudent economic management while ensuring that key sectors continue to receive the necessary financial support.

READ ALSO:

PAC queries Labour Ministry over missing GH¢223,000 vehicles and 14-year interest accrual

Let’s open a new chapter for Ghana’s justice system – Baffour Awuah

In a statement issued by the Ministry’s Public Relations Directorate, officials clarified that the document being shared online is only an extract from a broader official submission requesting Commitment Authorisation from the Ministry of Finance.

According to the Ministry, the request forms part of standard public financial management and procurement procedures and relates to budgetary allocations approved by Parliament for the 2026 fiscal year.

It explained that the submission covers proposed projects, operational activities, and programme interventions expected to be implemented within the year.

However, the Ministry stressed that the request has not yet been approved by the Ministry of Finance, insisting that no funds have been released or spent on the items contained in the circulating document.

“The claims suggesting that public funds have already been squandered are inaccurate, misleading and devoid of context and must be treated with the contempt they deserve,” the statement said.

The Ministry reaffirmed its commitment to transparency, accountability, and compliance with public financial management regulations in the execution of its mandate.

Read the full statement below:

ALSO READ:

• Communications Ministry faces PAC grilling again over unsatisfactory answers

• Gov’t probing allegations of ‘vanishing data’ – Communications Ministry

The global benchmark Brent crude was 1.7% higher at $111.13 (£83.44), while US-traded oil was up by 2.1% at $107.62.

Government borrowing costs in the US, Japan and Europe also rose as fears over inflation continue to grow.

Energy markets have been on a wild ride after Iran effectively closed the key Strait of Hormuz waterway in retaliation for US and Israeli strikes on the country, which started on 28 February.

Around a fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) usually passes through the narrow shipping route.

“They better get moving, FAST, or there won’t be anything left of them,” Trump wrote on social media. “TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE!”

Iranian media, meanwhile, reported Washington had failed to make any concrete concessions in its response to Tehran’s latest proposals to end the conflict.

A lack of compromise from the US would lead to an “impasse in the negotiations”, the semi-official Mehr news agency reported.

Trump’s message echoed his threat that a “whole civilisation” would die unless Tehran agreed to a peace deal, shortly before a ceasefire was announced in early April.

The president warned last week that the truce was on “massive life support” after rejecting Iran’s demands, labelling them “totally unacceptable”.

He is expected to hold ​a ​meeting on ⁠Tuesday ​with his ​top national security advisers to ​discuss the ​options for military ‌action ⁠regarding Iran, according to news platform Axios.

Inflation worries have been pushing up bond yields, or government borrowing costs, around the world in recent weeks, with investors increasingly expecting central banks to hike interest rates.

On Monday, the benchmark 10-year US Treasury yield – effectively the interest rate charged to the US government for a 10-year loan – hit 4.63%, its highest level in more than a year.

Yields on Japanese bonds also jumped after Reuters reported the government there was likely to issue fresh debt as part of funding for a planned extra budget to help cushion the economic blow from the war.

The yield on the 30-year Japanese government bond rose to its highest on record at 4.2%, while the 10-year yield jumped to 2.8%, its highest since October 1996.

Yields on eurozone bonds were also higher.

The latest increases come as G7 finance ministers are meeting in Paris.

European Central Bank head Christine Lagarde, asked as she arrived if she was worried by a sell-off in global bond markets, replied to reporters: “I always worry, that’s my job.”

‘Summer of pain’

As oil prices climbed above $111,Claudio Galimberti, chief economist at Rystad Energy, told the BBC: “This is a very dire situation and it’s going to get worse unless the strait is opened.

“We are approaching a summer of pain, I am afraid, unless Hormuz is opened.”

Higher oil prices have pushed up fuel costs for businesses, including airlines – many of which are entering the peak holiday season.

Irish airline Ryanair reported its full-year results on Monday and said: “The conflict in the Middle East has created economic uncertainty and we still don’t know when the Strait of Hormuz will reopen.”

The carrier said it had secured contracts to fix the price for 80% of its jet fuel in the months ahead.

But it said the price of the remaining 20% “has spiked due to the Middle East conflict”.

Ryanair’s profits rose to €2.26bn (£2bn) from €1.6bn last year, with sales up 11% to €15.5bn for the year to the end of March.

But it said the outlook for the business was difficult to predict at the moment due to the Iran war as well as the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

During the Middle East conflict Iran has launched attacks on neighbouring countries including Israel, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

On Sunday, the UAE said a drone strike had triggered a fire near its nuclear power station, calling the incident a “dangerous escalation”.

Officials are investigating the source of the strike. The country’s defence ministry said three drones had entered the UAE from the “western border direction”.

While two were intercepted, the third drone struck an electrical generator “outside the inner perimeter” of the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant in Abu Dhabi, sparking a fire.

No injuries were reported and there was no impact on radiological safety levels, local authorities said.

The President made the remarks during a meeting with the Northern Regional House of Chiefs on Friday, May 15, shortly before leaving for Geneva for an international engagement.

He questioned the strategic logic behind rolling out all 111 hospital projects at once, insisting that a phased approach would have been both more effective and fiscally responsible.

“When the Agenda 111 hospitals… I don’t think it was a very prudent idea to start 111 hospitals at the same time. At least they should have been phased out,” he stated.

President Mahama further revealed that the execution of the programme had been deeply troubled, with some contractors collecting mobilisation funds and abandoning their sites entirely.

“With some of the projects, people took the mobilisation and never went to the site,” he disclosed, adding that his administration was actively pursuing such contractors to recover funds and enforce accountability.

“EOCO is going after them,” he assured the chiefs, signalling that legal and administrative action was already underway against defaulting contractors.

Notwithstanding his stinging critique of the programme’s management, President Mahama reaffirmed his administration’s determination to ensure that Ghanaians ultimately benefit from the initiative.

He disclosed that following a comprehensive review of the programme, the government would channel resources into completing 35 hospitals that are closest to finishing.

Additional funding, he added, would be set aside in the next national budget to advance another batch of facilities in subsequent phases.

The restructuring plan also includes a partnership with faith-based health institutions, which will be invited to adopt and complete some of the stalled facilities.

“We’re also inviting the faith-based organisations that run hospitals to adopt some of the hospitals that they think they can complete and bring into operation,” the President said.

The Agenda 111 initiative, conceived as a landmark healthcare infrastructure expansion drive, has been dogged by delays, stalled projects, and cost overrun concerns — challenges that have prompted the current administration’s shift towards phased delivery and strategic partnerships.

Delivering a keynote address at the 79th World Health Assembly in Geneva on Monday, May 18, Mr. Mahama said the reduction in funding has significantly affected Ghana’s healthcare sector and broader development agenda.

“In Ghana, health financing from bilateral and multilateral partners has significantly decreased since 2025. Ghana lost $78 million in health funding following the closure of US aid programmes,” he told the Assembly.

According to the President, the withdrawn support had previously funded critical healthcare interventions, including malaria control, maternal and child health, nutrition and HIV/AIDS programmes.

“These monies went into malaria programmes, maternal and child health, nutrition, HIV/AIDS programmes, including testing and the delivery of antiretroviral drugs,” he added.

Mr. Mahama, who is attending the global health gathering to advocate greater health sovereignty for countries in the Global South, also expressed concern over the continued decline in international health assistance since the COVID-19 pandemic.

He disclosed that global health support has dropped by about 40 per cent since the pandemic, with Ghana among countries heavily affected by the reduction.

“Six years after the last global pandemic, COVID-19, the world health architecture is changing rapidly. Overall, humanitarian assistance is reported to have declined by 40 per cent, and some of the largest Western economies have significantly cut their overseas development assistance,” he stated.

The President further noted that the budget of the World Health Organization has also been impacted by the withdrawal of US support.

“The World Health Organisation’s budget has been gutted by the withdrawal of US assistance, forcing the organisation to scale down programmes and undertake staff retrenchment,” he said.

Mr. Mahama stressed the need for African countries to strengthen domestic healthcare systems and reduce overreliance on foreign aid to safeguard public health delivery.

The 79th World Health Assembly has brought together world leaders, policymakers and health experts to discuss pressing global health challenges and sustainable healthcare financing.

READ ALSO:

Mahama urges Africa to reduce donor dependence in healthcare

Security forces intercept large cache of ammunition in Nkwanta, arrest two suspects

He insists that major progress was made in revenue generation, digitalisation and metering before his departure from office.

His comments come amid renewed pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for Ghana to accelerate private sector participation in ECG’s operations as part of broader efforts to address persistent financial and operational challenges within the country’s energy sector.

The IMF’s position emerged during discussions between an IMF staff team led by Ruben Atoyan and Ghanaian authorities during a mission to Accra from April 29 to May 15 for the sixth and final review of Ghana’s Extended Credit Facility programme.

In a statement issued at the conclusion of the mission, the IMF warned that deep-rooted inefficiencies in the energy sector continued to threaten public finances and economic stability, stressing the need for stronger reforms in both the energy and cocoa sectors.

Appearing on Newsfile on Saturday, May 16, he outlined the measures introduced during his leadership at ECG, arguing that the company had begun reversing longstanding revenue and operational challenges.

According to Mr Mahama, ECG’s monthly revenue performance when he assumed office was significantly lower than what the company later achieved.

“When I took over ECG, ECG’s revenue was nowhere near GH¢900 million,” he stated.

“I used to see on a monthly basis 500, 600 or 700 million.”

He explained that the company’s improved financial performance eventually created heightened public expectations regarding ECG’s cash flow and operational capacity.

“Typical Ghanaian life — when your money starts going up, expectations are on you,” he remarked.

Mr Mahama said one of his key management challenges was balancing operational sustainability with demands for increased financial performance.

“I needed to control expectations to be able to run the company,” he said.

According to him, many people assumed that once ECG’s revenue figures improved, the entire amount generated should immediately be available for operational expenditure.

“But everybody believes that so far as you are getting that whole GH¢1.5 billion, you should bring the whole GH¢1.5 billion into the cash flow,” he explained.

Mr Mahama attributed much of the improvement in ECG’s revenue performance to a loss reduction programme introduced during his administration, particularly through digitalisation reforms aimed at improving collection efficiency.

“We had the loss reduction programme, under which we had the digitalisation process which made collections very efficient,” he stated.

He maintained that the company’s collection systems became more transparent and easier to monitor during the reform process.

“The picture on collection is clear, there is no corner about it,” he added.

A central feature of the reforms highlighted by Mr Mahama involved the introduction of a new metering model based on private sector participation.

The approach appears closely aligned with the IMF’s current recommendation for increased private sector involvement in ECG’s operations.

Mr Mahama explained that under the previous procurement arrangement, ECG relied heavily on government budget allocations to purchase electricity meters directly.

“Initially, on your budget they will tell you, you are buying 30,000 meters or 40,000 meters this month,” he explained.

Under the revised model introduced during his tenure, metering companies were required to establish local operations in Ghana and install meters before ECG made payments.

“What we changed it into was that every metering supplier or every metering company should have a company in Ghana,” he said.

“The moment your factory is done, we give you an area, you meter the area, the meter is installed, and when it is installed and captured in our system and it starts making money, that is when we pay you.”

According to him, the arrangement shifted ECG away from the traditional procurement model towards a performance-based system that rewarded actual delivery and efficiency.

“So we moved away totally from the basic procurement,” he stated.

Mr Mahama further disclosed that by the time he left office, ECG had significantly reduced the nationwide shortage of electricity meters.

“It is supposed to still be in place. Before I was leaving, at that point there was no meter shortage at ECG,” he revealed.

He explained that ECG had been carrying out approximately 100,000 meter installations every month in an effort to close the country’s longstanding metering gap.

“We were doing about 100,000 meter installations a month,” he said.

“So we were very ambitious in trying to close the gap because the metering gap was huge.”

The lack of adequate metering infrastructure has for years contributed to estimated billing complaints, revenue leakages and customer dissatisfaction within Ghana’s electricity sector.

Despite the gains outlined during his tenure, Mr Mahama acknowledged that sustaining revenue growth and operational efficiency required continuous investment in materials and infrastructure.

“One of the things that we saw in doing that was that to be able to close that gap, if you don’t have the requisite materials in place, it will not drive or the revenue will plateau,” he explained.

Key achievements:

· Exit from the IMF programme with star-studded honours
· Rapid decline in inflation
· A confident cedi
· International reserves built back better
· The quickest debt reduction from 65% to 45% of GDP in just one year

Buoyed by confidence, candour, and transparency, the government’s finance team — competently led by Dr. Ato Forson — carefully choreographed how to work with the IMF programme they inherited, even though it was badly bruised, broken, and moribund from excessive haemorrhage following the twin shocks of the DDEP, which amounted to the literal pickpocketing of our savings and investments by the previous administration.

Remember: the previous government renegotiated the IMF programme the NDC government handed to them. Sadly, they missed almost 70% of the structural benchmarks they had promised the IMF by the end of 2019 — when the economy was already stuttering in fits — only to later be exposed and overwhelmed by COVID-19 and, to a very minute degree, the Russian war on Ukraine.

In essence, the final apocalyptic collapse of the economy we witnessed in 2022 — with all macroeconomic indicators gasping for air — was entirely avoidable.

So what has changed this time with the exit plan from the IMF? A commitment never to return to the IMF after three and a half years — the period we have been cursed, through maladministration, to return to the Fund since independence in 1957.

The Finance Minister and his team defended a decision before Cabinet to be bound by additional strictures of the IMF for 36 months, long after the general elections in 2028. This is to remain credible to investors and the markets, and in the process mobilise enough capital to invest in critical areas of the economy to provide jobs — but crucially, to free up domestic resources for the private sector to blossom. It is a promise not to splurge and waste resources, as has usually been the case with governments that exit IMF programmes.

Essentially, the Government of Ghana announced the official conclusion of the IMF Extended Credit Facility Programme and transitioned immediately to the non-financing Policy Coordination Instrument (PCI) of the IMF.

What is the PCI? It is a non-financial advisory and monitoring tool provided by the IMF. It allows the country to design and implement its own economic reforms without receiving a financial bailout, acting essentially as a global seal of approval for the government’s fiscal management.

This masterstroke in economic diplomacy could not have been achieved without the backing of the President, whose mission this time around is legacy and respect. The President reads every document handed to him, often correcting grammatical mistakes before signing the country up to the contents.

So, we can say that yes, stability has been achieved after the races with death we experienced prior to 2025. Resilience is what we aim for now as a country. We need to remain disciplined and reduce losses by State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), which cost governments approximately $2 billion annually.

Quite a number of SOEs must be axed outright, others merged, and still others injected with independent, world-class management to return profit — because they are enterprises, not social care homes.

In the meantime, we are grateful for the dexterity of the economic management team, the Governor of the Bank of Ghana, the encouraging progress of GoldBod, and all other functionaries of government who will abide by the honour code of spending within budgets to make Ghana’s self-imposed IMF PCI possible.

Alonso is the standout candidate and Chelsea have directly spoken to all of their potential permanent successors to Liam Rosenior, who include Bournemouth’s Andoni Iraola, Fulham’s Marco Silva and Crystal Palace’s Oliver Glasner.

While Alonso, or any of the coaches who have been considered, will not be given the keys to Stamford Bridge, they will be made an equal partner in the identification and signing of players.

Chelsea co-controlling owner Behdad Eghbali recently revealed that the club are ready to evolve and tweak their approach to transfers, with two to three ready-made players to be targeted this summer.

The new head coach will have a big say in who they are and the types of characters and players he believes will push Chelsea forward, with his role likely to be more meaningful than some of his predecessors.

Chelsea have concentrated on their preparations for the FA Cup final against City under interim head coach Calum McFarlane. But the club expect to accelerate the process after the final and make rapid progress in their bid to appoint a new head coach.

A source said: “Things should move quickly after the final. Chelsea ideally want an agreement with somebody within days, whether that be a few days or 10 days. But it shouldn’t be a long process now.”

Alonso is viewed as the standout candidate for the Chelsea post thanks to his superb spell at Bayer Leverkusen, during which he won the Bundesliga, German Cup and German Super Cup. He also had a stellar playing career, winning the Champions League, La Liga and Bundesliga titles as well as the World Cup and European Championship.

It is understood there is no concern within Chelsea over Alonso’s history with Liverpool, who he won the Champions League with, or his short time in charge at Real Madrid that ended with him being sacked. Chelsea do not have a squad full of Galacticos with accompanying egos for Alonso to have to deal with.

Suggestions that top coaches would think twice before taking the Chelsea job have been rejected by the club. They insist the overall quality of the squad remains high and that the size of the club, together with its prime London location, make it an appealing prospect.

Chelsea believe it is critical they get this appointment right following a season of regression on the pitch and the appointment process is being driven by the owners and four of the five-strong football leadership team – Paul Winstanley, Laurence Stewart, Joe Shields and Sam Jewell. It is understood Dave Fallows has been less involved in the process as he fully integrates himself into the club.

How Chelsea’s football leadership team works

Chelsea’s leadership team of Paul Winstanley, Laurence Stewart, Joe Shields, Sam Jewell and Dave Fallows retain the confidence of the club’s BlueCo owners.

The five men have come under fire from critics of Chelsea, but Telegraph Sport understands the club’s owners remain committed to the current structure and its ability to deliver success.

Winstanley, Stewart, Shields, Jewell and Fallows will be at Wembley, along with the owners, and will not find their positions in immediate danger should Chelsea lose the FA Cup final on Saturday and miss out on European qualification.

Chelsea are ninth in the Premier League table, six points behind sixth-placed Bournemouth, with two games to play and may not qualify for Europe at all if they are beaten by Manchester City.

It is not just Chelsea’s players, who, barring a miracle sequence of results, will be hit in the pocket by failure to qualify for the Champions League, with the football leadership team also in line to give up lucrative bonuses.

Telegraph Sport reported that Chelsea players will miss out on pay rises of approximately 20 per cent by failing to qualify for the Champions League and it can now be revealed the same is true of the football leadership team.

Winstanley, Stewart, Shields and Jewell all signed new contracts through to 2031 last summer, but the foursome were not handed pay rises and their deals are, like those of the players, heavily incentivised with performance-based bonuses. Fallows, who worked at Liverpool, has since been added to Chelsea’s leadership team.

Chelsea announced there would be a period of “self-reflection” after sacking former head coach Liam Rosenior and there is internal acknowledgement that mistakes have been made.

But there is no appetite from Chelsea to scapegoat anybody for Rosenior’s demise, amid a sense that the club win as a team and lose as a team, and that the football leadership team must move forwards together.

Winstanley, Stewart, Shields and Jewell are credited internally with making a good appointment in former head coach Enzo Maresca, who won two trophies and qualified for the Champions League with a style of football that suited the squad in his first season in charge.

Unforeseen circumstances, including Maresca informing Chelsea that representatives of City and Juventus had approached him, contributed to the Italian’s exit. That, ultimately, derailed Chelsea’s season and they expect there to be further clarity around Maresca’s departure this summer.

Chelsea believe there is widespread misunderstanding over the roles of Winstanley, Stewart, Shields, Jewell and Fallows, who are often grouped under the umbrella of “sporting directors”. There is also insistence within the club that the reputations of the five men inside football are far more favourable than outside perceptions.

Winstanley and Stewart were announced as co-sporting directors in February 2023, but have since allowed some of their responsibilities and power to be shared out.

Here, Telegraph Sport looks at what each of Chelsea’s football leadership team is responsible for.

Paul Winstanley (co-sporting director)

Contrary to popular opinion, Winstanley is not responsible for the identification of transfer targets. His work centres more around the delivery of targets, through talking to and negotiating with clubs and agents. He is also heavily involved in player sales and the renewal of contracts. As reported by Telegraph Sport, Tottenham Hotspur made checks on Winstanley as part of their search for a new sporting director, but the ex-Brighton man is not expected to leave Chelsea. Winstanley is also involved in player support and football operations, such as performance and medical.

Laurence Stewart (co-sporting director)

Despite his title, Stewart’s role is more akin to a technical director. He is responsible for budget planning and style of play and football philosophy. That has included setting a broad style of football that Chelsea want their academy and first teams to play, so there is continuity throughout the club. Stewart started his football career in analysis, working for City and England at the 2014 World Cup, and that remains an area he works on at Chelsea. Like Winstanley, Stewart’s other responsibilities include medical and the pair share a close working relationship.

Joe Shields (co-director of recruitment and talent)

Another former City man, Shields, is responsible for player identification through scouting and squad planning for the first team and the academy. A number of Chelsea’s recent signings, including Cole Palmer, Tosin Adarabioyo, Roméo Lavia, Jamie Gittens and Liam Delap, have played at former clubs of Shields, who moved from City to Southampton before joining Chelsea. Shields is also said to be involved with the loans department and works closely with Stewart.

Sam Jewell (director of global recruitment)

Co-heading squad identification and scouting, Jewell’s remit extends past Chelsea and to BlueCo’s other club, Strasbourg. There have been several deals between Chelsea and Strasbourg in recent years, with striker Emmanuel Emegha due to move to London from the Ligue 1 club this summer. Jewell works closely with Winstanley, whom he has known for years, and also helps with negotiations with agents.

Dave Fallows (director of development)

The newest member of Chelsea’s football leadership team, Fallows, is integrating himself into the set-up. His responsibilities include data, scouting and background checks on prospective signings, which Chelsea are likely to lean more heavily on this summer. Suggestions that Fallows has been leading the interest in Xabi Alonso through his links with Liverpool, where he spent 12 years, have been played down. Like Stewart and Shields, Fallows has previously worked at City.

How the new head coach will fit in

Chelsea’s next permanent head coach can expect to be made an equal partner in the identification and signing of players, even though he will not be given the final say on everything. He will help to evolve and ultimately deliver the football philosophy of the club and will have a more meaningful role than some of the previous head coaches.

The move forms part of a three-day Technical Working Group workshop held in Ho in the Volta Region with support from Vital Strategies.

The workshop focuses on reviewing and validating technical proposals aimed at incorporating heat-health considerations into the Assembly’s strategic planning, regulatory systems, and institutional coordination mechanisms.

According to the AMA, the initiative is a response to the growing threat of extreme heat in Accra, driven by rapid urbanisation, climate change, population growth, and limited green spaces.

Officials say the process will formally recognise extreme heat as a major shock within the Assembly’s resilience framework and integrate urban heat concerns into the Medium-Term Development Plan for 2026 to 2029.

Speaking at the opening session, the Head of Metro Public Health at the AMA, Florence Kuukyi, said the Assembly is working to build stronger data systems to better understand illnesses and deaths linked to extreme heat.

She explained that the AMA, together with Vital Strategies under the Partnership for Healthy Cities initiative, is implementing a heat management project to reduce heat-related illnesses and deaths across the metropolis.

The workshop also reviewed draft technical documents, including a Heat-Health Action Plan, resilience strategy updates and proposed amendments to AMA bye-laws.

Presiding Member of the AMA, Musah Ziyad, assured stakeholders of the Assembly’s readiness to support reforms that strengthen heat resilience, particularly in areas such as environmental protection, building development and public markets.

Meanwhile, independent consultant Richard Amfo-Otu warned that Accra is experiencing hotter and more frequent heat episodes, with some communities becoming significantly warmer due to the Urban Heat Island effect.

He identified vulnerable groups including the elderly, pregnant women, infants, outdoor workers, market women, sanitation workers and residents of informal settlements as among those most at risk.

Among the recommendations proposed were the establishment of a Heat Nodal Office, the introduction of a Heat-Health Early Warning System and the creation of heat-related budget lines and enforcement mechanisms.

The workshop brought together officials from the AMA, Environmental Protection Agency, Ministry of Health, Vital Strategies and other stakeholders.

Upper West Regional Minister Charles Lwanga Puozuing says the facility could be commissioned before the next legal year begins in October.

According to him, construction works on the complex are almost complete, with only finishing to be done.

“All things remaining constant, it will just be left with the finishing. You can see it physically when you visit, and with your blessings, we might be able to commission it before the next legal year that starts in October,” he said.

However, Mr. Puozuing stressed that the bigger challenge facing the judiciary in the region is the shortage of judges and court staff.

He revealed that the Tumu District Court currently has no judge, resulting in delays in handling cases from the Sissala area.

According to him, suspects arrested in the area often cannot be tried within the legally required period unless they are transported to Wa.

Although a judge from Wa occasionally travels to Tumu to hear cases, poor road networks and the lack of official vehicles for lower court judges continue to create difficulties.

“Jirapa also has a difficulty currently. Nadowli has a judge and is very active. Lawra has a district judge but no circuit judge,” Mr. Puozuing stated.

The new court complex is expected to accommodate three circuit courts and two high courts, increasing the demand for more judicial officers in the region.

The minister said the region would require at least two additional circuit court judges and one more high court judge to operate effectively.

At present, only one high court judge serves the entire region from Wa.

Mr. Puozuing proposed that Lawra retain its current circuit judge while new judges are assigned to Jirapa and Tumu to improve justice delivery.

He also raised concerns about staffing shortages across the judiciary, noting that recent recruitment exercises had not brought additional personnel to the Upper West Region.

The proposal to establish a district court in Wa West, he added, is still under consideration.

The Minister further called for greater digitalisation within the judicial system to reduce delays, minimise human interference and curb corruption.

“We should digitalise things to ensure that human roles are less in the judicial process, with the hope that it will reduce interference and corruption,” he said.

Ranking Member of Parliament’s Judiciary Committee, Bede A. Ziedeng, acknowledged the concerns raised and said Parliament would address the issues.

“We are speaking to the right people because it is Parliament that places oversight over the executive and holds the purse,” Mr. Ziedeng said.

He added that the committee would consider the concerns during discussions on this year’s budget.

Deputy Ranking Member of the committee, Umar Alhassan, also questioned delays in completing furnishing and final works on the project, despite funds reportedly having been released since December.

“After meeting with the judiciary, we were told the complex was about 90 per cent complete, except for additional work on the water and public washrooms. But from your briefing, we have released the money since December. What about the furniture? The furniture should have been finished by now,” he said.

Mr. Alhassan noted that the contractor had previously demobilised from the site due to unpaid arrears, but work resumed after Parliament and the judiciary intervened to secure funding.

“If he used his money and we paid him, I don’t see the reason why the place is still not finished. We want you to appeal to him that we wanted the place yesterday and not today,” he added.

Mr. Ziedeng further assured that the committee would engage the Chief Justice on the need to deploy more judges and magistrates to regions outside Accra.

“If justice is brought to their doorstep, it helps everybody,” he said.

ALSO READ:

• Specialised high court division to be staffed with trained Judges from court of appeal…

• Abuse of judicial authority erodes public trust in courts – Chief Justice warns new…

In an open letter addressed to President John Mahama on Wednesday, the Nsawam-Adoagyiri MP described the situation as a “serious governance and administrative failure” with dangerous consequences for farmers, students and national food security.

“While the shortage of food is typically alarming, equally problematic is the glut of foodstuffs. Unfortunately, we are now witnessing both,” he stated.

According to him, farmers producing grains, roots, and tubers are unable to sell their crops, while schools continue to face shortages due to failures in the food distribution system.

“Farmers of grains, roots, and tubers are reporting little to no sales of their crops,” he said, adding that institutions such as the National Buffer Stock are constrained by “paltry budgetary allocations.”

Mr Annoh-Dompreh said the crisis is affecting student welfare and academic performance across the country.

“Persistent food shortages and food supply disruptions in Senior High Schools also represent a serious governance and administrative failure with direct social consequences,” he wrote.

“Inadequate and irregular food supply undermines student welfare, affects concentration and academic performance, and places unnecessary pressure on school management.”

He painted a grim picture of farmers losing hope as harvested produce goes to waste due to the absence of markets and storage systems.

“Our farmers did their part to deliver bumper harvest last year. But today, their produce rots because there are no markets,” he stated.

“A tomato farmer in the Ketu South cannot sell his harvest even at rock-bottom prices, while households in Accra buy expensive imported tomato paste.”

He also questioned why local produce remains expensive despite the abundance of harvests.

“Maize farmers cannot find buyers, yet a bag of local rice is more expensive than imported parboiled rice from Vietnam or Thailand. This paradox is crushing the backbone of our nation,” he stressed.

The Minority Chief Whip warned that many farmers are abandoning agriculture altogether because they can no longer sustain production.

“Farmers who cannot sell their harvest cannot afford seeds, fertiliser, or labour for the next planting season. Many are abandoning their farms altogether, threatening a future famine,” he cautioned.

“Some are even selling their farmland to real estate developers out of desperation.”

Mr Annoh-Dompreh blamed the crisis on the absence of a strong agricultural marketing system, inadequate storage infrastructure and poor feeder roads.

“The absence of an agricultural marketing board with guaranteed minimum prices, the lack of storage infrastructure (silos and cold chains), and the neglect of feeder roads mean that abundance becomes waste,” he said.

He called on the President to establish an emergency produce purchase scheme, open strategic food reserves, and create a clear framework for supplying food to public Senior High Schools.

ALSO READ:

Mahama convenes special Cabinet meeting on Constitutional Review proposals today

Jealous wife allegedly attacks husband’s side chick at Agona Nyakrom

According to Mr. Boadi-Mensah, claims that he acquired seven Land Cruisers for the Authority are false and misleading.

Speaking in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, the NPRA boss explained that the vehicles purchased were operational vehicles, including Toyota Prados, pickups and saloon cars.

“Ekow Vincent Assafuah lied about me and NPRA. There was never a time I increased my salary, and I never purchased any Land Cruisers,” he stated.

“The vehicles acquired were pickups, Toyota Prados and some saloon cars for operational purposes, all of which were approved by Parliament and the Ministry of Finance,” he added.

Mr. Boadi-Mensah explained that management had to procure vehicles to support the operations of the Authority after assuming office.

“When we came, we needed to open up NPRA, so we bought operational cars,” he said.

According to him, the procurement process followed due procedure and was backed by an approved budget allocation.

“Even before I came in, the 2024 budget for 2025 had a provision of about GH¢20 million for vehicle purchases, which was approved by the board, Parliament and the Ministry of Finance,” he explained.

He further noted that management exercised financial prudence and spent far below the approved amount.

“Because of prudence and leadership, we even spent way less than the GH¢20 million,” he stated.

The NPRA CEO also dismissed allegations of procurement breaches, insisting that no wrongdoing had been identified in the acquisition process.

“He didn’t mention any procurement breaches, so I don’t see the need to respond,” he said.

Mr. Boadi-Mensah reiterated that he had not increased his salary at any point since assuming office and was operating within the budgetary provisions he inherited.

“At no point have I increased my salary. I used the budget I came to meet,” he stressed.

He added that management remains focused on delivering the Authority’s mandate rather than responding to what he described as baseless allegations.

“What is more important to us is delivering our mandate,” he said.

READ ALSO:

Bawumia condemns alleged intimidation of NPP supporters by government

Over 61,000 candidates to write CTVET Certificate II exams Nationwide

His comments come amid confusion following the signing of the landmark Legal Education Bill into law by President John Dramani Mahama.

The legislation, which seeks to reform colonial-era structures of legal training in Ghana, has sparked debate between students, the General Legal Council (GLC), and policymakers over whether the controversial entrance examination has been immediately scrapped.

Addressing concerns raised by the Member of Parliament for Old Tafo, Vincent Ekow Assafuah, who demanded urgent clarity on the matter, Mr. Ansa-Asare dismissed the idea that students could successfully sue to stop the exams this year.

The seasoned legal luminary challenged anyone considering litigation to identify a constitutional breach that would justify preventing the GLC from conducting the examination.

“My suggestion is that law students should be prepared to write the entrance exam. Any law student who goes to court will lose; I can predict that,” he stated on Monday, May 11 on Joy FM’s Top Story. “Anyone who goes to court to say that you should not be allowed to write the entrance exam, show me which provision of the Constitution will sustain that kind of action.”

Acknowledging tensions between the new law and existing practices, Mr. Ansa-Asare proposed a transitional approach to ease implementation.

He suggested that the entrance examination could be held one final time in 2026 to address budgetary considerations before its full abolition in 2027.

“Entrance exam has not been abolished under the existing dispensation. What is confusing about it? So, I think that both are taking entrenched positions, but there’s a solution midway. And the solution is that the entrance exam should be held this year so that, at least, it will take care of the budget deficit for this year. Next year it will be abolished,” he explained.

The new law signed by President Mahama represents a shift in legal education training in Ghana. Key provisions include decentralising professional legal training beyond the Makola campus, abolishing the entrance examination system, and introducing an independent examination structure under the GLC.

However, Mr. Ansa-Asare stressed that every new law has an implementation timeline, noting that a government white paper is expected to provide further clarity on the transition process.

For law graduates currently awaiting entry into the profession, he urged patience and focus on their studies rather than litigation.

The MP for Old Tafo, Vincent Ekow Assafuah, has meanwhile called for a joint statement from relevant authorities to ease growing anxiety among students ahead of the 2026 academic calendar.

ALSO READ:

• Law School entrance exams abolished under new reforms – Dafeamekpor

• Implementation will begin without delay – A-G on legal education reforms

Speaking at a post-signing press conference on Tuesday, Dr. Ayine announced that the first major step under the reforms would be the dissolution of the General Legal Council and the creation of a new Council for Legal Education and Training to oversee legal education in the country.

“Implementation will begin without delay,” Dr. Ayine said after confirming that President Mahama had signed the bill into law.

According to him, the newly established council will immediately take over the responsibility of regulating and accrediting institutions that intend to run the Law Practice Course for LLB graduates seeking qualification to the Bar.

“This is a much-anticipated reform law that is supposed to radically reform legal education to create equality of opportunity for persons aspiring to be lawyers in this country,” he stated.

The reforms are expected to significantly reshape Ghana’s legal education system, which for years has faced criticism over limited access to professional legal training.

Under the previous arrangement, the General Legal Council supervised professional legal education mainly through the Ghana School of Law, where limited admission spaces left hundreds of qualified LLB graduates unable to continue their legal training each year.

The new law seeks to widen access by allowing multiple accredited institutions to offer the Law Practice Course under the supervision of the new council.

Dr. Ayine disclosed that both the establishment of the council and the accreditation of institutions are expected to be completed before the end of the year.

He further revealed that government intends to support the implementation of the reforms financially through the 2027 national budget to be presented to Parliament later this year by Cassiel Ato Forson, the Finance Minister.

For years, reforms in legal education have remained a major subject of national debate, with students, civil society groups, and sections of the legal fraternity calling for a more accessible and transparent system.

Observers believe the success of the new framework will largely depend on how quickly the new council is established and how effectively it regulates institutions seeking accreditation.

ALSO READ:

• Mahama assents to Legal Education Reform Bill

• Legal Education Reform could lower standards — Former GSL Director

There is, however, a gap between Traoré’s triumphant declaration, official figures, and the reality of people’s experiences.

On social media and in the media, the announcement was immediately amplified, celebrated, and erected as a symbol of the new national sovereignty.

But two weeks before this speech, the president’s office had produced figures that tell a completely different story.

To measure the gap between the proclamation and the reality, we must go back to the Council of Ministers meeting of December 17, 2025. On that day, the Ministry of Agriculture presented the provisional results of the 2025-2026 agropastoral campaign.

The figures are, overall, good. National cereal production is estimated at 7,142,484 tonnes, up 17.63% compared to the previous season and 37.19% compared to the average of the last five years.

The apparent coverage rate of cereal needs stands at 126.6%, compared to 111.5% in the previous season. Non-cereal food crops reached 1,246,132 tonnes, up 27.9% compared to the five-year average. Cash crops other than cotton amounted to 1,353,298 tonnes, up 37%. Forage production exceeded 10 million tonnes of dry matter.

The government attributes these performances to “the multiple forms of state support for farmers and livestock breeders, particularly through the provision of inputs, fertilisers, and equipment”.

But in this same document, the ministry doesn’t hide the grey areas. These are the areas that the presidential address glossed over two weeks later. According to the report, of the country’s 47 provinces, 15 are in deficit, eight are balanced, and only 24 have a surplus.

The growing season was also marked by infestations of fall armyworms on corn and sorghum. Of the 47,213 hectares surveyed, 20,568 hectares were infested, of which 17,724 were treated, leaving 2,844 hectares infested without intervention.

The minister himself did not claim “self-sufficiency”

On the evening of December 17, the Minister of State for Agriculture, Commander Ismaël Sombié, was a guest on the 8 PM news on national television. He was directly asked about food self-sufficiency. His response was cautious and measured: “I think that if we maintain this pace, we are confident we can achieve the food self-sufficiency goal we have set for ourselves. Of course, other aspects will need to be considered, particularly processing and strengthening our achievements in terms of infrastructure and resources.”

For the head of the agricultural sector, food self-sufficiency has therefore not yet been achieved. It remains a prospect to be reached.

Two weeks later, the head of state took hold of some of these figures and drew a conclusion that his own ministers had not dared to formulate.

The proclamation of December 31 also raises a fundamental question: Is this the first time that Burkina Faso has recorded a cereal surplus?

No. Official data shows that this is not the first time. The 2024-2025 season, under the current government, already had a cereal coverage rate of 111.7%. Under the presidency of Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, the 2018-2019 season produced approximately 4.95 million tons of cereals, a 22% increase, with a national coverage rate of 104% and a gross surplus of approximately 194,000 tons. The following season, 2019-2020, reached 5.03 million tons, generating a surplus of 204,000 tons. Of course, these surpluses were not as high as the last season.

Need for intervention revealed to donors

On February 17, 2026, 48 days after the proclamation of self-sufficiency, the government convened an emergency meeting at Ouagadougou City Hall. On the agenda was the need for a request for the international humanitarian community’s contribution to the financing of an emergency plan of 735.1 billion CFA francs to help 4.47 million Burkinabe, described as “vulnerable” and in “need of vital assistance“.

The meeting, chaired by the National Council for Emergency Relief and Rehabilitation (CONASUR) in collaboration with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), is an advocacy session to mobilise external funding.

The Minister of Family and Solidarity, Lieutenant-Colonel Passowendé Pélagie Kaboré, announced the figures without mincing words: more than 1.3 million children under five years of age need nutritional support; more than 2.1 million people (almost the equivalent of the population of Lesotho) will need food assistance, and more than 3.3 million people will need protection support.

These data are confirmed by the Burkina Faso Humanitarian Needs and Partner Response Plan (HNRP) 2026 report.

^{The country’s humanitarian needs, ranked by severity, according to the report HNRP 2026}

Behind the grain surplus

The humanitarian response plan helps to understand why a national cereal surplus is not enough to speak of food self-sufficiency.

The April 2025 food security and nutrition analysis establishes that approximately 2.26 million people were in a situation of acute food insecurity, including more than 220,000 in the emergency phase, one step away from famine.

The national average cereal coverage of 111.5% for the 2024-2025 cereal season masks catastrophic regional realities. In the areas most exposed to insecurity, the Yaadga province covers only 57% of its needs, the Liptako province 56%, and the Koulsé province barely reaches 45%.

Physical access to markets exacerbates the situation. Several secondary markets remain closed in areas experiencing security tensions, such as Barga, Kain, Koumbri, Thiou, Tin-Akoff, Oursi, Gorgadji, Dablo, and Bouroum, forcing residents to rely on escorted convoys for supplies. While prices have fallen on average (7% for maize, 15% for millet, and 17% for sorghum), they remain 15% to 17% above the five-year average. In the most isolated areas, the price increases are staggering: +77% for millet in Arbinda, +106% for sorghum in Sebba, and +148% in Kompienga.

The livestock sector has not been spared. Erratic rainfall, degraded pastures, dwindling water sources, and insecurity that disrupts transhumance routes have forced many herders to sell their livestock at rock-bottom prices. Fall armyworms destroy up to 25% of maize crops, granivorous birds ravage up to 80% of rice, millet, and sorghum crops, while peste des petits ruminants (PPR) and foot-and-mouth disease decimate herds due to a lack of access to veterinary services.

In terms of nutrition, the report estimates that 1.38 million people require emergency assistance, of whom 134,701 live in areas where the malnutrition rate exceeds 15% – one and a half times the World Health Organisation’s alert threshold of 10%.

Chinese food donations to a self-sufficient country

Seventy-two days after the proclamation of self-sufficiency, one scene sums up the whole paradox.

On April 10, 2026, in Ouagadougou, Commander Passowendé Pélagie Kaboré, the Minister of Solidarity, Humanitarian Action and Family, received the Chinese Ambassador, Zhao Deyong. The two parties signed the handover agreement for food aid: more than 1,800 tons of rice, with an estimated value of over 1.6 billion CFA francs.

According to a statement from the Chinese embassy, the ambassador “congratulated Burkina Faso on achieving its goal of food self-sufficiency by 2025“. He also presented the country with 1,800 tons of rice.

The minister, for her part, recalled that Chinese food aid “for two consecutive years has helped to improve the living conditions of many vulnerable families” and that by 2025, “nearly 140,000 people had benefited from Chinese support“.

Two days later, on April 12, the same minister received the Indian ambassador, who announced a donation of 1,000 tons of rice and pharmaceutical products, with an estimated value of 125 million CFA francs.

Relative to the scale of needs, the Chinese donation represents approximately 2.1% of the financial need of the food sector alone, estimated at 75 billion CFA francs in priority terms.

Less than a year earlier, on May 13, 2025, Lu Shan, former ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Burkina Faso, officially handed over a significant humanitarian donation of 1,629.9 tons of rice. This donation was received by the Minister of Solidarity, Humanitarian Action and Family in the presence of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Cooperation, and Burkinabè Abroad, Karamoko Jean Marie Traoré. The donation is valued at 1.7 billion CFA francs.

Thus, within the space of a year, Chinese food aid, accepted by the Burkinabe authorities, amounted to 3.3 billion FCFA (3,429.9 tonnes of rice), a sign of the real needs on the ground for humanitarian aid.

These donations come after a note from the Prime Minister, dated November 28, 2025, where he urged all leaders to refuse aid that is degrading and that does not honour Burkina Faso.

“The government now prioritises cooperation that is fully aligned with our national interests and promotes real and endogenous progress (…) It is imperative to break with this vision and refocus partnerships around structuring projects, in line with our priorities and reinforcing the vision of the Comrade President. (…) I therefore urge you to decline any support that would be degrading in nature, contrary to the values of honour and dignity of the Burkinabè people, or that would not be in line with the vision of the RPP (Progressive and Popular Revolution),” he reminded them.

China’s food donation has reignited debates on social media, especially in the comments under the post announcing the operation and on news sites like Lefaso.net.

The Chinese rice donation to Burkina Faso sparked a wave of irony on social media, as the transitional government had claimed to have achieved food self-sufficiency in 2025. “And what about our food self-sufficiency? Did we include China in the calculations?” one internet user mocked. Between skepticism and pragmatic gratitude, these reactions reflect the growing distrust among part of the population toward the official narrative.

What people are saying

Beyond the figures and diplomatic ceremonies, the HNRP 2026 report is based on 21,619 community feedback and complaints collected between January and October 2025, and on a survey covering 6,214 households in 13 regions and 31 provinces. These populations are not talking about self-sufficiency. They are talking about hunger.

According to the report, the preferred forms of assistance for the affected populations are, first, the free distribution of food, followed by sales at moderate prices, the construction/rehabilitation of infrastructure, essential social services, and agricultural support. “More than 80 percent of households in the Liptako, Sirba, Soum, and Tapoa regions recommend it first, and more than 50 percent in Goulmou, Koulsé, Sourou, and Yaadga, ” the report states.

Food assistance is declared an absolute priority, almost unanimously “among internally displaced and returned persons”, particularly in Soum, Liptako, Tapoa and Sirba.

The main sources of dissatisfaction are insufficient quantities and delays in the delivery of aid.

The actual coverage of food assistance illustrates the extent of the gaps. In the Koulsé, Goulmou, and Nakambé areas, it does not exceed 25 to 55% of surveyed households. In Bankui, Sourou, and Yaadga, it falls to 15-27%. In Guiriko and Tannounyan, it does not exceed 10%. As of September 30, 2025, only 1.4 million people, or 39% of the target population, had actually received assistance.

According to a summary document of the government’s humanitarian response plan, the country needs 173.7 billion FCFA to ensure food security for 2.1 million people and 57.5 billion FCFA to meet the nutritional needs of 1.4 million people. The total of these two needs is 231.2 billion FCFA. In the government’s ranking of humanitarian needs, food security tops the list.

A humanitarian assessment that raises questions

In 2025, more than 155 humanitarian partners mobilised $271.3 million, enabling assistance to 1.7 million people in Burkina Faso. However, the 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan aimed to reach 3.7 million people with a budget of $792.6 million. The result: only 34.2% of the financial needs were met, and only 45.9% of the targeted population was reached.

For 2026, partners have pledged to mobilise $658.5 million. However, a methodological anomaly warrants attention: the decrease in the number of people in need, from 5.9 million in 2025 to 4.5 million in 2026, “does not reflect an improvement in the humanitarian situation,” the report itself acknowledges. Instead, it “results primarily from methodological changes”. Eighteen provinces were excluded from the calculation, even though approximately 500,000 people in need were identified there in 2025.

“Rapid, flexible and predictable funding is essential to save lives and prevent further deterioration of the situation,” UN Resident Coordinator and Acting Humanitarian Coordinator, Maurice Azonnanko, observed in the foreword of the 2026 report.

The essential question remains: does a proclamation of self-sufficiency, even partial, risk drying up the funding on which millions of Burkinabe still depend and which the authorities themselves are seeking through the 2026 response plan?

This article was produced with support from the African Academy for Open Source Investigations (AAOSI) and the African Digital Democracy Observatory (ADDO) as part of an initiative by Code for Africa (CfA). Visit https://disinfo.africa/ for more information.

There are years when the TGMA shortlist tells a quiet story, and there are years when it explodes onto every timeline, every airwave, every street-corner debate from Tema to Tamale. This is the second kind of year.

Tonight, the 27th edition of the Telecel Ghana Music Awards lands at the Grand Arena of the Accra International Conference Centre, and the conversation around it has been running hot for nearly two months.

What follows is a category-by-category analysis of who walks home with what when the envelopes open. Each prediction blends two streams of evidence. The first is the hard data: streaming numbers, chart positions, nomination volume, and the cold arithmetic of public-vote history.

The second is the softer signal: what online discourse is saying, what music editorial outlets have already gone on record predicting, what veteran industry voices have offered in interviews, and what the broader sentiment heat-map looks like across Accra’s entertainment programming.

The win probabilities attached to each nominee in each category are estimates based on the synthesis of both streams. They sum to roughly 100% within each category and represent relative likelihood, not certainty.

Settle in. There is a lot to get through before the lights go up tonight.

Artiste of the Year

This is the night-ender, the category every other prediction circles around. Six names, three real cases, and a level of pre-show debate that has spilled into nearly every entertainment platform in the country.

Then there is Wendy Shay, and she is the reason this category is genuinely contested. In January she walked into Lagos and walked out with the All Africa Music Awards Best Female Artiste in West Africa, beating a field that included some of the most established female voices on the continent.

Seven TGMA nominations on the night. Senior figures in the hiplife scene have publicly campaigned for her case in recent broadcast interviews, and at least one of her fellow nominees has gone on record saying her year deserves louder recognition.

The historical math gives her case real edge: only two women have ever won this category in TGMA history. A third would be a story. Voters know that. Probability sits at 24%, the highest of any of the alternatives.

Medikal carries a different kind of case. The numbers are not the loudest in the field, but the fan-mobilisation network is. Disturbation 2 kept him in continuous public view through the year, and Shoulder with Shatta Wale and Beeztrap KOTM became the kind of TikTok moment that votes itself into things.

Industry voices have, in interviews, openly flagged that fanbase strength matters in publicly weighted categories, and his is among the deepest in Ghanaian music. The streaming and editorial weight trail Black Sherif, but the floor of his support is real. Probability lands at 12%.

Stonebwoy sits at 8%. He won this category in 2024, and the historical pattern since 2018 has shown clear genre rotation rather than back-to-back wins. Torcher has earned strong critical reception, but the heaviest streaming and editorial weight has migrated elsewhere this cycle. Still, he is a two-time winner with a near-decade of staying power, and writing him off entirely would be unwise.

Diana Hamilton at 6%. She broke the gospel ceiling in this category in 2021, and her presence on the shortlist signals continued mainstream recognition for gospel music. Gospel voting blocs are well-organised in TGMA voting, which keeps her in the conversation. The headwind is the same one that catches Stonebwoy: a recent prior win in the category cuts against her this cycle.

Sarkodie rounds out at 5%. He is the most decorated TGMA artiste in history and a two-time winner of this category, but his last Artiste of the Year win was 2012. Fourteen years of nominations have not produced a third. The pattern in recent editions has favoured artistes with current-year dominance over legacy nominees, and that pattern looks intact heading into the night.

Album or EP of the Year

The stakes in this category jumped higher in April when Guinness Ghana attached a GH¢100,000 cash prize, plus a music video budget and business mentorship, to the winner. Six projects, one trophy, and a debate that online discourse described as leading to blows.

Iron Boy by Black Sherif is the case to beat. Billboard World Albums entry. UK Top Debut Albums debut at number six. Apple Music Ghana number one for twenty-one weeks. Music editorial outlets have already filed their predictions, and they have all landed in the same place. The probability sits at 55%.

Torcher by Stonebwoy is the most credible alternative at 18%. Stonebwoy has historically over-performed in album-of-the-year voting, and the EP has earned strong critical respect across editorial coverage. If there is an upset, this is where the upset comes from.

AfterMidnight by Gyakie at 10%. The vocal craft on the project has earned consistent praise from music critics, and her streaming presence in select international markets is real. The headwind is commercial reach within Ghana, where the project has been quieter than the leaders.

Disturbation 2 by Medikal at 8%. The album-as-cohesive-statement criteria favoured by board voters tends to weight craft over hit-song accumulation, which works against this nomination despite the strength of its lead singles.

Ready by Wendy Shay at 6%. Anchors her seven-nomination spread for the night and aligns with her broader case across the ceremony. Critical reception was more divided than for the leading projects.

Walk With Me by Kweku Smoke at 3%. A respected project that has earned him broader critical recognition this cycle, but lacks the cross-category nomination spread of the front-runners.

Most Popular Song of the Year

This is the pure-vote category, and pure votes mean drama. No board panel adjustments. No genre weighting. Whichever song’s fanbase organises hardest takes it home.

Shoulder by Medikal featuring Shatta Wale and Beeztrap KOTM is the projected leader at 30%. The combined fanbases of three high-mobilisation acts converge on a single record, and the song’s TikTok afterlife through 2025 was inescapable. Online voter turnout for songs with this kind of cross-fanbase ownership has historically been the strongest in the field.

Foko by King Paluta at 24%. The defining highlife crossover record of the year, and Ashanti region voter turnout for his releases has been consistently strong. This is the song that has dominated lorry stations, drinking spots, and morning radio across the highlife-belt regions for months.

Sacrifice by Black Sherif at 18%. Topped Apple Music Ghana for an extended run, anchors his nine-nomination night, and carries the kind of cultural weight that sometimes shifts public-vote outcomes when sentiment converges on a single artiste.

Gymnastic by KiDi featuring OliveTheBoy and Kojo Blak at 12%. Three-act collaboration, energy, and sustained presence on dance-content platforms.

Excellent by Kojo Blak featuring Kelvyn Boy at 8%. The breakout collaboration of 2025 has strong radio and streaming numbers, though slightly quieter on social-media virality metrics than the leaders.

Shake It to the Max by Moliy and the international featured cast at 4%. Strong international footprint, but Ghanaian public-vote categories typically reward records with deeper local saturation.

Olivia by Lasmid at 2%, and Nyame Y3 by Piesie Esther at 2%. Both are credible nominations with steady year-round presence. Neither carries the viral spike or the fanbase mobilisation engine of the leaders.

Best New Artiste of the Year

This is the cleanest call on the entire scorecard.

Kojo Blak has somehow accumulated seven total nominations as a debutant. Best Afrobeats or Afropop Artiste. Collaboration of the Year. Best Afrobeats Song. Most Popular Song. Best Hiplife Song. The cross-category spread is unprecedented for a Best New Artiste contender. The pattern set in recent editions, where the new artiste with the broadest overall recognition takes the category, points exactly here. Probability 75%.

Lalid at 12%. Matter generated genuine fan-driven momentum and his Best HipHop Song nomination signals real board recognition. The most credible alternative.

Gona Boy at 8%. Same Timbs has earned credible streaming numbers and his presence in Best HipHop Song reflects the underground-rap voting bloc taking him seriously.

Adom Kiki at 5%. A solid year of releases without the cross-category visibility of the others.

Best Hiplife or Hip-Hop Artiste of the Year

Black Sherif won this category in 2024 and enters this edition with stronger numbers than the year he won. Where Dem Boys and Sacrifice have performed well across streaming and radio, his nine-nomination night signals broad board favour, and the rap-purist segments of online discourse have stopped really debating this one. Probability 55%.

Sarkodie at 15%. Violence with Kweku Smoke kept him in the rap conversation, and his career standing in this category remains immense. The headwind is the steady migration of voter sentiment toward newer-generation artistes.

Kweku Smoke at 12%. Walk With Me has earned him real critical credibility this cycle, and his Sarkodie collaboration adds industry-voter weight.

Medikal at 10%. Welcome to America is a focused rap moment within his broader pop catalogue. His best chance in this category in several editions, but his profile this cycle skews more pop-rap than purist.

Kojo Cue at 5%. Abebrese is critically respected and his songwriting nomination adds depth to his case.

O’Kenneth at 3%. Balacianga has underground credibility but lacks the mainstream radio penetration of the leaders.

Best Highlife Artiste of the Year

This is one of the most genuinely competitive categories on the night, and the pre-show debate has been intense.

King Paluta at 45%. The 2024 sweep (Best New Artiste, Best Hiplife Song) set the trajectory, and Foko has been one of the most-played highlife records of the year. His public-vote engine across the highlife belt is the strongest in the field.

Kofi Kinaata at 28%. The category’s traditional craft pick whose It Is Finished is vintage Kinaata storytelling. He has won the songwriting category multiple times and remains the choice of voters who weight lyrical depth over pure radio dominance.

Kuami Eugene at 15%. Won this category at a recent edition and Do Better has kept him relevant. Strong industry standing, even if his year did not generate the viral spike that defined the leaders.

Fameye at 8%. Habit with Medikal added pop-rap crossover to his catalogue, which broadens his reach but slightly diffuses his pure highlife identity.

Kwabena Kwabena at 4%. A respected veteran whose Aso Remix carries collaboration weight, but his solo highlife output this year was lighter than the leaders.

Songwriter of the Year

A category that has, for years, looked more settled than almost any other.

Kofi Kinaata at 50%. He won this category at the 26th edition, his fifth Songwriter trophy across editions. Voters in this category have consistently rewarded his Fante-language storytelling and structural craft, and Have Mercy II is unmistakably him at full creative range.

Black Sherif at 25%. Sacrifice represents the strongest alternative if voters choose to mark the cultural impact of the song. Editorial coverage has consistently praised the writing on the track, and a sweep year for him could include this.

Akwaboah at 10%. Obi Nim is a quietly accomplished writing entry from one of Ghana’s most respected songwriters.

Stonebwoy at 8%. Send Them a Prayer carries his consistent songwriting profile, though songwriter awards have historically gone to artistes with a sharper lyrical-craft identity.

Kojo Cue at 5%. Abebrese is technically strong, but his profile in this category is below the leading contenders.

Cofi Boham at 2%. Take Me Home is a respected nomination that adds depth to the field.

Best Music Video of the Year

Sacrifice directed by Meekah Jagun at 35%. Editorial reviews have widely cited it as one of the most cinematically realised Ghanaian music videos of the cycle. The visual language anchors itself in Black Sherif’s broader artistic identity in a way few of the competing entries match.

Shine directed by Yaw Skyface at 25%. Stonebwoy’s video team has historical board favour in this category, and Yaw Skyface is double-nominated this year, which speaks to how busy his year was.

Excellent directed by Henry Akrong at 18%. The breakout commercial video of 2025 with strong direction credentials behind it.

Welcome to Africa directed by Xbills Ebenezer at 10%. A high-production-value Medikal video with broad pan-African visual references.

Chaana directed by Yaw Skyface at 8%. Yaw Skyface’s second nomination, which fragments his vote share with Shine.

Put Am On God directed by David Duncan at 4%. Solid direction with a more intimate scale than the leading contenders.

Best Rap Performance of the Year

A pure-craft category where lyrical-technical voters tend to outweigh popularity sentiment.

Lyrical Joe at 35%. The 5th August freestyle series has sustained annual rap-purist attention for years, and the technical-craft framing of this category aligns with his strengths better than any nominee in the field.

Sarkodie at 22%. Violence with Kweku Smoke is a credible technical entry, and writing off the most decorated rapper in TGMA history in any rap category is generally a bad idea.

Strongman at 18%. Mensei Da generated visible fan campaigning online and reflects his consistent presence in rap categories.

Medikal at 12%. Welcome to America is a focused rap moment within his broader pop catalogue.

Kojo Cue at 8%. Abebrese is technically strong, and his songwriting nomination broadens his case.

Joe Kay at 5%. 4GG (For God’s Glory) brings a gospel-rap angle that broadens the field.

Best Afrobeats or Afropop Artiste of the Year

Six legitimate stars, no filler. Possibly the most stacked category on the entire ballot.

Wendy Shay at 35%. The AFRIMA win in January was a continental flex that few Ghanaian female artistes have ever pulled off, particularly while operating outside major-label structures. Seven TGMA 27 nominations. The broader sentiment campaign that has built around her case for Artiste of the Year carries naturally into this category.

OliveTheBoy at 22%. The most-featured artiste of the year. He sits on Crazy Love, Gymnastic, and Bend with Sarkodie. When you are on every hit, board voters notice.

KiDi at 15%. Gymnastic re-established his hit-making credentials with the new generation, and his prior Artiste of the Year win in 2022 still carries weight in voting rooms.

Kojo Blak at 13%. His seven-nomination night includes this category, but his stronger plays are likely Best New Artiste and Collaboration of the Year, which slightly diffuses his concentration here.

Gyakie at 10%. AfterMidnight has earned strong critical reception and her Sankofa entry in Best Afropop Song demonstrates broader recognition.

Moliy at 5%. International presence is strong but local mainstream awareness still trails the front-runners.

Best Female Vocal Performance

Cina Soul at 40%. The consistent critical favourite in this category over recent editions. Breath represents one of her most refined recordings to date, and the technical-vocal voting bloc tends to choose her when she is in the field.

Grace Charles of Team Eternity Ghana at 25%. The gospel voting bloc is well-organised, and Team Eternity’s Defe Defe winning Best Urban or Contemporary Gospel Song last year demonstrates that organisational strength carries into adjacent categories.

Niiella at 15%. Show Me How to Love is a vocally accomplished nomination from a rising vocal talent.

Enam at 12%. Amin demonstrates technical control and her separate nomination in Record of the Year shows broader recognition.

Lordina the Soprano at 8%. Beni Tookw3loji is a credible nomination but trails the leaders in cross-platform reach.

Best Male Vocal Performance

Perez Musik at 35%. By Prayer is the strongest gospel-aligned candidate this cycle, and the gospel-vocal pattern has held firm in recent editions of this category.

Josh Blakk at 25%. A focused recent EP signals a deliberate campaign for this honour, and Catch-22 demonstrates strong vocal range. The clearest secular alternative in the field.

Asiama at 18%. Akoma is a critically respected nomination with separate recognition in Record of the Year, which adds cross-category weight to his case.

Carl Clottey at 12%. Yehowa adds gospel depth to the field and his collaboration nomination broadens his case.

Deon Boakye at 10%. Time (Live Sessions) is a credible vocal entry, though the live-session framing may limit his perceived production polish in voting rooms.

Best Gospel Artiste of the Year

Diana Hamilton at 40%. Her Artiste of the Year nomination signals the strength of her year overall, which typically correlates with strong performance in genre-specific categories.

Piesie Esther at 25%. Won the category in 2023 and Nyame Ye has had remarkable staying power. The strongest alternative.

MOG Music at 12%. Strong contemporary gospel profile with consistent radio play through the year.

Kofi Owusu Peprah at 10%. Multiple nominations in gospel song categories add depth to his case.

Mabel Okyere at 8%. So Far So Good has resonated in traditional gospel circles.

Nana Yaw Ofori-Attah at 5%. A respected nomination but trails the better-known names in cross-platform reach.

Best Reggae or Dancehall Artiste of the Year

The shortest section in this report, because the math does most of the talking.

Stonebwoy at 85%. He has won this category in each of the last ten consecutive editions. Audience reach within the genre, consistency of output, and the absence of a serious dancehall challenger this cycle make the eleventh straight win the heavy base case.

Samini at 10%. Chaana with the Soweto Mass Choir is a strong project entry, and as one of the genre’s senior figures, he remains the most credible alternative if anyone takes the title from Stonebwoy.

Ras Kuuku at 5%. A respected nominee whose presence reflects his sustained contribution to the genre.

Best International Collaboration

Shake It to the Max by Moliy with Shenseea, Skillibeng and Silent Addy at 40%. The broadest international footprint of any record on this list. Multiple-market chart presence, sustained international media coverage through 2025, and the kind of cross-Caribbean collaboration that puts a Ghanaian artiste in genuinely global conversation.

Body Go by Moliy with Tyla at 22%. Strong critical reception and Tyla’s continental profile elevate this entry. A double Moliy night is plausible.

So It Goes by Black Sherif with Fireboy DML at 15%. West African crossover credentials with two of the region’s strongest voices.

See What We’ve Done by King Promise with Mr Eazi at 10%. A polished collaboration with strong streaming numbers in select markets.

Too Late Remix by Wendy Shay with Bedjine, Phyna and Guchi at 8%. Pan-African female-led collaboration with broad reach across the continent.

Meet 4 Corner by Lasmid with TML Vibez at 5%. A credible nomination but with the lightest international footprint of the field.

Collaboration of the Year

Excellent by Kojo Blak featuring Kelvyn Boy at 35%. Widely credited with launching Kojo Blak as a household name and one of the most discussed collaborations of the year. The board often rewards collaborations that genuinely break an artiste, and this one did.

Shoulder by Medikal featuring Shatta Wale and Beeztrap KOTM at 22%. Combined fanbases create the strongest viral mobilisation case, and the song’s TikTok afterlife was inescapable.

Aso Remix by Kwabena Kwabena, Stonebwoy and Kofi Kinaata at 18%. The prestige pick that pairs three established artistes on a single record.

Gymnastic by KiDi, OliveTheBoy and Kojo Blak at 12%. A three-act youth-focused collaboration with sustained streaming and dance-platform presence.

Crazy Love by Wendy Shay and OliveTheBoy at 8%. A strong commercial collaboration that has performed consistently across the year.

Violence by Sarkodie featuring Kweku Smoke at 5%. Generation-bridging rap collaboration with respected critical reception.

Best Hiplife Song

Shoulder by Medikal featuring Shatta Wale and Beeztrap KOTM at 32%. The viral hiplife crossover of the year.

Tontonte by Kojo Cue featuring AraTheJay and Ofori Amponsah at 22%. Bridges classic and contemporary hiplife generations through Ofori Amponsah’s involvement.

Habit by Fameye featuring Medikal at 15%. A radio-friendly entry with strong commercial reach.

Messiah by Sarkodie featuring Kweku Flick at 12%. A technically strong hiplife entry with the Sarkodie brand attached.

Next Door by Kojo Blak featuring Sarkodie at 10%. Broadens Kojo Blak’s nomination spread without representing his strongest play.

Badness by Kwesi Amewuga at 9%. A solid nomination from an emerging name in the hiplife scene.

Best HipHop Song

Where Dem Boys by Black Sherif at 38%. The most-streamed pure hip-hop entry on the shortlist, with strong critical positioning.

Violence by Sarkodie featuring Kweku Smoke at 22%. A rap-craft entry with two respected names attached.

Adu the Borga by Kweku Smoke at 15%. A defining track from Walk With Me with strong critical reception.

Balacianga by O’Kenneth at 12%. Underground credibility with a distinctive sonic identity.

Same Timbs by Gona Boy at 8%. A breakout entry that justified his Best New Artiste nomination.

Matter by Lalid at 5%. Generated genuine fan campaigning online but trails the leaders in cross-platform reach.

Best Highlife Song

Foko by King Paluta at 38%. The most-played highlife record of the year and a strong public-vote driver.

It Is Finished by Kofi Kinaata at 28%. Vintage Kinaata writing and the category’s traditional craft pick.

Aso Remix by Kwabena Kwabena, Stonebwoy and Kofi Kinaata at 18%. Three-act prestige collaboration with strong board-voter appeal.

Do Better by Kuami Eugene at 10%. A polished highlife-pop entry with consistent radio presence.

Obi Adi by Amerado at 6%. A respected nomination that broadens the field.

Best Afrobeats Song

Excellent by Kojo Blak featuring Kelvyn Boy at 35%. The breakout afrobeats record of 2025 with sustained chart presence.

Gymnastic by KiDi, OliveTheBoy and Kojo Blak at 25%. Strong dance-platform engagement and a three-act mobilisation case.

Crazy Love by Wendy Shay and OliveTheBoy at 18%. Consistent radio play across the year.

Issues by Lasmid and King Promise at 12%. A polished collaboration between two respected voices.

OMG by Mr Drew featuring OliveTheBoy at 10%. Solid commercial performance, with OliveTheBoy’s presence broadening its reach.

Best Afropop Song

Sacrifice by Black Sherif at 38%. Topped Apple Music Ghana for an extended run and carries the artiste’s overall nomination weight.

Olivia by Lasmid at 18%. Year-round radio presence and strong commercial performance.

Sankofa by Gyakie at 15%. Critically respected and demonstrates her vocal craft.

Bend by OliveTheBoy featuring Sarkodie at 12%. Strong commercial collaboration with two well-known names.

See What We’ve Done by King Promise featuring Mr Eazi at 10%. Polished international-leaning afropop with strong streaming.

Gidi Gidi by Stonebwoy at 7%. Broadens his nomination spread without representing his strongest play in this category.

Best Traditional Gospel Song

Nyame Ye by Piesie Esther at 30%. Strong staying power across the year with deep gospel-circle resonance.

Maseda by Kofi Owusu Peprah featuring Diana Hamilton at 22%. A high-profile gospel collaboration with two respected names.

Akorfala by Celestine Donkor featuring Diana Hamilton at 18%. Adds further weight to Diana Hamilton’s spread across the night.

Correct by Joyce Blessing featuring King Paluta at 12%. A genre-crossing collaboration with viral potential.

So Far So Good by Mabel Okyere at 10%. A traditional gospel cornerstone with consistent reception.

Baba God by Paul Enana at 8%. A credible nomination that broadens the field.

Best Urban or Contemporary Gospel Song

Aha Y3 by Diana Hamilton, Ntokozo Mbambo and Elder Mireku at 30%. A pan-African gospel collaboration with strong cross-market reach.

Big God Afro by Kofi Owusu Peprah at 22%. Strong contemporary gospel entry with consistent radio presence.

Ebefa by Ewura Abena at 18%. Breakout urban-gospel record of the year with strong digital streaming.

Stamina by Kofi Karikari at 12%. A vocally focused contemporary gospel entry.

Ready by Scott Evans at 10%. Solid commercial performance.

Carl Clottey featuring Luigi Maclean at 8%. A credible duo entry that adds depth to the field.

Record of the Year

Chaana by Samini featuring the Soweto Mass Choir at 25%. A high-production-value record with continental scope and strong critical reception.

Akoma by Asiama at 22%. A vocally accomplished record produced by a respected name in the category.

For My Good by Soul Winners featuring Joe Mettle at 18%. Strong gospel collaboration with significant audience reach.

Afa by Enam at 15%. A polished record with strong vocal performance credentials.

Enso Nyame Y3 by Kwabena Kwabena at 12%. A traditional highlife entry from one of the genre’s senior figures.

Kwame Macho by Rama Blak at 8%. A credible nomination that broadens the field.

Audio Engineer of the Year

Kwame Yeboah for Akoma at 30%. A musician’s musician with deep production credentials. Industry voters in technical categories tend to favour engineers with respected back-catalogues, and his work on Akoma has been quietly praised across producer circles all year.

Daniel Grull for Enso Nyame Y3 at 20%. Strong technical work on a senior-artiste record with high production polish.

Francis Kweku Osei for Chaana at 18%. The continental-scale Soweto Mass Choir collaboration carries technical complexity that voters reward.

KC Beatz for Afa at 15%. A respected name in Ghanaian production with consistent presence in technical categories.

Samuel Laryea Otoo for For My Good at 10%. Strong gospel-engineering credentials.

Robo Dabeat Scientist for Kwame Macho at 7%. A solid nomination but with the lightest profile of the field.

Projected Top Winners by Volume

Tonight’s TGMA looks, on balance, like a strong night for Black Sherif, with several alternative storylines that could meaningfully reshape the final tally if voters lean into different narratives. Wendy Shay’s industry support and AFRIMA validation give her a genuine path to the top honour. The new generation of artistes has a clear opening to take a meaningful share of the night’s hardware.

The traditional categories of Songwriter, Best Highlife, and Best Reggae or Dancehall look the most settled, while public-vote categories such as Most Popular Song remain the hardest to call with high confidence.

The ceremony begins at 8:00 PM tonight at the Grand Arena. Public voting closes shortly before the broadcast. By the time the credits roll, every probability in this report will either be vindicated by the envelopes or politely embarrassed by them. That is the nature of award nights, and that is why the country watches.

About the author:

Isaac Kofi Agyei is a Data & Research Journalist/Analyst and Head of Research at JoyNews based in Accra, where he covers mostly finance, economics, banking, politics, sports & entertainment business across Ghana and West Africa, from detailed analytical reports on all key issues to debt crises to IMF programmes.

He also serves as the data and research correspondent for SBM Intelligence, an Africa-focused market/security leader in strategic research, providing actionable analyses of West Africa’s socio-political and economic landscape.

With his solid academic background in economics and statistics and additional training from credible institutions such as the UNDP, Afrobarometer, Ghana Statistical Service, and a host of others, Isaac has honed his skills in effective data storytelling, reporting, and analysis.

According to the Minister, government is taking deliberate steps to ensure that Ghana’s healthcare system remains resilient and sustainable even after external support declines.

Dr. Forson made the remarks during a meeting with the World Health Organization’s Regional Director for Africa, Mohamed Yakub Janabi, as part of discussions on strengthening Ghana’s health system.

“As support from the Global Fund for vaccines and critical medicines winds down by 2029, we are taking steps to ensure that, beginning January 2030, Ghana fully budgets for and finances these vaccines and essential medicines,” the Finance Minister stated.

He explained that government’s broader health sector reforms are aimed not only at extending life expectancy but also at improving the quality of life of Ghanaians.

Dr. Forson noted that since 2025, government has implemented major reforms in the health sector, including increasing budgetary releases, uncapping the National Health Insurance Levy, and ensuring that the National Health Insurance Authority receives its full allocations strictly for health-related activities.

He added that government is also increasing investments in the fight against non-communicable diseases through the Ghana Medical Trust Fund and the establishment of specialised treatment units across the country.

The Finance Minister further highlighted the recent launch of the Free Primary Healthcare Programme as part of efforts to expand access to healthcare.

For his part, Dr. Janabi commended Ghana’s progress and stressed that a healthy population remains essential for productivity and economic growth.

He also urged African countries to strengthen local medicine and vaccine production, reduce dependence on imports, and increase investments in tackling non-communicable diseases.

Charles Amissah’s death: Some leaders must learn to resign when they fail…

Charles Amissah’s death: Headlines blaming only health workers miss the bigger…

Delivering the keynote address at the Ghana Female CEOs Summit 2026 held at the Kempinski Hotel Gold Coast City on Thursday, May 7, the Minister described women as central to Ghana’s competitiveness and long-term economic resilience.

According to her, women have consistently demonstrated leadership and resilience in business despite facing structural barriers and unequal access to opportunities.

“I know what it costs. I know the discipline, the resilience, and the quiet determination it takes to lead while being watched differently, judged differently, and held to a different standard,” she said.

Mrs Ofosu-Adjare praised female business leaders for building businesses, creating jobs, and navigating difficult economic conditions.

“You have built businesses, created employment, navigated economic headwinds, and refused to be the footnote in Ghana’s growth story,” she stated.

The Minister stressed that Ghana’s development agenda cannot succeed without the active inclusion of women in economic decision-making and enterprise development.

“Women constitute approximately 51 percent of Ghana’s population. We are the majority and an underutilised engine of national growth,” she noted.

She emphasised that empowering women should be treated as an economic necessity rather than a symbolic gesture, citing statistics showing that women own about 40 percent of businesses in Ghana and make up over 70 percent of workers within the country’s food system.

Despite these contributions, she said many women continue to face challenges in accessing financing and formal agribusiness assets.

Mrs Ofosu-Adjare referenced estimates by the International Finance Corporation indicating that closing the gender financing gap for SMEs in Sub-Saharan Africa could generate about 42 billion dollars annually in economic value.

She also cited projections by the McKinsey Global Institute suggesting that advancing women’s equality across Africa could add 316 billion dollars to the continent’s GDP.

“These are not soft statistics. They are economic imperatives,” she stressed.

The Minister highlighted several policy interventions introduced under the administration of President John Dramani Mahama to support women-led enterprises.

She revealed that the proposed Ghana Women’s Development Bank, backed by an allocation of GH¢401 million in the 2026 budget, would provide low-interest credit, flexible collateral arrangements, mentorship, and tailored business support services for women entrepreneurs.

Mrs Ofosu-Adjare also pointed to opportunities under the newly passed 24-Hour Economy Authority Act 2026, noting that women in manufacturing, agro-processing, retail, and hospitality stand to benefit significantly.

According to her, businesses operating under the framework would enjoy tax incentives, reduced electricity costs, and financing support through EXIM Bank.

She further highlighted the implementation of the Affirmative Action Law 2024, which seeks to increase female representation in leadership and decision-making positions across public and private institutions.

The Minister added that the African Continental Free Trade Area presents significant export opportunities for women-led businesses in sectors such as cassava processing, textiles, pharmaceuticals, and palm oil production.

She disclosed that government aims to increase Ghana’s non-traditional export earnings from 3.5 billion dollars to at least 10 billion dollars by 2030.

Mrs Ofosu-Adjare concluded by calling for stronger collaboration between government, businesses, and development partners to support women entrepreneurs.

“We see you. We are building for you. And we expect you to grow beyond what any of us can currently imagine,” she said.

READ ALSO:

GJA President represents Ghana at the 2026 IFJ Centenary Congress in Paris

GNFS receives Mercedes-Benz fire tender donation from UK-based Fire Aid

According to Global Burden of Disease data, more than 72 people per 100,000 population suffer serious bodily injuries annually. The burden includes road traffic crashes, workplace accidents and domestic injuries.

Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Ambulance Service, Dr George Kwadwo Owusu, revealed that road traffic injuries alone cost the country approximately $6.7 million each year.

He disclosed this at a two-day conference organised by the KNUST Centre for Injury Prevention and Research at the College of Health Sciences in Kumasi.

Dr Owusu described injuries as a “silent epidemic” ravaging the country at a pace that has outstripped response efforts.

“There is a disease that exists called injury. It is ravaging our nation in ways we have been too slow to confront, and road traffic injuries remain the primary driver,” he said.

According to him, more than 60% of road traffic fatalities involve people under the age of 35, affecting the country’s workforce, students and future generations.

“More than 60% of road traffic fatalities strike people under 35 years of age — our workforce, our students and our future,” he stressed.

Dr Owusu emphasised that tackling the crisis requires not only emergency medical care but also stronger prevention measures and improved data collection systems.

He further called on government to support researchers in translating research findings into practical interventions to reduce injuries before they occur.

The conference was held under the theme: “Nipping Ghana’s Injury Menace in the Bud — Harnessing Evidence from Local Research.”

Provost of the College of Health Sciences and Chairman of the Injury Conference, Professor Christian Agyare, also stressed the need for prevention and early intervention rather than reactive measures.

“Nipping in the bud is not managing, coping or reacting, but preventing and intervening at the root before the flower of tragedy fully blooms,” he said.

Professor Agyare noted that injuries continue to impose a heavy burden on families, communities and the national economy, particularly at a time of fiscal challenges.

“Injuries are not freak events. They are predictable and preventable. Yet across our nation, communities and families, they continue to exact a devastating toll by claiming young lives, disabling productive citizens and straining a national budget already under pressure,” he stated.

He identified road traffic crashes, drowning, burns, falls and workplace injuries as a growing public health emergency that requires a coordinated and sustained national response.

The conference brought together researchers, policymakers, healthcare professionals and emergency responders to discuss evidence-based strategies for injury prevention and control in Ghana.

READ ALSO:

Abunyanya Assemblyman commissions community library to boost education

Ghana, UAE deepen energy partnership as Mahama meets Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed

“Are they selling my details? ”You’re not alone. We’ve all gotten that strange MoMo text minutes after signing up somewhere. So yes, we pause before hitting “Buy Now.”

But a new study I published in the Journal of Electronic Business & Digital Economics asked 1,000 Ghanaian online shoppers about this fear. The result? When companies handle your data right, that fear makes you trust them more, not less. For smart businesses, data privacy isn’t a problem. It’s their best sales pitch.

Ghana’s Online Boom Has a Trust Problem

We’re all shopping online now, wigs on IG, food on Bolt, clothes on Jiji. MoMo moved GH₵1.9 trillion last year. But with growth comes fear. Data leaks. Fake shops. Companies that take your info and suddenly you’re getting loan calls you never asked for.

Many business owners think, “Ghanaians don’t care about privacy. They just want cheap.” My research says that’s wrong. Ghanaians care. And how you treat their data decides if they buy once or for life.

What 1,000 Shoppers Told Us

We surveyed Jiji users and others across Ghana. We tested: How does worrying about data privacy affect trust in online shops? And does it change if:   The website is easy to use?  The shopper knows basic online safety?

4 Things Every Online Seller in Ghana Must Know

We Protect Your Data” Is Your Best Advert.

When companies say plainly: “We take your number only for delivery. We never share it. We delete it after 30 days,” trust jumps. Customers think: “Ah, these people respect me.” They buy — and come back. So stop hiding your privacy note in tiny font. Make it your selling point. If MTN can explain MoMo charges simply, you can explain data use simply.

A Slow Website Looks Like a Scam

Privacy fear is real. But a bad website makes it worse. If your page loads slowly, payment fails, or nobody replies to WhatsApp, customers think: “If they can’t run a site, how will they protect my card?”

But when it’s fast, click, pay, “Order Confirmed” in seconds, customers relax. They think: “These people are professional. I’m safe. ”Your website speed is your privacy policy. Fix it before you boost ads.

Teach Customers, And They’ll Spend More

Shoppers who understand basic online safety don’t avoid buying. They choose better companies. We found that Ghanaians with digital know-how don’t panic about data.

They ask: “Is this company following the rules?” If yes, they trust more, and buy more. Post a 30-second tip: “How to spot a safe website.” Do “Data Safety Sunday” on your page. When customers feel smart, they feel safe. Safe customers spend.

Ghana’s Privacy Story Is Different In a Good Way

In the West, people say they care about privacy but overshare anyway. In Ghana, privacy concerns directly shape buying. But if you handle it right, those concerns build trust.

That means you don’t have to choose between “using data for ads” and “respecting privacy.” Do both. Be open, be clear, be fast and customers will reward you.

Same Sneakers, Different Results

Two IG pages sell sneakers in Accra. Page A: Takes your details. No explanation. Website crashes. Replies after 2 days. Customers think: “Scam.” No sales.

Page B: Says: “Your number is for delivery only. We never share it.” Site is fast. MoMo works. Replies in 2 minutes. Customers think: “Professional.” They buy and tag friends. Same product. Different outcome. The difference? Trust.

Moves To Make Today 

Talk Plain About Data. “We use your number for delivery only. Nothing else.” No big English. Put it where people see it.  Fix Your Site First. That GH₵5,000 ad budget? Spend GH₵1,000 making your site faster first. Slow sites kill sales. 

Make Customers Digital Sharp. Share one safety tip weekly. They’ll thank you with their wallet.

For Government and Banks Too

Ghana’s Data Protection Act exists, but many SMEs don’t get it. The Data Protection Commission should train traders in Makola and Kejetia, not just fine them. Banks and fintechs: Give lower fees to shops with clear privacy rules and secure sites. Make good data behavior profitable.

Last Word: Trust Is Ghana’s New Online Currency

We say “24-hour economy” and “Ghana Beyond Aid.” But that fails if people fear shopping online after dark. This research proves Ghanaians aren’t afraid of digital. They’re afraid of being disrespected. Respect their data.

Explain clearly. Make the experience smooth. Do that, and trust follows. Trust brings sales, jobs, and growth. Don’t treat data privacy as legal wahala. Treat it as your best marketing strategy.

In Ghana’s digital market, the shops that protect info, and say so, will win. The rest? Customers will swipe left and tell the whole group chat to do the same.

The author:

Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan is a lecturer and researcher in Marketing, Sustainable Business and Leadership in emerging markets

Speaking in an interview with Accra-based Citi FM on Tuesday, May 5, 2026, the Senior Manager in charge of Corporate Affairs at NAFCO, Emmanuel Arthur, said purchases were still ongoing with the GH¢100 million released by the government in 2025.

The Senior Manager for Corporate Affairs at NAFCO, Mr Emmanuel Arthur, disclosed this in a radio interview on Citi FM on May 5, 2026.

He said NAFCO was still buying grain with the 2025 funds and had not exhausted the allocation.

“The buying is still ongoing,” he said. “We are left with a little, but we are still buying. As we speak, we have people on the ground purchasing.”

Mr Arthur did not readily provide a detailed breakdown of expenditure or volumes purchased as of now.

On the funding gap, he said the amount required to clear the glut far exceeds current allocations. “If we had told the government that we needed not less than GH¢770 million to mop up the surplus, that was what the farmers wanted,” he said.

“The government said there is a match, so it gave GH¢100 million for a start.”

He also said an additional GH¢200 million announced in the 2026 Budget by the Minister of Finance, Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, in November 2025 had not yet been released. “We are waiting for it. The GH¢200 million has not come yet,” he said.

The discussion followed a Business and Financial Times report published on May 4, 2026, in which an executive member of the Association of Ghana Rice Producers and Processors, Dr Terence Adda-Balinia, alleged that NAFCO had ignored a presidential directive to prioritise locally produced rice.

He claimed cheaper smuggled rice was being procured instead, forcing some millers to halt operations and leaving many farmers with losses.

Mr Arthur rejected the claim, stating that all grain purchased by NAFCO had come from local farmers. “Everything that we have bought has been from Ghanaian farmers,” he said.

He explained that the company works through licensed buying companies, which procure grain on its behalf and deliver to its warehouses.

He named facilities in Buipe, parts of the Bono and Ashanti regions, Jute in the Volta Region, and Tamale as storage points, and invited journalists to verify the stock.

“I will be happy to take your crew to these locations and you will see the quantity of grain we have bought with the GH¢100 million,” he said.

During the programme, a former Executive Secretary of the Ghana Rice Interprofessional Body, Mr Ivan Sakitei, said he still had thousands of bags of rice harvested in December 2025 unsold in Akuse.

He referred to a meeting held on April 15, 2026, with the Greater Accra Regional Minister, but said no progress had been made.

“We are yet to sell even one bag, even after these discussions and agreed prices,” Mr Sakitei said.

Mr Arthur acknowledged the concern and said such complaints should not be dismissed. He attributed the situation to limited funding.

“The amount of money is not enough,” he said. “It is difficult for people to feel the impact of what we are doing because the funds are not enough. If we had the means today, we would mobilise all the grain farmers have.”

The host of the programme, Mr Bernard Avle, called on NAFCO to publish a list of farmers and mills from which grain had been procured through licensed buyers.

“So long as you cannot give us that information and these recognised bodies say no one is buying their rice, it is difficult to clear yourself of that accusation,” he said.

Mr Arthur said the company would consider the suggestion. “That is not difficult to do and we will consider it,” he said.

He added that the World Food Programme was supporting NAFCO to rehabilitate storage facilities ahead of further purchases.

“They are helping us put our facilities in good shape in preparation for more procurement,” he said.

Akuse in the Lower Manya Krobo District of the Eastern Region and Asutsuare in the Shai Osudoku District of the Greater Accra Region remain major rice-producing areas. Both form part of the Kpong Irrigation Scheme, which spans about 4,040 hectares and supports more than 2,000 smallholder farmers.

President John Dramani Mahama on March 5, 2026, directed that rice procurement for schools be centralised under NAFCO, with priority given to locally produced rice for the School Feeding Programme and Free Senior High School.

Mr Arthur clarified that the GH¢100 million allocation is for the national food reserve, which is separate from the Free SHS supply chain, although both programmes require the use of local rice.

“The National Food Reserve Programme, which we are using the GH¢100 million for, is different from the Free SHS supply chain,” he said. “But the directive to use local rice applies to both.”

NAFCO was set up in 2010 under President John Evans Atta Mills to maintain a national food reserve and provide a market for farmers. Mr Arthur said the company had struggled to build reserves over the years until the recent glut prompted government action.

“For many years we have not had a proper national food reserve,” he said. “The current situation led to a directive for us to step in and buy excess grain from farmers across the country.”

ALSO READ:

• Cabinet approves GH¢100 million for NAFCO for food surplus purchase

• Supply Ghana rice to schools or face sanctions – NAFCO warns

Speaking on JoyNews PM Express, the Akim Oda MP and member of Parliament’s Health Committee said an abrupt break from external support would expose deep weaknesses in the country’s health financing system.

“Well, currently, I would say no, we just have to do something about it.”

His comments come after Ghana rejected a US health deal, a development that has renewed debate over the country’s preparedness to finance critical parts of its health system without foreign assistance.

Mr Acquah said the country still struggles even when support arrives.

“Because even though I was in my former position as the Deputy Minister, I could not come to terms with the fact that we had aid in terms of logistics from foreign partners, and we could not just clear them from the ports.”

“You remember that big story, so even if the aid that is coming, we still want to take taxes on them to support our budgets, and now we say we want to win ourselves totally from them. How do we survive?”

He argued that even the 15 per cent commitment under the Abuja Declaration still anticipates support from development partners.

“This 15% declaration by the Abuja declaration still demanded that there’s that level of support from developed countries, developed partners, and so kindly, we just have to buy the bullet.”

The former deputy minister said the immediate task should be fixing inefficiencies in public spending.

“And like Dr Nii Moi Thompson said, we may have to look into our systems and cut off all the waste, because there, there is a lot of waste within our public sector.”

He warned that the health sector is already feeling the pressure from shrinking aid flows.

“You cannot take away the health sector, you know, because most often than not, we have relied on aid. It’s become one of the major motivations.”

“I’m telling you, the health sector is suffering, because I know what is happening, especially when the USA and others got cut off.”

He said some parts of the sector had depended heavily on that support.

“You know, there are certain areas that got a lot of motivation from some of this aid, and now that they are not coming, it’s become critical.”

Mr Acquah disclosed that recent engagements with the Ghana Health Service highlighted the risks ahead.

“Very recently, I think about a month or so, we met the Ghana Health Service boss and their agencies and all the program managers in their presentation gave us an indication of what is ahead if we do not sit up to look at the finance and health financing.”

He said while the US has pulled back, other partners remain engaged, giving Ghana time to rethink its strategy.

“I thank God, it’s only the US that is playing this kind of game with us. There are some other donor agencies that are still with us, you know, and so it gives us an opportunity to start looking beyond it. And let’s look at our source.”

ALSO READ:

• US Health Deal: Ghana cannot cut off health aid overnight – Former Deputy Minister

• Health professionals raise concern over rising non-communicable diseases in Ashanti Region

Speaking on PM Express on Monday, the member of Parliament’s Health Committee said the country is not yet in a position to abruptly detach itself from foreign support.

“Well, currently, I would say no, we just have to do something about it.”

The Akim Oda MP’s comments come after Ghana’s rejection of a US health deal.

Mr Acquah said the country’s dependence on external support remains deeply rooted, pointing to persistent challenges even when assistance arrives.

“Because even though I was in my former position as the Deputy Minister, I could not come to terms with the fact that we had aid in terms of logistics from foreign partners, and we could not just clear them from the ports.”

He said the contradiction becomes even sharper when the country still seeks to tax donated supplies.

“So even if the aid that is coming, we still want to take taxes on them to support our budgets, and now we say we want to be totally free from them. How do we survive?”

The former Deputy Minister said the reality of health financing makes an immediate break impractical.

“I mean this 15% declaration by the Abuja declaration still demanded that there’s that level of support from developed countries, developed partners.”

He argued that Ghana must instead confront inefficiency and waste within the public sector.

“And like Dr Nii Moi Thompson said, we may have to look into our systems and cut off all the waste, because there, there is a lot of waste within our public sector.”

Mr Acquah said the health sector has become especially vulnerable because it has long relied on external aid.

“You cannot take away the health sector, you know, because, most often than not, because we have relied on aid. It’s become one of the major motivations.”

He said the pressure is already being felt.

“I’m telling you, the health sector is suffering, because I know what is happening, especially when the USA and others got cut off.”

According to him, some critical areas had depended heavily on that support.

“There are certain areas that got a lot of motivation from some of this aid, and now that they are not coming, it’s become critical.”

He revealed that recent engagements with the Ghana Health Service had exposed the scale of the challenge ahead.

“Very recently, I think about a month or so, we met the Ghana Health Service boss and their agencies and all the program managers in their presentation gave us an indication of what is ahead if we do not sit up to look at the finance and health financing.”

For now, he said, Ghana still has a narrow window to rethink its approach.

“I thank God, it’s only the US that is playing this kind of game with us. There are some other donor agencies that are still with us, you know, and so it gives us an opportunity to start looking beyond it. And let’s look at our source.”

ALSO READ:

• Ghana walks away from US health agreement over sensitive data concerns

• Ghana walking away from US health deal a good move – CDD Fellow

Yet behind these impressive numbers lies an uncomfortable question: the very institution that engineered this recovery, the Bank of Ghana, is financially broken. And fixing it will cost every Ghanaian, one way or another, for years to come.

A close reading of the Bank’s newly released 2025 financial statements, prepared on 29 April 2026, reveals the full scale of the damage. The central bank’s total equity, the difference between what it owns and what it owes, stands at a staggering negative GH¢96.3 billion. That is not a typo. The Bank of Ghana, the guardian of our currency, has a balance sheet that is deeply underwater.

How did we get here? The answer is both simple and troubling. The Bank of Ghana has, in effect, spent itself into a deep financial hole in order to rescue the economy from runaway inflation. Its primary weapon has been Open Market Operations, the process of selling high interest securities to commercial banks to mop up excess money in the system. In 2025 alone, the interest cost of these operations reached a staggering GH¢16.7 billion, nearly double the GH¢8.6 billion spent the year before.

To put that number in perspective, GH¢16.7 billion is roughly equivalent to the entire budget of some government ministries combined. It is money the central bank has paid out to commercial banks, essentially as the price of controlling inflation. The strategy worked. Inflation is down, the currency has stabilised, and businesses can plan again. But the central bank itself has been left financially crippled.

A large one off gold sale provided a lifeline. The Bank sold 869,915 ounces of refined gold in 2025, generating proceeds of roughly US$3.6 billion and booking a gain of GH¢9.57 billion. Without this windfall, the reported loss of GH¢15.63 billion for the year would have been far worse. Even so, the Bank still recorded a total comprehensive loss, including exchange rate movements on its foreign reserves, of GH¢34.95 billion.

The Bank’s management is keen to point out that despite these frightening numbers, the institution remains what they call “policy solvent.” This means its core income can still cover the direct costs of its monetary policy operations. They calculate this surplus at GH¢5.5 billion for 2025, a significant improvement over the GH¢794 million recorded in 2024.

Technically, they may be right. A central bank is not like a commercial bank. It cannot become insolvent in the traditional sense because it can always create cedis to meet its local currency obligations. But this argument, while legally sound, misses the practical reality. A central bank that finances its own operations by printing money is a central bank that is fuelling the very inflation it is supposed to fight. We cannot celebrate the defeat of inflation while quietly laying the groundwork for its return.

So what happens next? The Government has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Bank, and Parliament has passed the Bank of Ghana (Amendment) Act, 2025, which commits the state to recapitalise the central bank. The plan is to inject capital in phases between now and 2032, with the goal of restoring positive equity by the end of that period.

This is where the bill lands on the doorstep of every Ghanaian. Recapitalising the Bank of Ghana will require the Government to transfer either cash or interest bearing bonds to the central bank. Those bonds must be serviced. That money must come from somewhere. It will come from taxpayers, either through higher taxes, reduced public spending, or more government borrowing that crowds out private investment.

Ghanians are, in effect, being asked to pay for the successful fight against inflation. The alternative, leaving the Bank to print its way out of trouble, would be catastrophic. It would destroy the hard won gains of the last two years and plunge the country back into a cycle of rising prices and a collapsing currency. Nobody wants that.

But Ghanaians deserve an honest conversation about what this recapitalisation means. Every cedi the Government transfers to the Bank of Ghana is a cedi that cannot go to building roads, equipping hospitals, funding schools, or supporting vulnerable citizens. The trade off is real and it will be felt over the next seven years.

There is also a risk that the recovery proves fragile. The improved “policy solvency” figure for 2025 depends heavily on the gold sale windfall, which cannot be repeated every year. If inflation proves stubborn, if the currency comes under renewed pressure, or if global interest rates remain high, the Bank could easily slide back into a position where its core income no longer covers its costs. That would require even more taxpayer support, or worse, a temptation to abandon the zero financing agreement with the Government.

The current economic trajectory is encouraging. Inflation is low, growth is solid, and the IMF programme, now extended to August 2026 for technical reasons, has provided a crucial anchor of discipline. But this success was purchased at an enormous cost that the country has not yet fully paid and that cost is now sitting on the Bank of Ghana’s balance sheet.

As the IMF programme draws to a close and the Government’s need to issue bonds for the recapitalisation begins to push the debt to GDP ratio back toward 53 percent, we will face a critical test. Can we maintain the fiscal discipline that brought us this far? Can we recapitalise the central bank without undermining the very stability we have fought to achieve?

The Bank of Ghana has done its job. It has tamed inflation at great cost to its own financial health. Now the Government, and by extension every Ghanaian citizen, must pick up the bill. How we manage that obligation, honestly, transparently, and sustainably, will determine whether the current recovery endures or proves to be another false dawn.

READ ALSO:

The numbers speak for themselves – Majority replies Minority over BoG loss

Minority accuses NDC of hiding BoG’s true financial crisis amidst claims of GH¢44bn loss

Real GDP grew 6.3 % in the first half of 2025. The primary balance swung from a deficit of 2.9 % of GDP to a surplus of 2.6 %. Public debt tumbled from 61.8 % to 45.3 % of GDP, beating the IMF’s 2034 target by nearly a decade. Inflation, which had scorched households at 54 % in December 2022, was wrestled down to 13.7 % by mid‑2025 and, by March 2026, sat at a quiet 3.2 %. The Fund projects it will drift back to 7.9 % by year‑end, and GDP growth of 4.8 % in 2026, slightly above the sub‑Saharan average.

Finance Minister Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, receiving the mission, called the reform journey “long, demanding, but ultimately transformative” and, “in every material sense, a success.” The IMF team echoed the sentiment, describing the moment as a significant milestone.

Good numbers, however, have a dangerous habit of hiding bad structures. Imagine the economy as a tripod. One leg is fiscal, how the state collects and spends. The second is structural or real, the farms, factories, energy grids, ports and skills that produce value. The third is monetary, the central bank’s management of prices, credit and the currency. A stable nation walks on all three. What Ghana has done in recent years is more precarious: it has balanced almost the entire recovery on the third leg, using it to prop up the first, while the second, the one that actually builds wealth, remains dangerously thin.

The cedi’s comeback and a central bank fighting alone

The fight against inflation was won not only by high interest rates but by a dramatic appreciation of the cedi. After losing more than half its value in 2022, the currency staged a ferocious rally. By October 2025 it had gained 37 % against the dollar, ranked as sub‑Saharan Africa’s best performer over eight months. By April 2026, cumulative appreciation topped 40 %, gross international reserves hit $12 billion, and import cover reached 5.8 months. The central bank, having held the line, delivered its largest rate cut on record in July 2025, slashing the Monetary Policy Rate from 28 % to 25 %.

The exchange rate was the transmission belt that made the disinflation story credible. Imported goods, from fuel to food, are priced directly off the cedi. A strengthening currency compresses pass‑through into domestic prices faster than any interest rate alone can. It also anchors the daily expectations of businesses and households, who watch the cedi the way a patient watches a pulse.

Yet this triumph belongs largely to the Bank of Ghana, fighting almost alone. The fiscal leg, despite headline surpluses, relied heavily on cash rationing. Parliament authorised capital spending of 1.5 % of GDP. According to the Minority in Parliament, the government implemented only about 0.5 %, a $1.1 billion shortfall in public investment. That is not discipline; it is anaemia dressed up as prudence.

Structural hole: energy bleeds the budget

The IMF’s sixth review places structural reforms at the top of the agenda, and no issue is more urgent than energy. The Fund estimates the annual power‑sector shortfall at $2.2 billion, driven by massive commercial and technical losses at the Electricity Company of Ghana and sluggish tariff adjustments. The government paid $1.47 billion in 2025 alone to clear legacy debts and restore a depleted World Bank guarantee. Cumulative liabilities across the sector run into tens of billions of cedis, a drain the World Bank warns could cost the government $2 billion a year by 2026, roughly 20 % of the national budget.

This is not operational friction; it is structural haemorrhage. Unmetered streetlights, power theft, procurement inefficiencies and distribution losses swallow resources that could otherwise fund schools, roads, or agricultural extension. The IMF has repeatedly flagged weaknesses in state‑owned enterprises, especially energy, as persistent fiscal risks. Nationally, electrification stands at a laudable 90 %, yet rural access is stuck near 50 %. Electricity is available; reliability and affordability are not.

Beyond power: the hardware of an economy is missing

Energy is the most visible wound, but the structural deficit runs wider. Cocoa, which contributes a tenth of GDP, saw output crash to 425,000 tonnes in 2023/24, a 22‑year low, before recovering to a forecast 650,000 tonnes in 2025/26 on better weather, higher farm‑gate prices and a crackdown on illegal mining. The rebound is welcome, but it exposes how much of the productive base remains hostage to rain, price cycles and environmental decay, not anchored in processing and value addition.

Agriculture employs roughly one‑third of the workforce and contributes a fifth of GDP. Yet post‑harvest losses, low mechanisation and weak industry linkages cap its potential. Manufacturing, the classic engine of transformation, is stuck in reverse: value‑added fell to 10.1 % of GDP in 2024, down from the year before. The informal sector, where nearly 80 % of working Ghanaians earn a living, produces only 27 % of GDP, a staggering productivity chasm.

The composition of recent growth deepens the worry. The 6.3 % expansion in the first half of 2025 was services‑heavy, led by ICT, finance and trade. Construction and manufacturing lagged. Ghana is not building the productive base that sustains jobs and incomes over decades; it is consuming and transacting its way to growth that could evaporate with the next external shock.

Finance Minister Forson, even while welcoming the IMF team, named the silent threat: youth unemployment. “If we do not create the conditions for the private sector to absorb our young people,” he warned, “the pressure on the state to provide jobs will become unsustainable.”

The fiscal leg: the revenue trap and a historic legal break

All three legs converge on a stubborn number: the tax‑to‑GDP ratio has hovered below 14 % for years, roughly half the average of lower‑middle‑income peers. Without structural transformation, the tax base cannot broaden. The government is forced to borrow domestically. Banks now hold GH¢162.9 billion in government instruments against GH¢89.2 billion in private‑sector loans, a lopsided allocation that starves the very enterprises that might create jobs and pay taxes.

Parliament’s December 2025 amendment to the Bank of Ghana Act prohibits the central bank from buying government securities on the primary market, a clean break from the printing‑press financing that fuelled the 2022 crisis. That legal barrier is essential, but it cannot substitute for a growing real economy. If the structural leg does not strengthen, the fiscal numbers will wobble again, and the monetary leg will once more be asked to carry the weight.

A scaffold, not a building

The IMF mission will now draft its report. A Board meeting within weeks could clear the final disbursement and close the programme. African Department Director Abebe Aemro Selassie was blunt before the mission left Washington: “This is not for the IMF,  this is for the people of Ghana, the government, private sector and civil society.”

The World Bank’s 2025 Policy Notes frame the long game: Ghana can triple per‑capita income from $2,200 to $6,600 by 2050, but only with deep reforms that restore macro‑financial stability, lift productivity, manage natural resources and strengthen institutions. The pillars are indivisible. Fiscal discipline without structural reform is nothing but austerity. Monetary tightening without credit to the real sector is stagnation.

The macro‑stabilisation Ghana has delivered, anchored by a resurgent cedi and falling inflation, was necessary and genuinely hard‑won. The IMF programme provided the framework, the financing and the external discipline. But it is a scaffold, not a building. Exchange rate appreciation and reserve accumulation buy time. They do not, by themselves, modernise a port, repair a distribution line, or move a farmer from subsistence to agro‑processing.

For as long as the monetary leg props up the fiscal leg  without the structural leg bearing weight, stability in Ghana will remain borrowed, from the IMF, from foreign reserves, from deferred public investment. The final review is a moment of truth. Not for the Fund. For Ghana.

Structural transformation is not a slogan. It is the unglamorous, granular, politically costly work of making the Electricity Company of Ghana collect what it bills, of turning cocoa beans into chocolate, of giving small and medium enterprises cheaper capital than the government, of making rural electrification mean power that stays on, not just a wire that passes through.

The tripod can stand. But only when all three legs are planted in the ground.

END.

Disclaimer: This article is an opinion piece written for general informational and commentary purposes only. The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the position of any institution, organisation, or employer. All data and statements attributed to public officials, institutions, and other sources are based on publicly available information and have been fact‑checked to the best of the author’s ability at the time of writing. However, economic data can be revised, and readers are advised to consult official sources for the most current figures. Nothing in this article constitutes financial, investment, legal, or policy advice. Readers should seek independent professional guidance for decisions related to financial or economic matters.

Endnotes

1. IMF mission arrival, leadership, programme status and extension:

   Ministry of Finance (Ghana), “IMF Mission Arrives for Final ECF Review,” 29 April 2026; multiple news outlets (GhanaWeb, NewsGhana, The Herald) consistently report Dr Ruben Atoyan as mission chief, sixth review under the $3 billion ECF, and technical extension to 16 August 2026.

2. Finance Minister’s statement:

   Dr Cassiel Ato Forson quoted verbatim by MOFEP release (29 April 2026) and reproduced by GhanaWeb, NewsGhana, The Herald: “long, demanding, but ultimately transformative” and “in every material sense, it is a success.”

3. IMF African Department Director’s remark:

   Abebe Aemro Selassie, IMF Spring Meetings press briefing, reported by Ghana News Agency and Citinewsroom (April 2026): “This is not for the IMF – this is for the people of Ghana – the government, private sector and civil society.”

4. Real GDP growth of 6.3 % in H1 2025:

   Finance Minister’s 2026 Budget Speech to Parliament, 13 November 2025, as reported by multiple media.

5. Primary balance improvement from −2.9 % to +2.6 % of GDP:

   MOFEP fiscal data, also cited in NewsGhana and GhanaWeb.

6. Public debt decline from 61.8 % to 45.3 % of GDP:

   MOFEP and IMF programme documents; widely reported.

7. Inflation history: 54 % (December 2022), 13.7 % (June 2025), 3.2 % (March 2026):

   Ghana Statistical Service monthly CPI releases; March 2026 figure from MoFEP April 2026 release.

8. IMF inflation forecast: 7.9 % by end‑2026:

   IMF World Economic Outlook and programme review projections, reported by NewsGhana and The Herald.

9. GDP growth forecast of 4.8 % for 2026:

   IMF staff projections, cited in multiple news reports.

10. Cedi appreciation: 37 % by October 2025, 40 %+ by April 2026; best‑performing currency ranking:

    Bank of Ghana Governor statement (28 October 2025) and MoFEP April 2026 release; ranking attributed to World Bank assessment per the Governor’s speech.

11. Gross international reserves: $12 billion, import cover 5.8 months:

    Bank of Ghana Governor (October 2025) and MoFEP April 2026 data; SONA February 2026 cited “over $13 billion, five months.”

12. Monetary Policy Rate cut from 28 % to 25 % in July 2025:

    Bank of Ghana Monetary Policy Committee press release, 30 July 2025.

13. Capital expenditure gap ($1.1 billion):

    Minority in Parliament’s response to the 2026 Budget, November 2025; note this is a political statement, not an official outturn.

14. Energy sector shortfall estimate of $2.2 billion:

    IMF Fifth Review under the ECF (2025), cited by Ministry of Finance and World Bank documents.

15. Government payment of $1.47 billion for energy legacy debts:

    Ministry of Finance statement, 12 January 2026.

16. Energy sector liabilities “tens of billions of cedis”:

    Various sources report GH₵24.63 billion in ECG cumulative losses (2017–2023) and total sector debt of GH₵70 billion; the article avoids a single unverifiable figure.

17. World Bank warning of $2 billion annual cost by 2026:

    World Bank Ghana Economic Update and Public Finance Review (2025).

18. Electrification rates: ~90 % national, ~50 % rural:

    Energy Commission and Ministry of Energy data, widely cited.

19. Cocoa output: 425,000 tonnes (2023/24), 650,000 tonnes (2025/26 forecast):

    COCOBOD production reports and international cocoa market data.

20. Agriculture employment (~1/3) and GDP share (~20 %):

    Ghana Statistical Service Labour Force Reports and National Accounts.

21. Manufacturing value‑added: 10.1 % of GDP in 2024, down from 2023:

    Helgi Library, TheGlobalEconomy.com, World Bank WDI.

22. Informal sector productivity: 80 % employment, 27 % GDP:

    GSS National Report on Productivity, Employment and Growth, February 2025.

23. Banking sector allocation: GH¢162.9 billion government vs GH¢89.2 billion private:

    Bank of Ghana Governor Asiama, June 2025 data (reported by Joy Business, others).

24. Tax‑to‑GDP ratio below 14 %:

    GRA and IMF analysis; multiple media citations.

25. Parliament amendment to Bank of Ghana Act (December 2025):

    Bank of Ghana (Amendment) Bill, passed December 2025, prohibiting primary market purchases; reported by parliamentary news outlets.

26. World Bank Policy Notes 2025: $2,200 to $6,600 projection:

    “Transforming Ghana in a Generation: Policy Notes 2025,” World Bank.

27. IMF mission agenda (structural reforms, energy, social protection):

    NewsGhana, MOFEP releases.

28. Final disbursement of ~$360 million:

    NewsGhana and MOFEP.

29. Executive Board meeting timeline (2‑3 weeks):

    NewsGhana.

30. Forson’s youth unemployment warning:

    The Herald and other outlets covering the IMF mission arrival.

Speaking at the commissioning of Dimer Health Care, a new private health facility at Bantama and Atonsu in Kumasi, Dr. Nkatiah revealed that nearly 80 percent of patients who report to the hospital are diagnosed with NCDs.

According to him, the situation is largely driven by poor health-seeking behaviour, as many people delay hospital visits until their conditions become severe.

“Most Ghanaians only go to the hospital when they feel unwell. By the time they arrive, diagnoses often reveal hypertension, diabetes, and other chronic conditions. This is a major factor contributing to premature deaths,” he explained.

He stressed the importance of routine medical check-ups, noting that early detection remains one of the most effective ways to manage and prevent complications associated with non-communicable diseases.

Dr. Nkatiah also highlighted lifestyle factors such as unhealthy diets, physical inactivity, stress, and alcohol consumption as contributing to the rising cases, urging the public to adopt healthier habits.

The newly inaugurated Dimer Health Care facility is aimed at improving access to quality healthcare services in Kumasi, particularly for individuals seeking regular screening and diagnostic services.

“Private healthcare facilities are playing a critical role in supporting public health delivery. However, we face significant challenges, especially the high cost of importing medical equipment through the ports. Government support in this regard would greatly enhance our capacity to deliver quality care,” he noted.

The Ashanti Regional Minister, Dr. Frank Amoakohene, who was the guest speaker at the event, commended the initiative and called on investors to take advantage of the region’s business-friendly environment.

“The Ashanti Region remains open to investors across all sectors. We encourage the business community to invest here to drive economic growth and development,” he said.

Dimer Health Care is a modern diagnostic and treatment centre offering a wide range of services, including laboratory testing, CT scans, ultrasound imaging, electroencephalography (EEG), X-rays, and echocardiography.

The facility operates two branches in Kumasi; one located opposite Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital, and another at Atonsu, bringing specialised healthcare services closer to residents in the metropolis.

ALSO READ:

• Silent killers surge with NCDs now behind nearly half of deaths in Ghana –…

• 2026 budget: Government to build 6 new Regional Hospitals, launch MahamaCares for NCDs

The new kid on the block, established through the Ghana Gold Board Act, 2025 (Act 1140), was set up to oversee, monitor and undertake the buying, selling and export of gold and other precious minerals. It was also to promote value addition, support responsible mining, accumulate gold reserves for the Bank of Ghana, and help generate foreign exchange.

It effectively replaced the Precious Minerals Marketing Company, but with greater monopoly powers over the trade of gold and other minerals. GOLDBOD, per its Act, was to be the sole exporter of gold in the country.

On face value, the numbers pointed to a state institution that delivered on its mandate. But reading those numbers alongside the Bank of Ghana’s own 2025 financial results tells a very different story.

The same programme that produced GOLDBOD’s surplus handed the central bank a GH¢9.05 billion net loss — deepening the hole in an already precarious financial position.

How GOLDBOD was to operate

GOLDBOD was to be funded by a $279 million revolving fund allocated in the 2025 budget, which would allow it to buy doré gold directly from artisanal and small-scale miners on its own balance sheet and trade independently.

That fund only arrived in December 2025.

For the entire year, GOLDBOD did not carry active trading positions on its own books. It operated primarily as an intermediary — collecting funds from the Bank of Ghana, going into the field to buy gold on the central bank’s behalf, and earning service charges and fees on every transaction after assaying the gold.

For twelve months, the Bank of Ghana supplied the capital and absorbed any losses. GOLDBOD collected transactional fees and kept its balance sheet intact.

That is the structure that produced two very different sets of financials for the same year, under the same programme.

The IMF alarm

Even before the full financial damage had been tallied, the IMF raised the flag.

In its fifth review of Ghana’s economic recovery programme, the Fund disclosed that losses from the artisanal and small-scale doré gold transactions had already reached $214 million by the end of September 2025 alone — about 0.2 percent of GDP — mostly trading losses, with a small portion in GOLDBOD’s fees.

The Fund warned that the domestic gold purchase programme posed risks to the financial sustainability of the BoG and that those losses should not be borne by the central bank.

The policy design that was never going to balance

Despite the original plan of a revolving fund for GOLDBOD, the government and the central bank continued an existing arrangement — one that had operated between the PMMC and the BoG under the now-defunct gold-for-oil programme. That programme was itself discontinued in March 2025 over its cost to the bank’s balance sheet, having incurred a total net loss of GH¢2.14 billion across 2023 and 2024.

Under that arrangement, the Bank of Ghana provided foreign exchange to PMMC at the official BoG rate to buy gold from small-scale miners. The problem was that miners were paid at the unofficial forex rate, under the justification that no miner accepts the BoG rate.

The gold purchased was also not refined bullion. It was raw doré, which trades at a discount on international markets to account for refining, assay risk, transport, and financing costs. The offtaker discount offered by the BoG initially stood at 2.25% below world market prices, later reduced to 1.25% in the last quarter of 2024 and further to 1.1% in 2025.

On top of that, the central bank paid PMMC a 0.5% ad valorem service fee and a 0.258% assay fee on every transaction.

The BoG was buying at a premium, selling at a discount, and paying fees throughout. The losses were essentially built into the design.

That arrangement did not end with the establishment of GOLDBOD. It simply escalated. GOLDBOD became the sole exporter of ASM gold, inheriting the same fee structure — 0.5% ad valorem and 0.258% assay fee — until December 2025 when those were reduced to 0.4% and 0.2% respectively.

More significantly, GOLDBOD was buying at spot — sometimes above spot, to deter smuggling — while the Bank of Ghana was selling below it.

JoyNews Research data shows that in October 2025, when the global gold price averaged $4,054 per ounce, Ghana realised $3,919 — a shortfall of $135 on every ounce.

The losses were therefore expected but the bigger question was always how deep.

What the BoG’s full accounts revealed

When the Bank of Ghana finally opened its books last week, the number was no longer $214 million.

The net loss of the Domestic Gold Purchase Programme had ballooned to GH¢9.05 billion for the year.

But even that headline failed to tell the full picture.

Whereas the three-month loss from the discontinued gold-for-oil arrangement was GH¢203.03 million, the central bank incurred a gross loss of GH¢21.89 billion on its doré gold trade with GOLDBOD. So although GOLDBOD, through its assayer role, exported ASM gold valued at $10.8 billion, that came at a cost of GH¢21.89 billion — approximately $2 billion — to the Bank’s balance sheet.

Per the financials of both parties, the BoG paid GOLDBOD over GH¢827 million in charges in 2025, with nearly GH¢560 million comprising service charges alone. That meant, excluding the government’s GH¢4.5 billion grant to GOLDBOD, approximately 82% of GOLDBOD’s 2025 revenue came directly from the Bank of Ghana.

But those fees are a relatively small portion of the GH¢21.89 billion gross loss. The single largest contributor was the rate gap — embedded in every single transaction from the start.

Atta Issah, MP for Sagnarigu and member of Parliament’s Finance Committee, who uncharacteristically broke the news of the Banks’ losses sought to explain the core mechanism:

“Bank of Ghana gives money to GOLDBOD to go and purchase the gold. BoG purchases at an International Traded Currency, USD. So it will give USD to GOLDBOD at, for example, $1 to GH¢10. But when they go into the field, you and I know that no gold trader will sell his gold at BoG rate. So the difference between the forex market and BoG rates reflects the loss.”

Here is a clean explanation of a messy problem.

If the cedi was GH¢10 at the BoG window but GH¢11 on the forex market, then for every GH¢11 the central bank gave GOLDBOD, it received gold worth GH¢10. When the cedi strengthened and paradoxically widened the gap between the BoG rate and the retail rate, the Bank paid more for less gold. And with the programme scaling dramatically — doubling in volume from 56 tonnes to 111 tonnes — that meant more transactions, a wider gap, and a bigger loss.

Simply put, as GOLDBOD’s revenue grew and export volumes rose, the BoG’s expenditure deepened and its capital depleted even more rapidly.

The central bank took on the full currency risk, the full price risk, and the full market execution risk. The underlying trade was structured in a way that made losses almost unavoidable.

The GH¢21.89 billion gross loss only improved to GH¢9.05 billion on the central bank’s income statement after being partially offset by a GH¢5 billion government cost-share intervention and GH¢7.9 billion in realised gains on gold bullion sales reclassified from reserves.

The way forward

GOLDBOD’s CEO announced late last year that the Board was expected to fully take over the artisanal and small-scale gold trading programme from January 2026, and no longer operate as an intermediary for the Bank of Ghana.

Under this arrangement, GOLDBOD would be responsible for purchasing, trading, and selling gold on its own — giving the central bank’s balance sheet some much-needed breathing space.

But with the full financial risk now back on GOLDBOD, the programme needs structural fixes before it scales further.

The practice of indexing field purchase prices to the forex rate rather than a published market benchmark must be reconsidered. Cocoa prices are indexed to the BoG rate, and farmers receive accordingly. Gold cannot be treated differently under the guise of preventing smuggling. The cost of smuggling must be made expensive through enforcement — not by paying above-spot prices that hollow out the central bank.

GOLDBOD has in recent times explored discount buying, but needs to be firmer and braver with that decision. The fear of market resistance and a short-term drop in export volumes is understandable. But the potential financial cost far outweighs any temporary dip in numbers. If the arrangement cost the central bank over GH¢20 billion in gross trade losses in a single year, the question worth asking is how many months — perhaps days — it would take GOLDBOD to exhaust its GH¢4.5 billion working capital simply to maintain the same pace of exports.

The full picture, now told

While GOLDBOD may have had a good year on its own books, the Bank of Ghana paid for it.

The argument that Ghana needed the reserves is never in doubt, but a programme structured so that one entity captures the gains while another absorbs the losses is a programme that needs to be fixed.

The cost to the BoG will eventually be borne by Ghanaians through taxes. That is the part GOLDBOD’s “beautiful” financials did not show.

ALSO READ:

• Damang Mine sells 100% of first gold output to GoldBod, BoG in historic move

• GoldBod supports 6-year-old leukemia patient with $12,724 for life-saving surgery

Spanning from Friday, May 1, to Saturday, May 2, the initiative offered fresh eggs at wallet-friendly prices of GH¢ 40, 50, and 55 per crate, combining cost savings with an informative campaign on the nutritional benefits of eggs. The market quickly evolved from a simple sales event into a lively celebration of both food affordability and healthy living.

Day one, the atmosphere was electric. Early-morning queues snaked around the venue as eager consumers rushed to take advantage of the discounted prices.

Patrons lauded the quality of the eggs, describing the initiative as a timely relief amid rising food costs. The direct-to-consumer approach also allowed buyers to support local poultry farmers, fostering a sense of community and shared purpose.

It was not just about purchasing eggs, as it also offered an educational angle. Nutritionist Elvis Amanor, a feed nutritionist with the Greater Accra Poultry Farmers Association, highlighted the vital role eggs play in a balanced diet, noting that they are an affordable, protein-rich source of essential nutrients critical for health and well-being.

Saturday’s grand finale surpassed all expectations, delivering an electrifying close to the programme. The second day drew an even larger crowd, as organisers enhanced the experience with deeper discounts, exciting giveaways, and a vibrant, family-friendly market atmosphere. Vendors rose to the occasion, scaling up supply to meet the surge in demand and ensuring that every visitor enjoyed access to fresh stock at truly competitive prices.

A nutritionist with the Greater Accra Poultry Farmers Association used the final day to underscore the broader impact of initiatives like the May Day Egg Market.

He explained that many market women often buy eggs at farm gate prices only to resell them at significantly higher rates, making them less affordable for ordinary households. “This market eliminates the middlemen,” he said. “It allows consumers to access eggs at fair prices while ensuring farmers earn proper returns for their hard work.”

He also emphasised the nutritional value of eggs, pointing out their rich protein content and essential vitamins and minerals. “Eggs are not just affordable food; they are vital for growth, immunity, and brain development. Initiatives like this encourage families to include eggs regularly in their diet while supporting the sustainability of local poultry farming,” Amanor stated.

Patrons at the market echoed these sentiments. One buyer described the initiative as “truly impactful,” praising its positive effect on household budgets, while another cited affordability as the main motivation for attending, commending the organisers for a well-executed programme.

More than a sales event, the May Day Egg Market represented a strategic effort to invigorate Ghana’s poultry value chain and promote healthier eating habits nationwide. By directly connecting consumers with producers, the initiative not only reduced costs but also reinforced eggs as a reliable and nutritious staple in Ghanaian households.

With food prices continuing to place pressure on many households, the two-day programme provided timely relief by offering fresh eggs at significantly reduced prices, helping to ease the cost burden on families while improving access to a key source of nutrition.

Beyond immediate savings, the initiative also set a strong benchmark for community-focused interventions, demonstrating how direct engagement between producers and consumers can deliver both economic value and social impact

Scheduled to take place at the Joy FM Car Park, the initiative is expected to draw a large crowd as households take advantage of reduced prices on fresh eggs and poultry products.

Friday’s sales saw brisk business, with many patrons praising both affordability and quality. Buyers welcomed the opportunity to support Ghanaian poultry farmers while easing pressure on household food budgets.

Supporting local industry, easing household costs

Organisers say Day Two will not just be about buying eggs but an experience designed to attract families, bulk buyers and first-time patrons.

Vendors are expected to increase supply to meet anticipated demand following the Day One rush.

Beyond the bargains, the initiative is part of a broader push by the Multimedia Group to stimulate Ghana’s poultry value chain and encourage healthy eating habits.

With food prices still a concern for many households, the sale offers a timely intervention, linking consumers directly with producers while promoting eggs as a reliable, nutritious staple.

With momentum building and incentives expanded, the Multimedia Group is urging the public to turn out in large numbers for Day Two.

Whether buying in bulk or for daily consumption, Saturday’s sale promises better deals, fresh stock and an engaging market experience at the Joy FM car park.

The House voted 215-211, with no Democrats supporting it. House Speaker Mike Johnson held the vote open for more than five hours as he worked to ​get enough of his fellow Republicans to embrace the measure.

Some, from farm states, were holding out for a future vote on expanding the sale of gasoline blended with ethanol.

The Senate approved the plan on April ​23. With the House going along, it will be up to Republicans in ​both chambers to put together details of the $70-billion proposal and win passage before sending it to President Donald Trump to sign it into law.

Republicans are hoping to do so in May and will ​use a special, rarely used procedure that allows them to steer the legislation through the Senate without any support from Democrats.

Republicans used the same procedure last year ‌to ⁠ram through around $130 billion in funding for the Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol agencies – a huge boost that Trump requested to carry out his massive migrant deportation campaign.

Republicans have resisted Democrats’ attempts to constrain ICE and Border Patrol ​operations in U.S. cities ​that have triggered ⁠protests, especially after two U.S. citizens were shot dead by federal agents this year in Minneapolis.

By the end of this week, a series of agencies operating under the Department of Homeland Security will run out of funding unless Republicans in Congress reach an agreement on a separate bill for the fiscal year ending on September 30.

The Senate has passed a bill to fund DHS agencies, including the Secret Service, Coast Guard, and Federal Emergency Management Agency, but House Republicans have so far refused to go along.

Speaking on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen show, Mr Mahama stressed the need for critical reflection to prevent recurring power supply issues.

According to him, the country risks facing persistent challenges if authorities fail to take decisive and honest steps to address inefficiencies within the system.

“We are at a point where we must reflect, otherwise the problem will reoccur. It’s not just one issue, we have to be honest with ourselves and take bold decisions,” he stated.

Mr Mahama argued that the energy sector, particularly ECG, should be managed as a business entity, noting that budgetary constraints have affected its ability to operate efficiently.

He also pointed to systemic waste within the sector, indicating that eliminating inefficiencies could significantly improve performance and service delivery.

“It’s essential to view the Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) as a business, including its upstream operations,” he said.

The former ECG boss further highlighted the need to invest in energy storage systems to manage excess power generated during the day before resorting to additional thermal generation.

He noted that electricity demand in the country is growing rapidly, making it imperative for policymakers to adopt sustainable and forward-looking strategies.

“We also need to find ways to store excess energy generated during the day before considering additional thermal power. Demand for energy is growing at a very rapid rate,” he added.

READ ALSO:

Power outages are temporary, grid stabilisation works continue – ECG

Current power outages are not good news, but… – NDC Communication Team Member

Soccer’s global governing body announced Tuesday that it will give an additional $2 million to each team — $1 million in “preparation money” and $1 million as a baseline reward for qualifying for the World Cup.

Additionally, it said it would distribute “subsidies for team delegation costs and increased team ticketing allocations totaling over $16 million,” taking the total increase to more than $100 million.

The overall financial distribution to teams will now be $871 million, FIFA said, up from around $755 million when it was previously set in December.

The FIFA Council, effectively the governing body’s board, confirmed the increase at a meeting here at the Fairmont Pacific Rim hotel ahead of Thursday’s annual FIFA Congress.

In a news release, FIFA said the decision was made “given the commercial success of FIFA’s flagship men’s tournament, the World Cup.” FIFA expects to make a record $11 billion from the 2026 edition, which will be held in the United States, Canada and Mexico. (It will also feature 48 teams and 104 games for the first time, up from 32 and 64 previously.)

New York World Cup 2026 City Guide

The decision, though, also comes after some participating soccer federations, including several in Europe, complained about the substantial costs associated with this World Cup — costs that will eat into their ability to make a profit themselves. The Athletic and other outlets reported that those costs left some in danger of losing money on the tournament.

Some European federations had asked their confederation, UEFA, to lobby FIFA for more prize money. But FIFA sources, speaking on the condition of anonymity earlier this month as the increased prize money came into focus, insisted that it was not a reaction to UEFA’s lobbying nor to pressure from elsewhere.

And on Tuesday, the Council confirmed that the increase will be spread evenly across the 48 teams, rather than based on how far they progress in the tournament or based on where they will play their games.

Their costs do vary by location, especially in the U.S., where tax rates differ significantly from state to state. That and the overall cost of operating in the U.S., one of the world’s richest and most expensive countries to visit, were among the reasons for their concerns.

But FIFA will compensate all of them equally. Each federation will now get a baseline $12.5 million, rather than the previously announced $10.5 million. Round-by-round prize money will remain the same as announced in December.

There was some uncertainty around the total amount, given that FIFA previously announced a $727 million total distribution. (A $112 million increase would have taken it to under $850 million.) But the previous announcement did not include the “subsidies for team delegation costs and ticketing allocations,” which at the time totaled $28 million, a FIFA spokesman told The Athletic.

Tuesday’s increases, therefore, would take the total distribution to more than $867 million. But some of the subsidies also change based on teams’ progression through and experience at the tournament — hence the additional $4 million — the spokesman said.

FIFA covers some day-to-day costs associated with World Cup participation, according to its World Cup handbook. The handbook outlines a contribution toward board and lodging for up to 50 people from each participating federation, starting five nights before each team’s opening match and up to one night following the date of elimination from the tournament.

FIFA also puts money toward the cost of business-class flights for the 50-person delegation between venues and base camps, the rental fees for training sites and other items.

But the teams must pay for everyone beyond the 50-person limit, as well as for things like insurance. Many wealthy federations will bring well over 50 people. Rosters include 26 players, and some staffs will be nearly double the size of playing squads.

Some nations have also selected training sites from outside FIFA’s base camp brochure, meaning they often must go beyond the rental rates that FIFA has negotiated.

FIFA, meanwhile, will benefit from the American market in that it will make record sums from tickets and hospitality sales. It has budgeted for over $3 billion in revenue from those sources, compared to less than $1 billion in 2022.

In its news release, FIFA said that beyond the money paid to federations, “the balance of revenues will continue to be redistributed back into global football for the benefit of and through all of FIFA’s 211 member associations.”

The world governing body and World Cup organiser has confirmed that it is in talks with national associations over improved funding, with the proposals expected to be rubber-stamped at the FIFA Council meeting in Vancouver on April 28.

In December, FIFA announced a record World Cup prize fund of $727million (£539m), with each of the 48 competing teams receiving a minimum of $10.5m and the winners pocketing $50m. Since then, discussions have continued with national associations with a view to reaching a resolution before the FIFA Congress on April 30.

On April 1, The Athletic reported that UEFA, European football’s governing body, was lobbying FIFA to increase World Cup prize money and overall financial support for federations competing at the tournament in the U.S., Canada and Mexico.

UEFA was responding to concerns from several of its member associations about the substantial costs associated with these finals, including the price of travel, operations and tax in the U.S. in particular.

Top League Content

But FIFA sources, speaking on the condition of anonymity, insisted that the increase in prize money was not a reaction to UEFA’s lobbying, nor because the organisation had been put under pressure from elsewhere.

The sources said FIFA reached the decision independently – on the back of projected revenues of over $11billion (£8.15bn) from the tournament, which will run from June 11 to July 19.

FIFA is a not-for-profit organisation and earlier this month its president, Gianni Infantino, responded to criticism of high ticket prices at the tournament by insisting that all revenue generated would be returned to the game.

The increase in funding for competing teams comes after The Athletic reported on March 10 that FIFA had cut over $100m from its operating budget for the World Cup, with multiple departments at the organisation’s U.S. headquarters in Miami asked to make “efficiencies”.

These cutbacks have raised questions about the financial impact on fans and hosts cities, with many U.S. cities having already had to downscale their plans for the tournament over budgeting concerns.

The official FIFA Fan Fest slated by the New York/New Jersey host committee for Liberty State Park has been cancelled, Seattle has scaled back its plans, and of the other U.S. host cities, only Philadelphia and Houston are fulfilling the 39-day-long festival they originally signed up to organise.

A FIFA spokesperson told The Athletic: “Ahead of a FIFA Council meeting in Vancouver, Canada, on 28 April 2026, FIFA can confirm it is in discussions with associations around the world to increase available revenues.

“This includes a proposed increase of financial contributions to all qualified teams for the FIFA World Cup 2026 and of development funding available to all 211 member associations.

“The FIFA World Cup 2026 will be groundbreaking in terms of its financial contribution to the global football community and FIFA is proud to be in its strongest ever financial position to benefit the global game through its FIFA Forward programme.

“Subject to discussions, further details will be provided in due course.”