The said lady had projected herself as having studied at the prestigious John’s Hopkins University School of Medicine in the United States, and purportedly practiced as a medical officer in internal medicine.

In that capacity, she had practiced and worked as a global health crusader, high-level conference speaker on medical issues, as well as being a presenter on a major television channel in Accra offering health education on key issues.

It is on record that a petition was filed at the Medical and Dental Council (MDC) in March 2025 requesting it to confirm or deny the professional status of the supposed medical officer.

The Council subsequently issued a statement categorically indicating that she was not qualified to practice medical science in Ghana.

That statement signed by Dr. Alex Peasah-Koduah indicated among others that, “the Medical and Dental Council (MDC) has conducted preliminary investigations into the matter.

Our records indicate that Dr Anne Daly is not registered with the Council and, therefore, does not hold a valid license to practice medicine or dentistry in Ghana, as stipulated in Sections 29(1), 30, and 48(b) and (d) of the Health Professions Regulatory Bodies Act, 2013 (Act 857).”

Further checks with the American Board of Family Medicine also revealed that contrary to her claim, Anne Sansa Daly, is not a diplomate of the Board and can therefore not, hold herself as such.

The US Board’s response stated as, “The information provided does not match our records. We are unable to identify a physician matching the information you have provided… We have reviewed the certificate provided.

There are notable discrepancies between the certificate provided in comparison to certificates issued by ABFM. The certificate provided was not issued by ABFM.

For whatever it is worth, it does not appear that anything much did take place thereafter until these last couple of days when the said lady was nominated as member of the Governing Board of a health authority.

Public agitation was further ignited against her leading to the government revoking the nomination with a replacement candidate.

As I reflected on the entire episode regarding this lady, I kept wondering how come the entire country could have allowed itself to be ‘publicly swindled’ by this lady for many months.

Interestingly, in spite of the preponderance of evidence, a rebuttal was issued in May 2025 by the counsel of the supposed medical officer.

He literally rubbished the report and indicated that, the notice from the MDC was “subterfuge to perpetuate mischief, odium and ridicule” and that “while Dr. Daly is not registered with the Medical and Dental Council (MDC), she is fully certified to practise internal medicine in the United States”.

He further added, “My client is excessively qualified to hold herself as a Medical Doctor anywhere in the world and does not need certification from the Ghana Medical and Dental Council to do so.

Your publication, which seeks to create the impression that once someone is not on the Roll of the Medical and Dental Council, they are therefore not a doctor, is, with all due respect, a proposition of fuliginous obscurity… its foundations lie on mechanical reasoning devoid of logic.”

It is this line of reasoning by the learned counsel to the supposed medical officer, that I am deeply troubled by.

As one who himself belongs to the legal profession whose Ghana Legal Council has very strict standards for entering qualified practitioners on the roll of lawyers in Ghana.

It also has very strict ethical standards that all practicing lawyers are expected to abide by.

How this counsel now expects that a person who has supposedly received medical training abroad could simply walk into Ghana and begin practicing her trade is as baffling and troubling as that of the lady in question.

It must be stated in no uncertain terms that our country in much the same way as all civilized ones, regulates the practice of all known professional practices.

Indeed, the woes of the regulatory industry in Ghana is not limited to medical science alone.

The list has included medicine, law, engineering, pharmacy, teaching, architecture, nursing, accounting, etc.

To enable the regulation of these to be effectively undertaken, the State has enacted various legislations with established councils to oversee and undertake the practice of regulation.

These Councils have all been clothed with Secretariats, Governing Boards and staff to facilitate the registration of and practice of the respective professions, educational training for those professions, trade practices, etc.

It is therefore strange to find a lawyer whose job it is to uphold the law, opening rubbishing same.

It may be recalled that sometime in May 2014, a certain Fauster Atta Mensah managed to obtain inserted access to places of high corridors across the country including the nation’s broadcasting house.

He paraded himself as a NASA Scientist and Nobel Prize laureate and took all of us on a wild goose chase. Other instances have popped up at various times.

All of these have tended to create the unfortunate situation as though our regulatory councils are ineffective.

The sad reality however is that quite a number of not most of these Councils tend to be hindered in their operations.

These have included lack of the required staff, deliberate sabotage by practitioners who resist change, inadequate funding and support from collaborative state agencies among others.

The purpose of setting up these regulatory councils are generally to protect and safeguard the health, safety, property, and overall interests of the general public.

In most cases, this involves establishing regulations, enforcement of regulations, and publicizing licensing requirements, sensitizing the public on quality standards, as well as ensure the safeguarding of rules across the specific industry.

Regulation defines standards for performance, and assigns consequences for that performance.

It is importance to indicate that the common purpose of all regulation is performance. Effective regulation therefore aims to align private behaviour of the citizenry with the public interest.

Going into the future, it is therefore imperative for all stakeholders in our country to join forces and help our professional regulatory councils to pick up the axe and ensure that our country is rid of persons who parade as professional practitioners but who do not possess the wherewithal to do same within the jurisdiction.

It is only when we have stricter regulatory frameworks guiding our professional training, practice, service delivery, etc that the average citizen can obtain the quality service required from our practitioners, firms and educational units.

Again, by adhering to the legislations and standards set by regulatory councils, firms are able to safeguard their operations, protect stakeholder interests, and foster a culture of ethical conduct.

Ultimately, lives are saved, citizens are protected and the environment is safeguarded. It is to be noted that the absence of a well-regulated professional space is enormous costs (actual and lives).

Until we get to that point, the strings of the aprons of our professional practice space may remain loosely tied together and largely ineffective in ensuring compliance to the legislations on our books.

The onus is on all of us Ghanaians to help make this happen. God bless us all!.

Source: Engr Eric Atta-Sonno

While some people continue to support this worrying trend for political reasons, I abhor it. I will explain why.

First off, in the Ghanaian cultural setting, names do not only convey a sense of physical identity; they also give spiritual importance.

For universities, names are highly significant because they carry institutional visions, shape reputation, and stimulate alumni pride. It is for these reasons that the incessant trend of renaming public universities after political figures must be shunned.

Under the erstwhile Akufo-Addo administration, several public universities were renamed.
Prominent among them were:

• The University of Development Studies, Wa, which was renamed Simon Diedong Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies.

• University of Mines and Technology, renamed George Grant University of Mines and Technology.

• University of Education, Kumasi Campus, renamed Akenten Appiah-Menka University of Skills Training and Entrepreneurial Development.

In opposition, the NDC vowed to revert all universities renamed by Akufo-Addo back to their original names.

In sharp contrast, I am learning that the Ministry of Education under the leadership of the venerable Haruna Iddrisu has renamed the University of Health and Allied Sciences (UHAS) after the late President Mills.

Do not get me wrong. President Mills was a great statesman and his contribution towards the establishment of UHAS cannot be underestimated.

In spite of this fact, it’s chuckling seeing the very people/party who vilified Akufo-Addo for renaming some public universities after pro-NPP figures perpetuate what they once considered a peccatum or sin.

I am not against the idea of naming a newly built university after a political figure, especially when the figure is widely appreciated for his heroics.

My issue is with renaming existing universities after political/partisan figures. In Ghana, a good number of our politicians are not nationalistic but partisan, and they sometimes make policy decisions to reflect their partisan orientation.

You do not need a soothsayer to tell you that most of the agitation that followed the renaming of UMAT and UDS, Wa, after S.D. Dombo and George Grant, respectively, were made from a place of extreme partisanship.

Some people felt that these closely highlighted individuals are pro-NPP/UP/UGCC figures and that by renaming the aforementioned universities, President Akufo-Addo was blazingly honouring the memory of figures associated with his political tradition.

Now, UHAS has been renamed after the late Prof. Mills, and people from the opposing divide have started waging spirited opposition to the decision by the Ministry of Education.

Just as the NDC has promised to revert institutions renamed by Akufo-Addo to their original names, I wouldn’t be surprised if a future NPP administration decides to strike out Prof. Mills’ name and revert back to UHAS or even name the university after a pro-NPP figure. Then, this vicious cycle continues.

What saddens my heart is that, in situations where the names of these longstanding universities are renamed after political figures, the government of the day does not build consensus with relevant stakeholders and seldom gives plausible reasons or justifications for the renaming.

Like me, many students, alumni bodies, and CSOs are yet to grasp the identities designated to these public universities whose names have been altered.

While renaming public universities may give some level of esteem to political/partisan figures, it undermines institutional stability and may shrink public trust.

The truth is, universities are glocal institutions — regionally impactful and globally relevant — and for that reason, their names should not be treated like panties, which can be changed anytime one wishes.

Whether it is George Grant University of Mines and Technology, Simon Diedong Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies, Wa, or Professor John Evans Atta Mills University of Health and Allied Sciences, the ambit remains the same.

The renaming of these public universities appears to only give partisan capital, consequently affecting the universities’ strategic positioning, branding, and reputation.

If our political class has forgotten, then they must be reminded that renaming public universities after political figures comes with a huge financial burden.

In situations where a public university is renamed, changes are made to the institution’s signage, website, letterheads, and relevant documents. All of these rebranding and strategic positioning come at a huge cost.

At a time when the Government of Ghana’s funding towards tertiary education is stagnant, must monies go into renaming at the expense of augmenting infrastructure and resourcing students?

Our political class must understand that their penchant for renaming public universities after their political figures can even confuse international partners and universities. A university that constantly changes its name may not be taken seriously in the comity of universities.

We must also not lose sight of the fact that these renaming of public universities have the propensity of creating confusion in the minds of alumni and current students who want to study abroad.

For instance, a person who graduated from UHAS and intends to apply to study abroad this year may battle with the difficulty of identifying as a former UHAS student or Prof. John Evans Atta Mills University of Health and Allied Sciences student.

Additionally, if a final-year student at UHAS has already applied to study abroad by submitting a UHAS-inscripted transcript, and upon graduation, he is given a Prof. J.E.A. Mills UHAS certificate, that might lead to some discrepancies in the application process.

If the foreign university does not ask for an attestation to clear off doubts, that could affect the student’s chances.

This is the opportune time for this country to have a policy that regulates when and how universities can be renamed.

This must encompass the participation of university administrators, alumni, students, governing councils, and other relevant stakeholders in the Ghanaian educational ecosystem.

In conclusion, this troubling trend of renaming state universities after political figures must cease. If indeed the political class wants to honour their political figures, they can exploit other areas, such as setting up scholarship schemes in their names, or building halls and auditoriums and naming them after the political figures.

I do not think anyone would have made a fuss if Akufo-Addo had built an auditorium at UMAT and named it after George Grant or if Mahama had built a block at UHAS and named it after Prof. Mills.

May God bless our homeland Ghana and make our political class think beyond partisanship.

Source: Opare Philip (Mighty Power)

Although the road is currently under construction, the pace of work is alarmingly slow and must be significantly accelerated.

The onset of the rainy season has only worsened the situation. Sections of the road are now barely motorable. Potholes have expanded into craters, and stretches are frequently waterlogged—turning travel into a gamble and forcing drivers to endure long delays and dangerous diversions. What should be a quick commute is now a source of daily frustration, stress, and danger.

This persistent deterioration is having severe economic consequences. Vehicles are sustaining considerable damage, leading to frequent breakdowns and costly repairs. Despite the Ghanaian cedi appreciating by about 24% since January, the prices of spare parts remain unstable and high. Mechanics are overwhelmed, and vehicle owners are struggling under the financial burden.

Commercial drivers, bearing the brunt of these rising costs, have increased transport fares. While this may seem like profiteering to some commuters, it reflects a genuine effort by drivers to offset the relentless damage to their vehicles. Unfortunately, it also means many passengers—especially low-income earners—are being priced out of reliable transport on this key route.

We acknowledge that construction is ongoing. The resident engineer has assured the public that completion is expected within the next sixteen months. However, the pace of work does not reflect the urgency required for a road of such national importance. Ghanaians cannot wait indefinitely. Timelines must be respected and, where possible, accelerated. Proper signage, alternative safe routes, and periodic updates must also be provided to ease public anxiety and confusion.

The Pokuase–Nsawam stretch is not a minor backroad. It is a strategic national asset that supports trade, access to healthcare and education, and economic productivity. Its neglect over the years is inexcusable. Its delayed rehabilitation, though underway, is deeply concerning.

We call on the Ministry of Roads and Highways, the Ghana Highway Authority, and all stakeholders to ensure that this project is treated as a top priority. Speed, efficiency, and transparency must define the remaining construction period. The people have waited long enough.

Ghanaians deserve safe, reliable infrastructure. The Pokuase–Nsawam road must be completed—and it must be completed swiftly.

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Yet, a troubling pattern persists. Each time a new administration takes office, public discourse—and political messaging—tends to focus almost exclusively on the burdens left behind: debt, stalled projects, or alleged mismanagement.

Rarely do we hear about the progress made, the infrastructure completed, or the institutional reforms initiated by previous governments.

This one-sided narrative does a disservice—not only to former leaders but also to the citizens. Politicians have a responsibility to present the full picture: not just what went wrong, but also what went right.

Acknowledging inherited assets promotes continuity, builds national pride, and prevents the needless abandonment of worthy initiatives.

But is the blame solely the burden of the political class? Not entirely.

We, the citizens, must also take a hard look at ourselves. Many of us have developed a tendency to focus on the negative. Bad news spreads faster. Scandals trend. Outrage sells. As a result, positive developments often go unnoticed or underappreciated.

If we truly desire better governance, we must demand more than just accountability for failures—we must also insist on the protection and advancement of success.

It’s time to shift the national conversation from blame to balance, from constant criticism to constructive continuity.

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This has provoked party stalwarts and prominent sympathizers to raise serious concerns. The use of spiteful language and violent clashes between supporters of perceived factions have been roundly condemned, leading to increasing calls for a suspension of the exercise to ease tensions, restore calm, and safeguard party unity.

Some have even questioned the relevance of a Thank You Tour, given the disastrous defeat the party suffered in the recent elections.

While these opinions merit some justification, it is my humble and sincere conviction that the Thank You Tour remains a very positive, valuable, and necessary initiative that must be sustained.

The Bible instructs us that in all things, we should give thanks to God. Therefore, losing an election cannot be a reason to renege on our duty to render gratitude to God—especially for a political party that once had, and still holds onto, the mantra, “The battle is the Lord’s.”

Additionally, our electoral defeat does not erase the hard work and sacrifice of our numerous party faithful and supporters who poured their sweat, tears, and blood into a difficult campaign. Many chiefs and opinion leaders across the breadth and length of this country also stood firmly with us, risking much. The Thank You Tour is the appropriate vehicle to convey our earnest appreciation for their support and continued loyalty, as well as to apologize honestly for any disappointments.

No political party worth its salt retreats into slumber forever just because it has lost an election. While a cooling-off period is necessary to come to terms with the painful setback, our destiny as a political party in Ghana’s competitive multi-party democracy hinges on how fast we uplift ourselves, bounce back stronger and more resilient, and revamp the party to engage meaningfully in national discourse. The Thank You Tour, which mobilizes and interacts with the party base, offers a credible and convenient opportunity to begin this crucial process of boosting grassroots morale and initiating the political renewal necessary for restoring public trust and confidence in the New Patriotic Party.

Yet, the Thank You Tour can also quickly become a double-edged sword, as recent unpleasant events within the party have shown.

From the onset, in a commendable attempt to project internal unity and oneness of purpose, the 2024 flagbearer, Dr. Mahamadu Bawumia, graciously invited his previous co-contenders for the party’s presidential candidacy to accompany him on the exercise. Regrettably, unguarded remarks from some speakers on the trail undermined this noble objective and rather flared up latent internal conflicts and grievances. In the resulting confusion and scandalous trading of insults on social media, some candidates have pulled out of the tour. Admittedly, this development has marred the event terribly, but it has not so conclusively damaged it that we should throw out the baby with the bathwater. By all means, the Thank You Tour deserves continuation—and continue it must.

However, serious lessons must be learned, and the purpose and scope of the exercise must be strictly established. Without a clear and unambiguous definition of objectives, there is a temptation to go overboard and engage in all sorts of extraneous activities and conduct which are not only counterproductive but can dangerously sway us into aimless distraction. This can only serve to fuel confusion and will obviously come back to haunt us.

Some pundits have hastily dismissed the current turmoil raging within the party as nothing more than normal venting of anger and suppressed frustration that typically characterize every occasion of a heavy electoral defeat. The claim is that, in good time, the pain will subside, and things will normalize. I respectfully disagree. As a political party, we cannot afford to just sit down, hoping against hope for this happy outcome. Usually, in matters of bitter disagreements where relationships are severely strained, delay or procrastination in setting up a constructive reconciliation mechanism only serves to deepen resentment and escalate the rifts.

In conflict, time alone heals nothing; it only causes neglected grievances to fester. We must rise with all urgency to subdue the bitter bickering and rancor choking our party and refocus our energies on the greater mission of rebuilding a stronger, more resilient, and vibrant NPP positioned to play its crucial role in Ghana’s quest for prosperity and development.

As part of this rebuilding effort—of which the Thank You Tour is a first step—more voices within the party are calling for the release of at least the recommendations from Professor Aaron Michael Oquaye’s report, which the party commissioned to investigate and assess the factors contributing to our poor performance in the 2024 general elections. While I appreciate and identify with party leadership’s position on confidentiality—recognizing that a wholesale release of the full document into the public domain could cause more harm than good—I strongly believe that sharing at least a summary of the recommendations with a wider community of party stakeholders will serve a useful purpose, rather than restricting the report to just a few individuals in the hierarchy.

Besides enhancing transparency and accountability, this will deepen engagement and ownership of the broad issues raised in the report and form a concrete basis for any constitutional amendments.

At the end of the day, whichever route we decide to take as a party, our avowed aim should be to close ranks and come together despite our differences, in a spirit of cooperation and reconciliation. We must begin the honest conversations necessary for forgiveness and healing—without which any efforts at rebuilding the party will be futile. This must also be one of the definite tasks the Thank You Tour should vigorously pursue.

With all the initial fallouts and bad publicity, the Thank You Tour may have begun on a discordant note; however, this does not mean it cannot conclude positively on a harmonious tone, where members of all perceived factions and persuasions within the party align together in unity, to speak with one loud voice.

As hostile and aggressive as the current atmosphere within the party may seem, there also exists a healthy force of empathy, loyalty, and solidarity, which is not as frequently trumpeted as it should be—but without which the New Patriotic Party would never have survived all the great perils that have threatened its very existence throughout our remarkable history.

These are the powerful values that must once again pull us together with a common purpose and determination to rise to the challenge of fostering party unity. Our great party, the NPP, deserves and demands this of us as leaders and members. So does our beloved country, Ghana.

Long live the New Patriotic Party. Long live Ghana.

— Kwabena Abankwah-Yeboah
Immediate Past National Treasurer, NPP
By the Grace of God

As Ghana embarks on a bold and comprehensive reset agenda, there is one fundamental truth that must be confronted: no national transformation can succeed without reforming the institutions that shape leadership—our political parties.

These parties are not merely electoral machines; they are the breeding grounds for leadership development and governance culture. If these institutions are weak, corrupt, or compromised, the quality of national governance will inevitably reflect those same flaws.

The Root of the Problem Lies Within the Political Parties

The persistent national issues of corruption, mismanagement, patronage, impunity, division, and exclusivity do not begin in public office. They are cultivated and normalized within the internal structures of political parties. Ghana’s political parties have, over time, transformed into closed, hierarchical systems where loyalty, ethnic or religious connections, and financial muscle often override competence, vision, and integrity.

This dysfunction is not only dangerous for party credibility—it is dangerous for democracy. Parties that do not uphold democratic values internally cannot be expected to defend them in government.

The Threat of Hate Speech and Identity Politics

A particularly dangerous dimension of this internal rot is the increasing normalization of hate speech and identity-based political rhetoric. Political actors in Ghana have increasingly resorted to divisive language—targeting ethnic, regional, or religious identities for short-term political gain. These actions undermine national unity and erode public trust in democratic institutions, especially when left unchecked.

Worryingly, there is often no internal party accountability or sanctions for such conduct. This silence emboldens others and sets a dangerous precedent.

Contrast this with more mature democracies:
In the UK, for instance, former London Mayor Ken Livingstone was suspended by the Labour Party and investigated by the Committee on Standards in Public Life over comments deemed anti-Semitic. Similar disciplinary actions have occurred in Germany, the United States, and South Africa, where political parties enforce internal codes of conduct to maintain public integrity and cohesion.

Ghana’s parties must urgently adopt clear codes of conduct against hate speech and apply enforceable disciplinary measures. No one should be above accountability—not even flagbearers or founding members.

What Must Be Done – The Reset Within Parties

1. Internal Democracy

• Ensure that leadership selection is transparent, participatory, and merit-based.

• Prevent the imposition of candidates through top-down appointments or manipulated primaries.

2. Accountability

• Enforce disciplinary structures that punish misconduct—be it financial impropriety, abuse of office, or inflammatory rhetoric.

• Hold party officials to standards equal to or higher than those they demand of public officeholders.

3. Transparency

• Publish financial reports detailing party income and expenditure, especially around campaign financing.

• Open up decision-making structures to allow for meaningful member engagement and scrutiny.

4. Zero Tolerance for Hate Speech

• Codify hate speech as a disciplinary offence in party constitutions.

• Establish oversight bodies within parties to investigate and sanction divisive rhetoric, regardless of rank.

Why This Reset Is Urgent

• Rebuild Public Trust: Citizens are disillusioned with the political class. Restoring credibility begins with integrity and openness within party structures.

• Foster Meritocracy: When competence and character are rewarded over tribal affiliation or personal loyalty, leadership quality improves across the board.

• Preserve National Unity: Curtailing hate speech and divisive politics is essential to maintain peace, inclusion, and a sense of shared national identity.

• Set an Example: Parties must demonstrate the values they expect from society—respect, discipline, fairness, and accountability.

The Ripple Effect of a Party Reset

• Institutional Reform: Political parties feed into every branch of government. Clean parties produce clean institutions.

• Improved Governance: Leaders who emerge from credible processes are more responsive, visionary, and ethical.

• Sustainable Democracy: When political competition is based on ideas rather than tribal or sectarian lines, democracy thrives.

• Conclusion: The Reset Must Begin Where Leadership Begins

Ghana cannot reset its economy, restore confidence in public institutions, or safeguard its democracy until its political parties reform themselves. That reform must go beyond slogans and manifestos—it must be structural, cultural, and value-driven.

Political parties must evolve into democratic institutions of integrity, where leaders are developed—not selected by the highest bidder or the loudest agitator. They must be spaces of inclusion, competence, and ethical leadership. Only then can they rightfully claim the mandate to govern a diverse, aspirational, and forward-looking Ghana.

The current managers of the economy, led by the capable Finance Minister, Hon. Cassiel Ato Forson, and the Governor of the Bank of Ghana, have demonstrated strong commitment to restoring macroeconomic stability. Their approach to fiscal management and monetary policy has been instrumental in steering the country toward economic recovery and revitalization.

This progress is evident in various economic indicators. Since assuming office, the Ghanaian cedi has shown significant signs of appreciation against major trading currencies such as the US dollar, British pound, and the Euro.

As of April 2025, inflation stands at 21.2%, with a medium-term target of 8%, plus or minus 2%. The current monetary policy rate is 28%, with positive signals of further reduction—providing relief to both the business community and individual borrowers as the cost of capital gradually declines.

One of the most notable achievements has been the sharp decline in the 91-day treasury bill rate, which has dropped from 27.73% to 14.5% in just four months of the new administration’s tenure. This is an impressive feat, and the Finance Minister deserves commendation for the work done so far.

The 2025 budget prioritizes currency stabilization and reducing the cost of living for Ghanaians.

The introduction of the Gold for Reserves (GoldBoD) program addresses critical challenges in foreign exchange flows, helping meet forex demand. This is a commendable innovation.

The Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP) introduced by the previous Akufo-Addo administration negatively affected investor confidence, both local and foreign. The new government’s decision to discontinue the program and begin repayments has helped restore faith in the economy.

Investor and public confidence in Ghana’s economic prospects is growing. The population is beginning to show renewed belief in the country’s potential for sustainable growth.

The 24-hour economy policy is a potential game-changer. Businesses and investors must seize this opportunity to scale up operations, train workers in specialized skills, expand market reach, and create more jobs.

There is also an accelerated program to boost exports, which will open up further economic opportunities for Ghanaians.

In the energy sector, the government’s decision to build additional gas processing plants is expected to enhance domestic energy supply, drive industrial growth, and reduce dependence on expensive fuel imports.

Additionally, the plan to secure 200,000 hectares of land for cocoa cultivation aims to boost production and help Ghana achieve a target of one million metric tonnes annually.

These initiatives represent a bold and strategic roadmap to prosperity. They offer hope, particularly for the Ghanaian youth, by creating jobs and economic opportunities.

Now is the time for every Ghanaian to contribute to this emerging success story—so we can make Ghana great among the community of nations.

This is why former President John Dramani Mahama’s proposed “Big Push” agenda—an ambitious $10 billion infrastructure investment plan—is not only welcome, but absolutely essential. As an analyst who has monitored Ghana’s infrastructure trajectory over the years, I firmly believe this initiative represents one of the most comprehensive blueprints for tackling the country’s deep-rooted structural challenges. It must not be allowed to remain a campaign promise—it must be implemented.

Ghana’s Infrastructure Deficit: A Barrier to Development

The numbers are staggering. Ghana has an estimated housing deficit of over 2 million units, and the shortfall continues to grow due to rapid urbanisation, population pressure, and lack of affordable housing finance. In the transport sector, road quality has deteriorated significantly: over 57% of urban roads are classified as poor, and an estimated GH₵20 billion in unpaid road contractor debts has stalled hundreds of projects.

These infrastructure deficits are more than technical failings—they are bottlenecks to productivity, regional equity, and social cohesion. Poor roads limit market access for farmers. Inadequate housing fuels urban slums. Patchy transport systems choke business efficiency. Simply put: we cannot develop without fixing our infrastructure base.

The Big Push: A Holistic, Strategic Framework

What sets the Big Push apart is not just its scale, but its strategic focus on five core pillars:

1. Housing:
   Investment in affordable housing, especially for low- and middle-income Ghanaians, will not only reduce the housing deficit but create jobs and expand local industry supply chains—from cement to fittings and home décor.
2. Road Infrastructure:
   Dualisation of critical highways such as Accra-Kumasi, Accra-Aflao, and Accra-Takoradi, coupled with the construction of bridges and rural feeder roads, would significantly ease transport costs, facilitate trade, and enhance regional integration.
3. Rail and Urban Transit:
   Revitalising the Eastern and Western rail corridors and introducing light rail systems in Accra, Kumasi, and Takoradi will modernise Ghana’s mobility and help decongest cities—something Accra, in particular, urgently needs.
4. Water and Sanitation:
   Expanding safe water access in underserved regions, including Ho, Tamale, and Yendi, is not just a matter of development—it’s a matter of dignity and public health.
5. Youth Employment:
   Infrastructure projects, if well-structured, are labour-intensive. This plan offers an opportunity to engage thousands of unemployed youth in productive work while building national capacity in engineering and project management.

Implementation Is the Litmus Test

Ideas are not in short supply in Ghana. Implementation is. The real test of the Big Push will be in how it is executed—how resources are mobilised, how priorities are set, how transparency is maintained, and how efficiently projects are delivered.

To ensure success, government must:

• Strengthen the Ghana Infrastructure Investment Fund (GIIF) to manage and disburse funds efficiently.
• Leverage private sector partnerships through well-structured public-private arrangements.
• Depoliticise project selection so that infrastructure benefits are equitably distributed across regions.
• Ensure accountability by subjecting projects to regular audits and public reporting.

A National Imperative

We are at a crossroads. Ghana’s infrastructure crisis can no longer be treated as a long-term aspiration—it must be a top-tier national priority. The Big Push offers a ready-made, well-articulated plan to respond to this urgency. It is strategic, inclusive, and economically sound.

Whether or not one supports the politics behind it, there is no denying that the policy logic of the Big Push is strong. It is now up to the government—current or future—to take this plan seriously and commit to its implementation.

As an analyst and concerned citizen, I urge policymakers to act. Ghana cannot wait any longer.

The country stands at a critical juncture where bold and inclusive economic reforms are essential—not just for short-term recovery, but for long-term sustainability and equity.

In this context, the establishment of a statutory Economic Advisory Council (EAC) must be seen not as an option, but as a necessity.

Ghana’s past is littered with economic conferences, policy dialogues, and high-level summits that generated reports, communiqués, and headlines—but yielded little in terms of lasting outcomes.

The time has come to break this cycle. What is needed is a permanent, institutionalized platform that ensures continuity, inclusivity, and accountability in shaping the nation’s economic destiny. An EAC, properly constituted and empowered, would provide that platform.

The core value of an Economic Advisory Council lies in its capacity to democratize economic policymaking. It would serve as a conduit for citizen engagement—bringing the voices of farmers, traders, entrepreneurs, youth, women, traditional authorities, academia, labour unions, consumer advocates, and civil society organizations into the heart of economic governance.

Such a council would reflect the reality that economic development is not the sole preserve of technocrats or political elites; it is a shared enterprise that must be informed by the lived experiences of all Ghanaians.

Moreover, the EAC would act as a real-time sounding board for government policy. By monitoring economic trends, evaluating the effectiveness of fiscal and monetary decisions, and proposing timely policy adjustments, the Council would help the government remain agile and responsive in a volatile global environment.

This kind of feedback mechanism is crucial to avoid costly policy missteps and to restore public confidence in economic management.

Incorporating a broad spectrum of expertise and perspectives, the Council would help balance competing priorities—growth with equity, investment with regulation, innovation with stability.

In doing so, it would promote a more holistic and sustainable approach to development. Crucially, this would also deepen transparency. A statutory EAC, operating with a clear mandate and public accountability, would diminish the risk of economic policy being hijacked by narrow, vested interests.

Ghana’s economic challenges—from rising youth unemployment and inflationary pressures to debt sustainability and industrial underperformance—require more than political will. They demand inclusive governance structures that are grounded in trust, participation, and evidence-based decision-making. An Economic Advisory Council, properly constituted by law and insulated from political manipulation, would be a bold step toward building such a structure.

As the nation begins this new chapter under the reset agenda, the government must seize the opportunity to institutionalize an Economic Advisory Council as a cornerstone of economic transformation. It is only through inclusive, transparent, and responsive governance that Ghana can chart a path to prosperity that truly leaves no one behind.

The time for rhetoric is over. The time for structural innovation is now.

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The mass rollout of chip-embedded passports, which began on April 28, 2025, is designed to modernize passport acquisition, enhance security, and provide citizens with a better experience.

The long journey of 15 years of striving for modernity and efficiency has been given a real definition.

Many past Foreign Ministers of Ghana attempted to make this dream a reality. Some efforts were made, but it has taken the youngest Ghana’s Foreign Affairs Minister to actualize this dream.

Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, who can be best described as a workaholic, has achieved this goal and urged him on in just a few months in the ministry.

Paying huge tributes to his predecessors, Hanna Serwa Tetteh and Ayorkor Botchwey, shows that he understands governance as a continuum.

At the launch and rollout of the long-awaited e-passport, partners and government officials narrated the role the Minister played in making the day a reality. He personally joined the technical team in their test runs and made sure it worked, demonstrating his seriousness as a minister.

Ghana, per the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) requirement, has until 2030 to fully transition to the chip-embedded passport. For Ghana to be part of the less than 200 countries (as of December 2024) issuing chip-embedded passports deserves commendation. This is to facilitate the travel of citizens and enhance their business opportunities.

Benefits to Ghanaians:

• Enhanced Security: The chip-embedded passports feature superior security measures, making them almost impossible to forge.

• Faster Turnaround Time: Regular applications will be processed within 15 working days, while expedited services will take only 5 working days.

• Convenience: The Passport Head Office will operate 24/7, and applicants can track the status of their applications through an e-tracking system.

• Reduced Application Fees: Cabinet has approved a reduction in application fees from GHS500 to GHS350, pending parliamentary approval.

• Courier Delivery: Ghana Post and Troskit will deliver passports to Ghanaians everywhere.

Meeting International Standards:

The new passports meet the International Civil Aviation Organization’s (ICAO) requirements, and Ghana is now part of the growing list of countries issuing ePassports. According to the ICAO, current passports will become outdated by 2030.

What to Expect:

• Citizens are advised to keep their chip-embedded passports away from heat and liquids.

• Store them properly to prevent bending or damage.

• Avoid inserting other chip-enabled cards into the passport.

• Do not keep it in back pockets, where it could be bent or damaged.

• 

A New Era for Passport Services:

The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, emphasized that the introduction of chip-embedded passports symbolizes a reset and ushers in a new era of modernization, convenience, and respect for Ghanaian citizens. With the rollout of chip-embedded passports, Ghana is poised to enhance the security and efficiency of its passport administration, making it easier for citizens to travel and conduct international business.

Conclusion:

I see no reason why Ghana’s new passport should cost more than the existing one. In fact, the Minister has insisted on the reduction of passport fees by GHS150, which is very beneficial and essential to Ghanaians.

Ghanaians abroad have long faced difficulty acquiring passports without having to travel back home. With the Minister’s assurance that Ghanaians abroad will receive their passports without needing to return to Ghana, this is a refreshing change.

Research has shown that some people urgently needing passports for business and transactions have failed to acquire them within the limited time, losing valuable opportunities. The Minister’s assurance that passports will be processed in no more than 15 working days, if all documents are correct, will provide relief to many. Business professionals, athletes, footballers, women, and others will now be able to receive their passports promptly.

As we keep our eye on the successes at the ministry, we expect technocrats to continue to push the 24-hour passport agenda—not for any political party, but for Ghana and its citizens.

NOTE: Citizens can call the 24-hour hotline at 0302 75 4200 for information on the chip-embedded passport, irrespective of their location.

]]> https://www.adomonline.com/africas-creative-industries-could-generate-over-10-billion-annually/ Wed, 07 May 2025 19:56:06 +0000 https://www.adomonline.com/?p=2532712 Africa is home to a dazzling mosaic of sound, color, and story—a continent where culture doesn’t just live, it dances. With its vibrant rhythms, rich storytelling traditions, and visually stunning artistry, the creative spirit of Africa is not only centuries-old but also incredibly future-ready.

From the hypnotic pulse of Afrobeats to the cinematic spectacle of Nollywood, Africa’s cultural export is already commanding global attention.

But here’s the twist in the tale: while the world grooves to Africa’s beat and binges on its screen stories, the continent itself is still only scratching the surface of a colossal economic opportunity. Welcome to the untold story of Africa’s creative economy—a $10 billion goldmine that’s waiting (not so patiently) to be unlocked.

The Numbers Don’t Lie

According to the African Union and other leading bodies, Africa’s creative industries could generate over $10 billion annually and create millions of jobs—if only the right infrastructure, policy, and investment were in place.

Let’s break it down:

• In Nigeria alone, the music industry is valued at over $1 billion, with megastars like Wizkid, Burna Boy, Davido, and Tiwa Savage consistently dominating global charts, selling out concerts from Lagos to London.
• Nollywood, Nigeria’s prolific film industry, releases over 2,500 films annually, making it the second-largest in the world by volume.
• South Africa’s music sector contributes more than $500 million to its economy, driven by genres like Amapiano and Afro-house, with stars like Black Coffee headlining global festivals.
• East African powerhouses like Kenya and Tanzania are producing digital creatives, filmmakers, and musicians who are scaling global platforms, racking up millions of views, streams, and fans.

Clearly, Africa isn’t short on talent. What it lacks is the enabling environment to turn this cultural currency into hard currency.

A Paradox of Popularity: What’s Holding Us Back?

Despite the buzz, Africa’s creative economy faces a laundry list of challenges:

1. Piracy: The Silent Killer

Let’s call it what it is: theft. Piracy costs Africa’s music industry over $100 million annually. In Nigeria, the problem is so rampant that many artists skip physical releases altogether, relying solely on streaming platforms that, ironically, still don’t offer great returns. Imagine building a hit, only to have your revenue siphoned off by illegal downloads and bootleg DVDs.

2. Infrastructure: Or the Lack Thereof

You can’t build a billion-dollar industry with a broken toolbox. Across the continent, creatives struggle with limited access to modern recording studios, film equipment, post-production facilities, and digital distribution platforms. In many cases, projects are born in passion but die in logistics.

3. Capacity Gaps: Talent Without Training

Talent is abundant, but opportunity isn’t. Many African creatives lack access to high-quality training, mentorship, and career pathways. The result? Incredible ideas that can’t compete on a global scale—not for lack of creativity, but because the technical execution isn’t there yet.

4. Weak Intellectual Property Protections

Without strong IP laws, the creative economy is a house of cards. Artists need legal systems that protect their work, support royalties, and penalize infringement. Without these safeguards, innovation becomes risky, and investment dries up.

The Unlock Code: Strategies to Awaken the Giant

If the potential is real—and the numbers say it is—how do we turn Africa’s creative goldmine into a functioning economic engine?

1. Invest in Infrastructure

This isn’t optional. Governments and private investors must prioritize world-class studios, film cities, sound stages, theaters, and content distribution networks. Think less “makeshift microphone” and more “multi-million-dollar creative campus.”

Case in point: Nigeria’s Creative Industry Finance Initiative (CIFI), backed by the Central Bank, is helping fund film and music projects with real structure. It’s a model worth scaling continent-wide.

2. Build the Builders: Capacity Development

Training programs, scholarships, creative academies, and mentorship networks must be established—urgently. African creatives need the skills to not just produce content but manage, monetize, and market it on a global scale. Programs like Multichoice Talent Factory, AFRIFF’s training camps, and local incubators are lighting the way—but they need fuel.

3. Tackle Piracy Head-On

Combating piracy requires more than police raids and angry tweets. Governments must enact and enforce IP laws that actually deter infringement. But it also requires public education: consumers must understand that paying for art is not a luxury—it’s a necessity.

Digital rights management tools, blockchain-based royalty systems, and secure content platforms can help track and protect creative work in real time.

4. Leverage Technology and the Internet

The internet is a game-changer, but Africa must play to win. Streaming services like Boomplay, Audiomack Africa, and Mdundo have shown that localized platforms can thrive. Add social media, YouTube monetization, and direct-to-fan models, and you’ve got a digital economy waiting to erupt.

But again—connectivity matters. Investing in broadband access, digital literacy, and tech entrepreneurship is just as critical as studio space.

5. Build Ecosystems, Not Silos

Africa’s creative growth cannot happen in a vacuum. Governments, creatives, private investors, and NGOs must collaborate on long-term strategies that go beyond hype. We need continent-wide creative summits, regional licensing deals, export frameworks, and policies that treat culture like the billion-dollar industry it is.

The Youth Are Not the Future. They’re the Now

With a median age of just 19.7 years, Africa is literally the youngest continent on Earth. That’s not just a demographic stat—it’s a creative superpower. Gen Z and Gen Alpha Africans are digital natives who think globally, remix locally, and hustle endlessly. They’re coding by day, recording at night, and uploading from everywhere in between.

The job of today’s leaders—government officials, investors, industry veterans—is to ensure they have the tools, networks, and systems they need to build empires.

The Curtain Call: Africa, the World is Listening

The stage is set. The cameras are rolling. The music is playing.

Africa’s creative economy is not a “potential” anymore. It’s an imminent explosion. It’s the beat in your AirPods, the drama on your Netflix queue, the dress on the runway. What it needs now is investment, infrastructure, and intentionality.

The rewards? Massive. A thriving creative economy can create millions of jobs, increase GDP, reduce youth unemployment, and position Africa not just as a cultural powerhouse—but as an economic one.

So let’s stop treating creativity as a side hustle, and start treating it as the engine of Africa’s next economic leap. Because the sleeping giant is waking up.

And when it roars?

The world won’t just listen—it’ll dance.

The public may find a copy of the petition here: https://imaniafrica.org/2024/05/petition-to-investigate-the-electoral-commissions-conduct-in-the-retirement-and-disposal-of-elections-related-equipment/

My colleagues and I at IMANI have been gravely concerned by the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana’s handling of the nation’s scarce resources in the discharge of its duties, which conduct we believe amounts to “misappropriation”, “wastage”, and “misuse” of said resources.

At a time when the nation cannot service its debts and is in the midst of a tight IMF-supervised fiscal regime, such egregious conduct cannot be tolerated.

In our petition, we lamented that the EC’s conduct in the premature retirement and eventual disposal of tens of thousands of laptops, digital cameras, printers, scanners, and fingerprint verifiers, has been motivated by a conflict between its duties under various laws to judiciously apply the resources of this country for the good of the citizenry, on the one hand, and its tendency to take decisions favourable to various commercial vendors and transactors, on the other hand.

Furthermore, we stated our belief that the EC’s most recent conduct has been necessitated by a need to curtail transparency and accountability, and thus was motivated by a collective conflict of interest and potential corruption.

By its actions, it is attempting to erase inventory records and physical evidence of the blatant falsehoods it has told over the last four years regarding the purchase history of expensive electoral equipment.

We asserted our longstanding claim that the EC’s electoral equipment is a portfolio of multiple items, bought and refurbished at different intervals between 2011 and 2019.

That portfolio does not uniformly date to 2011 or 2012 as the EC has falsely and persistently claimed, and could thus not be so uniformly obsolete as to warrant a firesale to mysterious bidders, who have kept the prime portions for themselves and discarded the rest to be used as scrap. Ghana cannot continue to be milked in this fashion.

Some of these devices cost more than $3000 each, and together are worth tens of millions of dollars. At worst, they should have been donated to other government agencies that routinely buy similar machines at great cost to the state or transparently sold through a properly regulated public tender under the strict rules of the Public Procurement Act to ensure strict value for money.
Furthermore, the equipment in question contain sensitive voter information, including polling records and biometric data, that could be reassembled for nefarious purposes by devious actors to harm citizens and/or undermine Ghana’s public elections in some shape or fashion.

We do not believe that the EC and its commercial counterparties in these transactions complied with the highest standards of data handling and protection required in the transfer and/or disposal of such sensitive equipment. At any rate, none of them had the requisite certifications to be trusted with such a task.

I have also directed a possible referral of the matter to the Office of the Special Prosecutor for a specialised corruption risk assessment suited to the unique capabilities of that agency.

Should this be done, IMANI will update the public, as it would if any additional actions are contemplated, or information received.

We hope that the institutions we are investing our hopes in shall not fail Ghanaians.

Franklin Cudjoe
Executive Director, IMANI Center for Policy & Education

Context

In 2020, the EC embarked on a process to procure a brand-new set of equipment, software, ancillaries, and other items to replace the country’s extant technological infrastructure for public elections, particularly various biometric devices, computer gadgets, datacenters, and communications systems.

For ease of reference, we shall list the principal elements of the biometric and computing components of this technological infrastructure and adopt the EC’s term for referring to them collectively as the BVMS (Biometric Voter Management System) in the rest of this document. The most relevant components of the BVMS are:

• Biometric Verification Devices (BVDs): handheld equipment for authenticating the biometric credentials of a human voter (usually at a polling station, during voting, or at an exhibition center, following a registration exercise).
• Biometric Voter Registration kits (BVRs): a set of equipment usually including laptops or notebooks, high-resolution cameras, scanners, and (sometimes) printers.
• ABIS Software: a set of algorithms for maintaining the integrity of biometric data by preventing duplicate entries and ensuring unique identification of voters.
• Databases and datacenters: Physical locations and computer servers for hosting various software systems and voter records and data.

This petitioner – IMANI Center for Policy & Education (IMANI) – opposed this procurement action after carefully examining the claims of the EC contained in various public statements. In particular, the EC claimed that the existing BVMS was obsolete because it was procured and/or has been in use since 2011.

IMANI rejected the “obsolescence” claim because it had come by information to show that the EC had, until 2020, operated a policy of buying new devices to replace faulty or degraded ones, and thus the portfolio of BVMS components dated from different points of time. Most critically, there were many BVDs and BVRs that had been bought after 2011, some as late as 2018 and 2019. The entire EC’s portfolio of BVDs and BVRs could not be truthfully said to date from 2011, and therefore obsolete.

Even in a single BVR, for instance, one component (such as a digital camera) could be old or faulty, whilst within the same set another component (such as a fingerprint scanner or laptop) could be brand new and in perfect working order. In such instances, the EC’s customary practice had, until 2020, been to replace the old or faulty component in the set without tampering with the other components. And, certainly, without discarding the entire BVR set.

Supported by the government of the day, the EC in 2020 proceeded to procure a new BVMS, including tens of thousands of BVDs and thousands of BVRs, at great cost to the nation, instead of replacing components of the BVRs that may be faulty beyond repair, or genuinely unserviceable, and BVDs that were faulty beyond repair or genuinely unserviceable, as the Electoral Commission has done in times past.

The procurement process for the BVRs and BVDs was marked by controversy, attracting additional criticism from IMANI, including allegations of bid-rigging, manipulation, and the “engineering” of preferred outcomes. The Chair of one procurement cycle even saw the need to resign from his role.

The procurement process for the ABIS software was shrouded in considerable secrecy, and thus attracted similar criticism from IMANI for a seeming inflation of costs.

This was the context when in 2024, IMANI’s vigilant monitoring of the EC led to the discovery that thousands of BVMS components have been found in a recycling plant in Accra owned or operated by a company called Electro Recycling Ghana.

Following IMANI’s public reactions, the EC has issued a stream of responses that have served to heighten our suspicions that the EC’s actions amount to a breach of the Code of Conduct of Public Officers.

We posit that the EC’s approach to disposing of these electoral items was partly dictated by a need to suppress inventory records and to evade accountability, in light of the spirited campaign by civil society activists in 2020 to debunk the EC’s claims that the equipment in question all date from 2011, and are therefore obsolete, and partly by a need to facilitate undue commercial profiteering by the beneficiaries of the EC’s disposal methods.

The abuse of public resources and power for private gain is the universally acknowledged definition of corruption.

Ultimately, the EC’s conduct in this affair breaches the high standards expected of such a major constitutional body, and constitutes other infractions of laws, regulations, and standard protocols relating to the management of electoral systems, data protection, and public financial management.

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This initiative is both timely and commendable, addressing a critical barrier that has long hindered girls’ access to education in Ghana.

For many girls—especially those in rural areas—the lack of access to sanitary pads has resulted in missed school days, negatively impacting their academic performance and overall well-being.

In some distressing cases, girls have been exploited, with reports of men offering to buy sanitary pads in exchange for sexual favors, leading to unwanted pregnancies and further disrupting their education.

The introduction of free sanitary pads in schools is a much-needed intervention that promises to safeguard girls’ health, dignity, and right to education.

However, as we celebrate this important milestone, GNECC urges that robust monitoring mechanisms be put in place to ensure the effective and transparent implementation of the policy.

It is crucial that the pads reach the girls who need them most and that the initiative does not fall prey to mismanagement or abuse, such as the unauthorized sale of pads meant to be distributed freely.

We must also ask: Is this policy sustainable in the long term? Will the girls who are most vulnerable truly benefit from it?

GNECC commends the government for this progressive step and calls for ongoing evaluation and accountability to ensure that the Free Sanitary Pads initiative achieves its intended impact—empowering every girl to stay in school and reach her full potential.

‘I am no longer at the Ministries. I have been Reset, and currently at home.’ The word Reset, originally well intended has acquired such a bad odor, people take to their heels hearing reset drums in the neighborhood.

Labor Day greetings are tricky; you never know whether your neighbor is grinning to celebrate his new job; or on a Labor Day, groaning to cope with labor pains.

While scanning various cases countrywide I came across the biggest reset this Labor week: the nation’s Chief Justice who should normally be settling labor disputes, has herself been reset to idle at a Departure Lounge. School children have been told Justice Gertrude is only under suspension.

Among adults, it is known she is at the Departure Lounge. A successor has already been named, nicknamed as ‘Acting.’

But he was last seen dancing in church and thanking the good Lord for kind mercies. For those who knew the youthful days of His Lordship Baffoe-Bonnie, his recent ‘dance moves’ betray his past as an Okpo mate of Mensah Sarbah Hall.

For security reasons, however let me say the good old Justice was well behaved in his student days. Our worry being that if appointed, his date of birth entitles him to only a one-and-half-year tenure as Chief Justice, and those ready with welcome greetings should be prepared to add, ‘Farewell, brand new Chief Justice.’

It is notable however that Getty’s suspension and planned sendoff, has brought several concerned groups to their feet, looking desperately for any grave sins she committed. For once a public opinion poll hurriedly concocted by a mercenary pollster reports a 70% public approval of Her Lordship’s dismissal. That was perhaps inspired by an imaginary mandate in the Constitution such as: ‘The Chief Justice shall be removed by a swift opinion poll across the nation;’ clearly an irrational attempt to trivialize the fourth highest position of the Land.

Unpersuaded, civil society groups are up in arms this week to save the neck of Justice Gertrude Torkonoo, and preserve the dignity of the judiciary: the almighty Trade Union Congress, the Minority in Parliament, the Ghana Bar Association, and others. These are flying protest flags ready to hit the streets to avert a national disgrace. Together with one dissenting voice on the Council of State, the clarion call is ‘JM, Touch not the Anointed.’

The reasons are not hard to find. Justice Gertrude is on record as Ghana’s third Female CJ since independence. Should the axe fall, she would be the first dismissed CJ since 1963, when Nkrumah booted out His Lordship Justice Ako Korsah for acquitting suspects in a major murder trial.

The Second and Third Republics saw no such dismissal; and here comes this setback as Ghana’s democracy deepens and the 4th Republic hits the 33rd milestone.

The planned ousting amounts to terrorism on womanhood, the vulnerable, the judiciary, and a stain on that vision that has gifted Ghana the first female Vice President.

Since independence in 1957, Ghana has produced only 12 females out of a total of 89 justices of the Supreme Court, a dismal 13.5% female participation; and here comes this fresh wound meant to humiliate a 62-year old Chief Justice, and mother.

My own lay experience of a judicial disaster that would have triggered a dismissal was 1995: the historic drama on the appointment of Justice I. K. Abban as Chief Justice. The renowned Abban, earlier reputed as a stubborn Electoral Commissioner, received a baptism of fire when as CJ he erroneously jailed a newspaper columnist inserting a new page in his judgment, to balance the equation. The GBA was up in arms challenging Abban’s appointment due to a proven lack of integrity. Happily, my ubiquitous pen chronicled the event those days. Listen to my write hand, February 1995.

‘At the time of departure, the Ghana Bar Association was feverishly looking for red bands with which to bury Justice Abban as Chief Justice. They were going on a sympathy strike in support of the jailed columnist, Mensa Bonsu, and to boycott the courts.

If Abban is watching, he must have realized that he has mounted a throne which may turn out to be more problematic than the Veep’s. The real drama, however, will start if the GBA decides to take the Chief Justice to court.’

Yes the GBA took the matter to court, but failed to have the CJ removed.

The current attempt based on more trivial allegations should fall on deaf ears if Ghana seeks a respectable judiciary. Our President Mahama currently treads on slippery grounds and will not be spared by posterity should he opt to humiliate womanhood to consolidate power. There is every good reason guidelines in the formation of public committees are carefully worded. The golden clause, ‘at least one of whom must be a woman,’ is not a mere cliché. But Justice Torkonoo an astute Judge with formidable credentials is not simply ‘one of whom.’

Listening to a public lecture she gave at a Central University event last year, was breath of fresh air. As child of a teacher she experienced elementary education on various turfs: Tema, Suhum, Winneba, Ajumako, and being a whiz kid, skipped P5. To seal it all, Gertrude attended Motown.

Ask the sages, how many homes ever survived that flippantly sold off the Mother Hen?

Hands off Gertrude.

JM, Touch not the Anointed!

The individuals we bring into our organizations significantly influence our capacity to innovate, adapt, and thrive. In my experience leading a recruitment agency in Ghana, I have observed that mastering the art of hiring is pivotal for organizational success.

Here are key considerations and best practices tailored to the Ghanaian and African context to ensure effective recruitment.

1. Understanding the Local Talent Landscape

Ghana boasts a youthful and vibrant workforce, presenting both opportunities and challenges for employers. While the abundance of young talent is promising, a notable skills gap exists between industry requirements and job seekers’ competencies. This disparity underscores the need for employers to invest in comprehensive training and development programs to cultivate a workforce equipped for contemporary challenges.

Understanding the Skills Gap

Recent studies have illuminated the extent of this skills mismatch. According to the Ghana Youth Barometer 2024 Report, only 40.3% of youth believe that the education system adequately prepares them for the future. The report highlights deficiencies in practical skills such as critical thinking, creativity, and entrepreneurship.

Additionally, research by the African Center for Economic Transformation (ACET) underscores a significant gap between the knowledge and skills provided by the education system and those demanded by the labor market. This misalignment contributes to high rates of underemployment and unemployment among Ghanaian youth.

To address these challenges, employers can adopt the following strategies:

• Collaborative Training Programs: Partnering with educational institutions to design curricula that reflect current industry needs ensures that graduates possess relevant skills upon entering the workforce.

• Internships and Apprenticeships: These programs offer hands-on learning opportunities, bridging the gap between theoretical knowledge and real-world application.

• Continuous Professional Development: Implementing ongoing training initiatives helps employees stay updated with evolving industry trends and technologies.

• Mentorship Schemes: Establishing mentorship programs connects less experienced employees with seasoned professionals, facilitating knowledge transfer and skill enhancement.

2. Cultural Fit: Aligning Values and Vision

In Ghanaian corporate culture, communal values and respect for hierarchy are emphasized. Ensuring that potential hires resonate with the organization’s core values and cultural nuances is essential. A candidate’s ability to integrate seamlessly into the company culture can significantly impact team cohesion and productivity.

The Significance of Cultural Fit

Cultural fit refers to the alignment between an individual’s values, beliefs, and behaviors and those of the organization. Assessing this fit ensures new employees can adapt easily and work effectively within the team.

To ensure alignment between candidates and organizational culture:

• Clearly Define Organizational Values: Articulate your company’s mission, vision, and values to attract candidates who naturally align with your ethos.

• Incorporate Behavioral Interview Techniques: Use questions that explore how candidates handle situations reflecting your organization’s core values, such as collaboration and respect.

• Provide Realistic Job Previews: Give candidates insights into your work environment and expectations to help them assess their cultural fit.

3. Leveraging Data-Driven Recruitment Strategies

The advent of technology has revolutionized recruitment globally. In Ghana, adopting data-driven strategies enables organizations to make informed hiring decisions. Analytics can be used to assess competencies, predict performance, and identify retention risks.

To effectively leverage data:

• Invest in Technology: Use Applicant Tracking Systems (ATS) and recruitment software that collect and analyze data throughout the hiring process.

• Define Key Metrics: Establish recruitment metrics such as time-to-fill, cost-per-hire, and quality-of-hire.

• Train HR Personnel: Equip your HR teams to interpret data and apply insights to improve hiring outcomes.

4. Collaborating with Specialized Recruitment Partners

Navigating the complexities of talent acquisition in Ghana can be daunting. Partnering with specialized recruitment agencies offers access to broader networks and expert insights. These agencies can identify and attract candidates who not only have the right skills but also align with your long-term goals.

Advantages of Specialized Recruitment Agencies

• Access to a Broad Talent Pool: Agencies like Jobberman maintain databases of qualified professionals across sectors.

• Industry-Specific Expertise: They understand sector-specific requirements and can match candidates accordingly.

• Efficient Recruitment Processes: Their resources and experience streamline hiring, saving your team time.

• Enhanced Candidate Screening: Agencies use rigorous methods to ensure only the best-matched candidates are presented.

• Cost-Effective Solutions: By minimizing bad hires, they help reduce long-term costs and improve retention.

5. Emphasizing Employer Branding

In a competitive job market, a strong employer brand attracts top talent. Organizations must actively showcase their values, workplace culture, and employee value propositions.

Key Employer Branding Strategies

• Showcase Company Culture and Values: Communicate your mission and what makes your workplace unique through your website, social media, and job postings.

• Highlight Employee Success Stories: Share testimonials from employees who have thrived within your organization to attract like-minded candidates.

• Maintain a Positive Candidate Experience: Ensure that recruitment processes are transparent, respectful, and engaging to leave a lasting impression.

Conclusion

Securing the right hire in Ghana requires a comprehensive approach that includes understanding the local talent landscape, prioritizing cultural alignment, leveraging data and technology, collaborating with recruitment experts, and strengthening employer branding.

By integrating these strategies, organizations can build high-performing teams capable of driving sustainable growth in Ghana and across the African continent.

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You return to the people — the polling station executives, the tireless campaigners, the young student organisers who believed in something greater than themselves — and you say, “Thank you for standing with me.”

Following the 2024 election, many expected Dr Mahamudu Bawumia to follow that tradition immediately.

But he chose a different path. He paused. He reflected. He asked a simple yet powerful question: “What went wrong?”

Rather than rushing into applause and optics, he gave room to the Professor Mike Oquaye Committee — a group tasked with undertaking the hard but necessary work of examining the reasons behind our defeat.

That committee has now delivered. Its report is complete.

And Dr Bawumia, ever the student of reason, ever the believer in data and deliberation, is now doing what all leaders in our party have done before: embarking on a thank-you tour.

But here’s the twist.

For the first time in our history, he said: “Let’s do this together.” He invited not only his allies. He invited his opponents.

He invited the national executives. He invited those who had challenged him — fiercely and openly — in the primaries.

He extended his hand. Not out of weakness, but out of strength. Because he knows that politics is not about nursing old wounds; it is about building something new — together.

And for that — for trying to unite a divided house, for choosing reconciliation over resentment — he has been criticised. That was his only sin.

Now, the media spin, the whispers, the cynicism have followed. Suddenly, the headlines are louder than the handshakes. The message of unity is drowned out by noise. Mr Kennedy Agyapong, a man who opposed him strongly in the primaries, has withdrawn from the tour. And for some, that is the story.

But I believe the real story is this:

At a time when it would have been easier to go it alone, Dr Bawumia chose to carry the party with him. In a moment when bitterness could have taken centre stage, he chose to lead with grace.

That is the kind of leadership Ghana needs. The kind that doesn’t merely look forward, but brings others along. The kind that doesn’t bury the past, but learns from it. The kind that understands that gratitude and humility are not signs of defeat — they are the marks of a man still committed to service.

So let us not lose the plot here. This thank-you tour is not about one man’s ambition. It is about honouring our people. It is about showing every single party faithful that their sacrifices were seen. That their energy still matters. That we are still in this together.

Dr Bawumia’s only sin — if it can be called that — was believing that unity is still possible in our politics.

And perhaps, just perhaps, that is exactly the kind of “sin” we need more of.

Let us finish this tour with strength. Let us show the country that the NPP can heal. That we can grow. That we can rise again.

But let history show that his only sin — was trying to bring us together.

From stolen phones and wallets to scams involving fake electronic goods, the area, once intended as a symbol of modern transport infrastructure and economic centre, has now become a hotspot for criminal activity.

And it’s not just anecdotal; countless Ghanaians have shared similar stories of being duped, robbed, or harassed at Circle.

What is particularly alarming is that many of these crimes are committed by young people—teenagers and youth in their early twenties—some of whom have turned to theft, fraud, and extortion as a means of survival.

Without intervention, an entire generation is at risk of being lost to a life of petty and organised crime.

I, too, have not been spared.

Back in 2014, I visited Circle with a friend to purchase a phone. After what seemed like a successful transaction, the seller asked to remove his SIM card from the device—an innocent request, I thought. But the moment I handed the phone back, he bolted, disappearing into the crowd with both phone and cash in hand. We were left stunned.

Years later, on Wednesday, 30th April 2025, I found myself once again at Circle. I had alighted from a trotro, Accra’s popular public transport system, at the Fire Service area and began my usual walk towards the Lapaz stretch.

The area was already bustling with early-morning commuters and trotro conductors loudly calling out destinations.

This route is my daily commute to JoyNews at Kokomlemle, and I know the risks. I always hold my bag carefully, especially when navigating the crowd.

Yet on this day, despite my caution, I felt a familiar pang of loss. My bag had been unzipped. My Apple phone and a sum of money were gone. I was stunned, again.

What made it more disheartening was the fact that I had been walking right beside a uniformed police officer. Perhaps that gave me a false sense of security.

Ironically, she held her bag at her side, not on her back, which is the usual way your bag can be safe while walking through circle. Who knows? Perhaps she, too, was unaware she could be a target.

My frustration goes far beyond the stolen items. As a journalist, I carry sensitive information, contacts, and documents on my devices. My biggest concern now is the possibility of my privacy being violated and confidential data falling into the wrong hands.

But I am not alone. I am one of thousands of Ghanaians who use Circle each day. It is a vital transport and commercial hub, pulsing with life, opportunity, and chaos.

The economic significance of this location cannot be overstated. And yet, authorities seem to have abandoned it to criminals who operate with disturbing confidence.

What can be done?

Circle does not need to be a crime haven. With political will and coordinated action, it can be transformed into a safer, more functional space for all. Here are a few policy and enforcement suggestions:

• Increased police visibility: There must be a strong and constant presence of uniformed officers at key points. In addition, plain-clothes national security operatives should be deployed to monitor criminal behaviour discreetly and intervene where necessary.
• Decongestion and youth empowerment: Many of the individuals perpetrating crimes at Circle are young and economically disenfranchised. Government programmes like Adwumawura should be expanded to provide skills training, startup support, and apprenticeships. Investing in youth empowerment is not just a social responsibility—it is a security necessity.
• Remove illegal structures: The interchange is not a residential zone. Authorities should dismantle all unauthorised structures that have been turned into makeshift homes or criminal hideouts. The space should serve only its intended commercial and transit purposes.
• Targeted crackdowns on hideouts: Frequent police operations targeting known ghettos and gang-controlled zones should be instituted. Law enforcement must work to identify criminal ringleaders—often young men leading organised theft rings—and dismantle their networks.
• Mobile police units: Establish a rapid response unit stationed within the Circle area to attend to emergencies immediately. This would restore public confidence and reduce the window of criminal activity.
• Community partnerships: Collaboration between local traders, transport operators, and law enforcement could give rise to a community watch network. With proper training and support, locals could act as the first line of alert for suspicious behaviour.
• Better lighting and sanitation: Criminals thrive in darkness and disorder. Improving lighting in poorly lit areas, particularly at night, and implementing regular clean-up exercises would enhance security and make the environment more welcoming.

A call to action

Kwame Nkrumah Circle is more than just a busy hub, it is the beating heart of Accra’s public transport system and a hub of economic activity for thousands.

To allow it to fall deeper into lawlessness is to jeopardise the safety, dignity, and livelihoods of the very citizens who depend on it.

What’s worse is that the young people committing these crimes are not beyond redemption. With targeted support, they could become the very entrepreneurs, artisans, and leaders who will help transform the city.

The time for urgent action is now. Authorities must recognise that crime at Circle is not just a law enforcement issue; I don’t want to say it is a governance failure, maybe government officials are not aware of this.

It demands immediate, strategic, and sustained intervention; the people of Accra deserve better. And so does Circle.

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The launch of the Ghana Medical Trust Fund (Mahama Cares Initiative) is sensitive and responsive to emerging health trends over the years.

Over time, the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) has focused on primary healthcare and universal health coverage, including the provision of essential drugs for the treatment of common illnesses, disease prevention, maternal and child health, family planning, health education, and health promotion.

The NHIS has primarily addressed common illnesses like malaria and common respiratory diseases.

However, our current healthcare financing has not significantly addressed recent health trends, which include non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as hypertension, diabetes, complex respiratory illnesses, cancers, and terminal cardiovascular and renal diseases.

These trends are largely the result of lifestyle changes. Currently, 43% of mortalities (deaths) are attributed to these illnesses. While the need for education on lifestyle changes cannot be overstated, it is equally important to put financing measures in place to support our compatriots afflicted by these diseases, as they are closer to us than we may realize.

It is estimated that an average of GHS 53,000 is needed annually to fund the treatment of NCDs, which is a financial burden that could be a death sentence for many.

Hypertension and diabetes alone can lead to organ failure, and their treatment and management are not covered by NHIS, even though they are the precursors to major terminal illnesses like stroke, kidney failure, and heart failure.

The treatment of cancers through surgery, radiotherapy, and chemotherapy is not funded by NHIS. The Mahama Cares Initiative has come in handy to provide the necessary support in this regard.

As a professional, I have seen first-hand how well-to-do individuals can become paupers within just a few years after having to fund the treatment of renal and cardiovascular illnesses.

The need for funding support has come at the right time, and I commend President Mahama for this initiative. Posterity will be kind to him.

The Ghana Medical Trust Fund has come to stay. It is here to fund the longevity of Ghanaians!!!

Thank you to President Mahama.

The GBA claims that the Chief Justice’s suspension is unconstitutional due to the lack of published regulations governing the President’s discretion under Article 296(c). Here’s why that claim fails:

1. Supreme Court Already Decided This: In Ransford France v. Electoral Commission (2012), the Supreme Court unanimously held that not every discretionary act requires prior published regulations.

2. Literal Reading Rejected: Justice Date-Bah warned that a literal interpretation of Article 296(c) could lead to a “nuclear meltdown” of government, crippling normal administration.

3. Targeted Scope of Article 296(c): The Court ruled that Article 296(c) applies only to quasi-judicial situations, not to administrative acts such as suspending an official pending investigation. The Court clarified that “quasi-judicial” refers to adjudication.

4. Living Constitution Approach: Justice Atuguba emphasized that the Constitution must be interpreted dynamically to promote governance, not obstruct it with technicalities.

5. Absence of Regulations ≠ Automatic Unconstitutionality: The absence of regulations does not invalidate a discretionary act unless the act itself is arbitrary, biased, or violates due process (Articles 296(a) and (b)).

6. GBA Offers No Evidence of Bias or Unfairness: The GBA merely points to the absence of regulations without proving that the suspension was unfair, arbitrary, or prejudiced.

7. Ignoring Precedent is Dangerous: The GBA’s position ignores the Ransford France precedent and risks spreading legal confusion, rather than defending the rule of law.

8. Legal Certainty Matters: Following the GBA’s logic, thousands of lawful discretionary acts since 1969 would collapse. That is not the rule of law—it is chaos.

9. GOGO Supports Scrutiny—But It Must Be Grounded in Law: Criticism of executive action must be rooted in binding precedent, not political expediency or selective readings of the Constitution.

10. Conclusion: The Chief Justice’s suspension remains constitutional. The GBA’s call for revocation lacks legal merit and risks politicizing the judiciary.

B. GBA Calls for an End to Prejudicial Commentary

1. The GBA’s Self-Contradiction: In calling for an end to prejudicial commentary, the GBA has issued one of the most prejudicial declarations yet.

2. Premature Judgment: By declaring the Chief Justice’s suspension unconstitutional—without legal basis, reference to binding precedent, or waiting for the completion of the Article 146 process—the GBA has done exactly what it warns others against: passing judgment prematurely.

3. Practice What It Preaches: If the GBA wants to defend due process, it must first practice it. It cannot condemn prejudgment with one hand while dispensing it with the other.

4. Let the GBA Heed Its Own Message: Da Yie!

Despite decades of independence and national growth, Ghana’s approach to education is still heavily influenced by colonial legacies and entrenched traditions of instruction that prioritise knowledge acquisition and sheer recall over practical thinking and practical skills, as well as the application of knowledge and skills in meaning-making.

In most cases, the outlook of teaching and learning focuses on the present instead of emerging issues.

Given this, a serious disconnect occurs between what students are taught and the demands of emerging job markets, which are greatly determined by the rapidly evolving technologies and their emerging trends.

To curb the increasing problems of youth unemployment and unemployability, there is a need for a critical look and a paradigm shift from the existing systems of teaching and learning and by extension, methods of assessment, to a more pragmatic system that looks into the future.

Enduring Legacy in Colonial Foundations
The foundations of the formal education system in Ghana can be traced back to the colonial era, particularly the era of British domination. Education was designed primarily to produce a small educated elite who could support the colonial administration.

Although the focus seemed to be on rote memorisation, rigid curricula, and the propagation of British values, with little regard for local context or the practical needs of the broader population, the primary aim was to train a section of Ghanaians to fill the needs of the job market per the description of the British coloniser as well as helping to maintain colonial control over the local populace.

After Ghana’s independence in 1957, several attempts have been made at reforms in the education system to reflect the needs of the nation.

Mention can be made of the Free Universal Primary Education (FUPE), The Junior Secondary School system that is aimed at introducing practical subjects and activities that allow students to acquire occupational skills, which after an apprenticeship might lead to the qualification for self-employment, the Free Compulsory Universal, Basic Education (FCUBE) programs well as more recently, the Standard Base Curriculum (SBC).

There is also been some credible attempts at integrating the study and use of ICT into the educational system at all levels.

However, despite all these reforms, the system largely retained the structural and philosophical underpinnings of the colonial era. This lingering legacy continues to influence the content, teaching and assessment of the reviewed curriculum.

It still hinges on knowledge acquisition and writing of non-differentiated standardised examinations, rather than fostering practical skills, critical thinking, and innovation necessary to succeed in the modern world.

The Emphasis on Mere Knowledge Acquisition
Perhaps a distinct flaw in Ghana’s educational system is its disproportionate emphasis on overly knowledge acquisition, which rewards the ability to recollect information as they are with very little attempt at practical thinking or application.

This academic-centric approach has its roots in a deeply ingrained belief that success is measured by academic qualifications determined through a standardised examination that does not give room for a differentiated set of questions.

Although examinations and certificates may be important indicators of knowledge, they are not enough to prepare students for the increasingly complex and dynamic demands of the job market, which is hinged on emerging trends and deep reasoning that can generate well-meaning results.

Learners are often required to memorise vast amounts of information without necessarily understanding its practical applications. This becomes a form of passive learning that stifles creativity, critical thinking, problem identification and the generation of workable solutions.

It further militates the learner’s ability to generate essential skills such as digital literacy, technical proficiency, and entrepreneurial skills, which are vital for making meaning in an interconnected technology-driven world.

This rigid nature of the educational system contributes to a decline in the fostering of the entrepreneurial mindset necessary to drive economic growth.

It could also be realised that the structure of courses and subjects taken at almost every level of the education system is usually not in configuration with the realities of entrepreneurship, innovation, and practical skills in real-world situations.

Given this, many young people become unemployable and unprepared to harness opportunities in the growing sectors of the job market.

Infrastructural and Resource Challenges
Another serious shortcoming in Ghana’s education system is the significant infrastructural and resource-related challenges.

It should be reiterated that over the years, some progress has been made in expanding access to education, particularly through the implementation of policies like free basic education and the construction and equipping of school buildings across the country, there remains a glaring discrepancy in the quality of education across the country.

Urban schools, although better resourced, are often overcrowded, while rural schools continue to grapple with inadequate facilities and a shortage of qualified teachers.

These infrastructural deficiencies further worsen the quality gap between students in different regions.

In rural areas, where resources are even scarcer, learners often attend schools with poor facilities, insufficient teaching and learning materials, and inadequate teacher training. As a result, many children do not achieve the educational outcomes and it perceived employable skills required for the job market or even self-employment.

Investing in teacher training is crucial to bridging the gap between urban and rural education. This involves providing regular professional development programs, such as workshops, seminars, and courses, to enhance teachers’ subject matter expertise and pedagogical skills.

Additionally, mentorship initiatives need to be improved to pair experienced teachers with newer educators, offering guidance and support to help them navigate the challenges of the profession.

Furthermore, technology integration training is essential in today’s digital age. Teachers should be equipped with the skills to effectively incorporate technology into their teaching practices, making learning more engaging and relevant to students’ lives.

Context-specific training is also vital, as it allows teachers to address the unique needs of their students and communities.

Moreover, continuous assessment and feedback are critical components of effective teacher training. Regular evaluation of teacher performance, accompanied by constructive feedback, supports ongoing improvement and helps teachers refine their craft.

These comprehensive investments in teacher training programs will help improve the quality of education, enhance learners’ outcomes, and better prepare them for the demands of the modern world.

The Paradigm Shift and the Way Forward
Considering the mitigating issues discussed earlier, it is undeniable that there should be a serious paradigm shift in our educational system. Recent initiatives, such as the “Free Senior High School” policy, have made significant strides in increasing access to education.

There is also a gradual review of the curriculum to suit international standards. However, the system is still grappling with the issue of just acquiring certificates through standardised education rather than acquiring knowledge and skills through practical thinking.

To stay competitive globally, Ghana must prioritise education reform, focusing on practical skills development, critical thinking, and problem-solving. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in providing resources and expertise to support education reform.

By working together, we can create an education system that truly prepares students for the demands of the modern world.

Conclusion
Ghana’s educational system, despite its progress in increasing access to schooling, remains largely attached to the educational principles of the past.

To secure a future where Ghanaian youth can compete on the global stage and contribute meaningfully to the nation’s development, the education system must evolve.

This evolution requires a fundamental shift from just the acquisition of knowledge and reproducing them through standardised examination to one of practical thinking, where students can readily identify and apply such knowledge in solving simple to complex problems of real-world challenges.

It is time Ghana’s educational system moves beyond vain knowledge and certificate acquisition to a system that aims at truly preparing its children for the future through a comprehensive, forward-thinking approach that hinges on using innovation and creativity to solve complex global problems.

Anything short of that will be preparing its growing population for the past that no longer exists.

Authors:

Mantey Jectey-Nyarko (Ph.D)
Faculty of Art
KNUST-Kumasi

Obenfo Nana Kwasi Gyetuah
GNACOPS-NED

Together, these institutions play critical roles in shaping the lives of individuals, who, in turn, owe allegiance to both systems.

In everyday life, an individual seeking conflict resolution may choose to turn to either the traditional system or the formal legal framework.

Historically, the unity, peace, and security of kingdoms, chieftaincies, and communities were sustained by the leadership and protection provided by chiefs, sub-chiefs, and family or community leaders within the chieftaincy hierarchy.

Traditional governance revolved around these leaders, with customary arbitration, conducted by chiefs and their elders, serving as the primary means of conflict resolution from the village to the state level.

Strong institutions are vital for political stability and democratic governance. They facilitate political participation, uphold the rule of law, and promote national cohesion.

Conversely, weak or defective institutions expose a country to violence, instability, and the breakdown of democratic systems.

Despite the historically significant role of the chieftaincy institution, it is currently beset by numerous challenges, particularly conflicts.

These disputes are neither new nor confined to a single traditional area. While some administrations have engaged the chieftaincy institution constructively, others have mishandled the relationship.

The Rawlings administration maintained a balanced engagement with chiefs, setting clear boundaries.

The Kufuor and Mills administrations also managed these relationships with relative success.

However, under President Nana Akufo-Addo, the situation deteriorated as chiefs were allowed unchecked influence, resulting in impunity, increased lawlessness, and conflict.

I urge President John Mahama to avoid the path taken by his immediate predecessor—a path that stifled business and worsened the country’s economic challenges.

Today, some Ghanaians view the chieftaincy institution as having outlived its usefulness.

Although some conflicts have been peacefully resolved through both customary and legal arbitration, many others remain protracted and destructive.

One of the most persistent issues is land disputes, often caused by unscrupulous chiefs involved in the sale and resale of lands.

These actions have led to violence, civil conflict, and long-standing bitterness among families.

Additionally, the galamsey (illegal mining) menace is impossible to sustain without the complicity or endorsement of some traditional rulers.

To address the issues undermining the chieftaincy institution, I propose the following recommendations:

Amend the Chieftaincy Act and Establish Specialized Courts: The law should be revised to reflect modern realities. Specialised courts should be established in all sixteen regions of Ghana to quickly and fairly adjudicate cases involving traditional rulers who use their position to perpetuate conflict and division. I firmly believe that political parties like the NPP and NDC are not the primary threats to national peace—it is rather some deviant traditional rulers, especially those involved in land matters, who pose a greater risk to democratic progress.

Focus on Empowering Entrepreneurs Over Traditional Rulers: The government should prioritise the development of local entrepreneurs instead of investing heavily in traditional rulers. Only a small fraction—around 10 percent—of Ghanaian chiefs are truly industrious and committed to community development. For instance, the New Juaben Omanhene has established one of the largest oil palm plantations in Ghana, while many of his peers remain entangled in land disputes.

Curb Excessive Political Patronage of Chiefs: Politicians must refrain from giving undue prominence to chiefs or lavishing them with state resources such as luxury vehicles. This practice is detrimental to national economic development. The government should be honest with traditional rulers and hold them accountable, especially regarding land-related misconduct.

In conclusion, chieftaincy succession, land ownership, and party politics are widely perceived as the leading causes of violent conflict in Ghana.

The recurring and often intractable nature of these conflicts poses serious risks to democratic development and national cohesion.

Monetisation of politics has entrenched itself so deeply in our political culture that it now threatens the very foundation of democratic governance.

From internal party contests to national elections, money has become the primary currency of political power—not ideas, not competence, not public service.

Delegates, in many instances, demand financial and material incentives as a matter of routine. This expectation has trickled down to the general electorate, where voters increasingly see financial inducements as a condition for exercising their civic right to vote. What was once considered electoral malpractice is now seen by many as the political norm.

Meanwhile, the real cost of this corrosive system is paid by ordinary citizens. Hospitals lack modern equipment and essential supplies.

For the vulnerable, these facilities often serve not as places of healing but as transit points to the next world. In parts of the country, children still learn under trees—despite the unprecedented inflow of financial resources under the previous administration—resources that could have transformed lives if spent wisely.

A Clear Example: The Akonta Mining Saga

The Akonta Mining scandal is a glaring example of how monetised politics leads to leadership failure, dysfunctional governance, and the collapse of institutional integrity. Despite operating illegally in a protected forest reserve, the company received public defence from high-ranking political figures, sending a clear message: political connections can override the rule of law.

This case typifies the state capture syndrome—where power is used not to enforce laws but to protect vested interests. Regulatory bodies were either silent or complicit. Law enforcement took no decisive action. Institutions meant to uphold environmental standards crumbled under political pressure. It revealed, in plain sight, the dangerous intersection of business, politics, and impunity.

Regulating Political Financing

There is an urgent need to ban vote buying and all forms of inducement. But that’s only one part of the solution. What’s needed is a comprehensive overhaul of how political financing is regulated in this country. This includes:

• Transparent campaign financing laws with strict disclosure requirements.

• Spending limits for candidates and parties to level the playing field.

• Independent enforcement bodies with the power to investigate and sanction violations.

• Public education to challenge and change the mindset that sees inducement as entitlement.

A Clear Mandate to Reset

President John Dramani Mahama has been given a resounding mandate to reset the nation—to clean up governance, restore accountability, and redirect national resources toward meaningful development.

That mission will be impossible if the monetisation of politics remains unchecked. The stakes are clear: either we confront this threat head-on, or we allow it to permanently undermine our democracy and development.

The urgency to act has never been greater. To succeed in the reset agenda, we must dismantle the structures and culture that allow money to dominate politics. That means real reform—not talk, not tokenism. The future of our democracy depends on it.

Not long after came his colleague Eric, hanky in hand and nose oddly splashed with powder. Eric politely asked if I would mind being served with Coke while waiting.

Coke, of course, was welcome. With my long experience with Coca-Cola back in Ghana why not a Coke hospitality while waiting, better still if it came with biscuits. But I quickly checked myself and reversed my nod, when I noticed two guys following in tow, their noses dripping with a white stuff.

There was more beyond: every individual stepping out of a side room came sniffing and sniffing and sniffing a powdery substance. Was this talcum powder, my Ghanaian instincts, but I was wrong! The Coke on offer was Cocaine. Not a facial enhancement, not my Ghana Coke served from bullet-proof bottles. Soon after, a brief self-introduction in progress got more and more animated, and I found myself in the ‘high’ company of faces I had just met. I was a young man of 30.

If I had agreed for my nose to be anointed that day, I would have graduated long ago and been appointed Ambassador Emeritus for Cocaine Ghana. Cocaine Ghana? That would be unfair for Africa’s finest: originally called the Gold Coast. In our anniversary month of March, a name change to the ‘Coke Coast’ would have tainted our good image beyond repair. But we were almost there: it was the same month the nation was invaded by a mystery virus: serial discovery of huge quantities of gold bars, plus the seizure of large caches of foreign currency on wheels; then came the saga of loaded port containers mysteriously diminishing by the day.

Plus this: twin mysterious planes suspiciously lurking on our tarmac, including an air ambulance alleged to have collapsed at our Kotoka airport. The suspicion was that Ghana’s lost treasures were probably in transit to safer destinations. Or had the former Gold Coast been given away as a hub for illicit gold and Coke trade on our blind side? All this happening during a transition from one government to another, the optics were scary.

Even more dreadful were the loud silences following each treasure find. In a country where pure gold today could be declared as fake gold tomorrow; and ‘gold bars’ become ‘chop bars’ the next day, loud silences the day after were worrying. Good manners forbid talking while eating, I soon learned! April 1, while all attention was riveted on April Fools, a respected legislator refused to be fooled.

In compliance with the security advisory, ‘if you see something, say something,’ he blew a loud whistle: two mysterious flights relaxing on our air tarmac for days, had headed to a known drug Paradise in Spain. One plane had indeed been labelled as an ‘ambulance,’ but tweakai! observers would not be fooled. Our nation has gotten used to siren-blaring ambulances speeding through traffic, past 37 Military Hospital, only to unload farm produce at the Malata market.

Critically ill cassava on board! But the whistleblower was not a mere legislator; he was a ranking member on defense and interior in whose remit suspicious flights squarely fall. Above all, Rev Fordjour is one of two certified men of God in parliament. Going public with his suspicion merely meant: ‘In God We Trust, Not Ambulances.’

Hearing the whistle, JDM, our dear President, takes a bold step and orders relevant state agencies to `immediately and fully collaborate with the honorable MP so he provides all necessary info to investigate the allegations and expose any drug dealing.’ The President emphasised Ghana’s zero tolerance for drug trafficking and would not allow the country to be used as a transit point or final destination for illicit drugs.

Reset the agenda in bold. That was a master stroke that set all hearts at ease, but not for long. The next day, a Govt spokesman dramatically reverses JDM’s directive. To the spokesman, JM’s call was not for investigation, but to raise eyebrows on the whistleblower himself. `Prosecute him; arrest the liar,’ became the new mantra echoed by pro-Govt agencies. The plaintiff was now a suspect.

Apart from the minority caucus that rose to his support, Ghana largely stood and stared as the reverend minister was booed, jeered, taunted, shamed, and abused. Things came to a head on Wednesday, 9th April. Dozens of armed men stormed the Spintex residence of Reverend Fordjour. The mission was unclear, but armed men wielding AK-47 rifles with hooded faces could either be lawless bandits or true law enforcement, in these days of a peculiar democracy.

One thing was certain: those armed men were not prayer warriors. The scene soon turned into a war zone with curious onlookers, plus a visiting minority caucus virtually stunned, while traumatized kids of the legislator sobbed and wondered what was going to happen to Daddy. Call it a looming battle between armed men and a Minister of the Gospel brandishing St James Bible and a Cross.

Towards the day of Crucifixion, issues still remain unresolved, even while faith in a public inquiry fades, and evidence from a crime scene melts away in high altitudes.

Is Ghana a hub for drug trafficking? Hopefully not. Let a reset Ghana stand firm and collectively resolve to protect our good Name. In God we trust. Not in Coke!

Nonetheless, while there might be some efforts or initiatives to address the issue of dysfunctional streetlights in Accra, the problem persists, and it is uncertain whether these efforts will lead to lasting issues. I doubt!

In the build up, I took a stroll through town from Shiashie to Madina (Zongo Junction), where I counted numerous non-functioning streetlights on Tuesday night (7:45pm – 9pm), April 15 2025. This happened after I took note of these streetlights malfunctioning for the past 3 weeks, especially that of the Okponglo to PRESEC legon stretch.

Starting between the Shiashie bus stop and the Okponglo traffic light stretch, I realized that almost all the streetlights are not working.

However, the dark spot area itself is worrying and disturbing as it shoots some threat warnings to drivers and students. The Okponglo to PRESEC legon stretch has been a frequent zone of faulty lighting.

I was able to count some 200 streetlights between this very dark spots. This number may be more than that, as some of these lighting infrastructures (poles) come with double lights. It may interest you to know that on a pole of two lights, not even one is working.

Also as part of my efforts to report on this infrastructure challenge, the streetlights on the Atomic overpass (from Madina to Accra) has 25 faulty lightings. None of the lights on that side of the road is functioning currently.

The Atomic Junction – Haatso stretch is also very worrying as most of the streetlights are not functioning.

Another dark spot is the Fire Stone – Madina (Zongo Junction) stretch. All 39 installed streetlights are currently dysfunctional. This has caused streetlight outage for the past 3 weeks, creating a potential hazard.

It must however be noted that, all 39 poles has 2 lights on them, making a total of 78 non-functional lights. Among these 78, 2 lights have broken and are hanging on the pole awaiting its final downfall (somewhere around the masalakyi).

Furthermore, all streetlights from Madina (Zongo junction) to Adenta barrier are dysfunctional and unfit for purpose.

Meanwhile, on March 25 2025, as part of her promise to restore streetlights across all Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in the Greater Accra region (MMDAs) in her first 50 days in office, the Greater Accra Regional Minister, Linda Ocloo disclosed that maintenance works are ongoing on the above streets (Shiashie to Oyibi).

According to her, “there is a maintenance works on streetlights on portions on the N1 (Tetteh Quarshie to Kasoa), N6 (Achimota to Amasaman) and N4 (Shiashie to Oyibi) by the Ghana Highways Authority and the contractor is on site with works ongoing.”

However, this claim does not look feasible as I have been monitoring these roads for some time now. If a contractor is really on site, they should have been dealt with by now. The broken and hanging lights at Madina (masalakyi) should have been replaced by now.

I want to urge the Honorable Minister, to please be up to her game and be swift about prioritizing the streetlights on these major highways. Concentrate on the major roads!

For the past 3 weeks, I have witnessed how these dark spots reduced visibility, obscuring important visual cues, and making it difficult to see road markings, potential hazards, and even traffic signs.

Also, I have noticed that these faulty streetlights have created low lighting, which impairs driver’s ability to assess speed and distance, increasing the likelihood of accidents.

You see, when drivers are exposed to low lighting for a long time, it increases fatigue and stress, leading to poor judgment and accidents. And very soon, some of these dark spots (which are mostly bus stops), will increase criminal activities such as theft, assault, among others.

I do not want to hit more on the dangers these non-functional streetlights are likely to pose, as we all may be well abreast with them.

I am therefore using this medium to call on the regional minister, Linda Akweley Ocloo, the Ghana Highways Authority, and all stakeholders to act swiftly in replacing all dysfunctional streetlights, and above all, find a lasting solution to the frequent black outs of the streetlights.

The writer, Bright T. Terkpernor, is a Journalist with the Daily Dispatch and a Columnist.

To: His Excellency,
President of the United Nations Security Council
United Nations Headquarters
New York, NY, USA

Subject: Urgent Appeal for Intervention in the Ongoing Conflict in Bawku, Ghana

Dear Your Excellency,

I write to you as a concerned Ghanaian-born American citizen and a graduate student at the University of Massachusetts, United States of America, where I am pursuing a degree in Information Technology with a concentration in Cybersecurity.

It is with a heavy heart and a deep sense of urgency that I bring to your attention the violent conflict currently escalating in Bawku, a border town in Ghana’s Upper East Region, particularly affecting the community of Pusiga.

Bawku is home to approximately 125,000 people, the majority of whom are vulnerable women and children living under conditions of poverty and underdevelopment.

Just yesterday, a close friend of mine — whom I helped join the Ghana Police Service two years ago — contacted me to share firsthand accounts of the situation. Having known him for over a decade, I trust his integrity and judgment.

He described the conflict as warlike in its scale and intensity, revealing that over the past three weeks, deadly clashes between two factions have become frequent, with weapons as advanced and lethal as those used by the Ghanaian security forces.

He narrowly escaped death when a bullet missed him by inches. Sadly, three of his colleagues were struck — two died instantly, while the third had to be airlifted to Accra for urgent medical care.

According to reliable sources, more than 300 lives have been lost so far. The weapons involved suggest that the conflict has escalated far beyond localized skirmishes, posing a serious threat to the stability of the region. Despite the gravity of this crisis, the government’s response has been slow and, at times, seemingly influenced by political considerations rather than an urgent desire to restore peace.

I know Bawku and its people well. Many families survive on less than $5 a day, and countless children are either out of school or living under the constant threat of violence. This region cannot endure the loss of yet another generation to war and instability.

Your Excellency, I humbly appeal for your urgent intervention. I urge you to use your esteemed office to initiate dialogue with the government of Ghana, especially His Excellency President John Mahama, whose leadership could play a pivotal role in mediating and calming tensions. I also call upon the Security Council to bring global attention to the need for humanitarian assistance in this region.

I have been informed this morning, April 15, 2025, that the Asantehene, His Majesty Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, is scheduled to mediate between the warring factions — a promising step toward peace. However, international support and pressure are critical to ensure a lasting resolution and the immediate cessation of hostilities.

The killings must stop. I submit this appeal in good faith, with the hope that swift and decisive action from your office can help save lives and restore peace in Bawku.

With deep respect and hope,

Victor Hayibor
Graduate Student, University of Massachusetts
Naturalized U.S. Citizen
Ghanaian by Birth

Amidst the world today undergoing major changes unseen in a century and transformative shifts in the global economic governance system, China continues to deepen the principle of sincerity, real results, amity and good faith.

For China’s Africa policy and the principle of pursuing the greater good and shared interests, and advances institutional opening-up to jointly forge an all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for the new era.

At the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held on 5^th September 2024, President Xi Jinping announced that China would voluntarily and unilaterally open its market wider, and decided to give all LDCs (Least Developed Countries) having diplomatic relations with China, including 33 countries in Africa, zero-tariff treatment for 100% tariff lines.

This move marks China becoming the first G20 member to fully cover zero-tariff treatment for LDCs.

Previously, China has maintained zero-tariff on 98% products with tariff lines originating from 27 African LDCs, signed Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) with 34 African countries, and signed the Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) with 21 African countries.

China has built up a multi-dimensional institutional framework covering market access, investment protection and tax coordination, thereby helping China-Africa economic and trade cooperation to improve quality and upgrade.

In 2024, the total trade volume between China and Africa reached 295.5 billion US dollars, a year-on-year increase of 6.1%. Export of electric vehicles has grown substantially, reflecting China’s emphasis on cooperation with African countries in the areas of green energy.

It is expected that China-Africa trade volume will steadily increase to over 300 billion US dollars in 2025, and China-Africa economic and trade cooperation still has endless potential and bright prospects.

China has created favourable conditions for African countries’ high-quality products to enter the Chinese market more conveniently and quickly, further boosting Africa’s industrial development, promoting job growth and poverty reduction.

China has also established and expanded “green channels” for African agricultural products to be exported to China, facilitated the participation of African enterprises in large-scale exhibitions such as China’s Canton Fair, the International Import Expo and the International Supply Chain Expo.

Also, China will construct digital silk roads for African specialty products to connect to the world market.

Recently, certain country used tariff as a weapon to exert maximum pressure for its own selfish gains, which severely hurts the legitimate rights and interests of all countries, violates the WTO rules, sabotages the rules-based multilateral trading regime, and destabilizes the global economic order.

As a member of the Global South, China has always insisted on “joining hands” with each other instead of “letting go” of each other’s hands, “tearing down walls”, not to “erecting walls”, and firmly helping each other with African brothers including Ghana, to promote win-win cooperation with practical actions.

On 3^rd April, the Association of China (Ghana) Mining LBG was established in the presence of Minister for Lands and Natural Resources, Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah and other senior officials, which is an important milestone in China-Ghana mining cooperation.

It will strongly support Ghana’s economic development and improve people’s livelihood. As the co-chair of the Official Creditor Committee for Ghana, China played an active coordinating role and worked constructively to facilitate the proper settlement of Ghana’s debt issue.

In the process of universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, China will work with Ghana to share the fruits of development for the benefit of both peoples.

The 4^th China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo will be held in Changsha, Hunan Province, from 12^th to 15^th June.

By then, China will provide more cooperation opportunities for African state-owned and private sectors in areas including clean energy, energy conservation and environmental protection, traditional medicine, cross-border e-commerce, modern agricultural machinery and construction machinery.

I believe China will continue to promote the implementation of pragmatic initiatives such as tariff reduction and exemption, trade facilitation arrangements and trade exhibitions, proving with facts that China will always be Africa’s good friend, good partner and good brother.

Are we truly representing all parts of our great party especially those beyond our borders, fairly and effectively?

Having served as a member of the three-person committee that developed the Diaspora Strategy Plan for Election 2024, and through years of active involvement in NPP UK and diaspora activities, I have witnessed firsthand the enormous contributions that our external branches bring to the table.

These insights, grounded in extensive research and practical experience, form the basis of a call for urgent and bold constitutional reforms, reforms that I respectfully urge the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Council (NC) to consider with the seriousness they deserve.

The Reality on the Ground: A Case for Structural Recognition

Branches like NPP UK, NPP USA, NPP Germany and other external branches are not mere overseas support groups.

They are highly organised, politically active regions in their own right. With over 20 functioning chapters, each equivalent to a constituency in Ghana, they mobilise voters, shape policy debates, host fundraising events, and maintain a strong grassroots presence. These chapters mirror the operational scale of our constituencies back home.

To put this into perspective:

• Ashanti Region has 47 constituencies, the highest in Ghana followed by Greater Accra, Eastern and Central Regions with 34, 33 and 23 constituencies respectively with the other regions having less than 20 constituencies.
• Ahafo, North East, Savannah, Oti, Western North, Bono East, Upper West, Bono Regions range between 6 to 12 constituencies.
• NPP UK, USA, Germany and others external branches operate over 20 chapters each, with strategic outreach and mobilisation spanning across their respective countries.

Yet, despite their comparable numbers and influence, external branches are allocated only 12 delegates each in party elections, while every Ghanaian constituency commands 17 delegates.

This numerical disparity leaves a yawning gap in representation that undermines the foundational principle of democracy within our party.

The Missing Voices: Youth, Women, and NASARA

The issue of underrepresentation is even more pronounced when we look at how our party wings are involved in selecting national leadership:

• Only the Branch Youth Organiser and a deputy are included as voting delegates for the National Youth Organiser.
• The same applies for the Women’s Wing and NASARA, with no voting power given to Chapter Organisers.

This marginalisation of grassroots leaders, those doing the everyday work of the party is a missed opportunity for real, ground-up participation. It’s time to fix that.

Proposals for Change: Building a More Inclusive and Democratic NPP

1. Formal Recognition of External Branches as Regional Equivalents:
   The party constitution must formally acknowledge external branches as full regional bodies. This includes their right to contribute to policy development, strategic planning, and voting in all internal elections.
2. Recognition of Chapters as Constituencies:
   Each chapter within a branch should be treated as a constituency, with corresponding privileges and responsibilities including training, resources, and voting rights.
3. Recalibrate Delegate Allocation:

• All Branch Executives should be given voting rights.
• All Chapter Executives under the branch should be delegates.
• A proposed 9-member Council of Elders per external branch should be allowed delegate status.

4. Expand Delegate Participation for Party Wings:

• All Branch Youth Wing Executives and Chapter Youth Organisers should vote in the election of the National Youth Organiser.
• The same principle should apply to the Women’s Wing and NASARA Wing, ensuring that all organisers regardless of their level have a seat at the decision-making table. 

Strategic Justification: Why This Matters Now

In 2023, remittances from the Ghanaian diaspora hit $4.7 billion, according to the Bank of Ghana.

A significant proportion of this came from patriotic Ghanaians many of them NPP members, who not only support families back home but also fund party campaigns, donate to welfare initiatives, and invest in policy-driven causes.

During the 2020 and 2024 elections, external branches mobilised hundreds of thousands of cedis to directly support campaigns across Ghana.

In NPP UK alone, I was part of several initiatives that linked fundraising with constituency-level support on the ground.

We also contributed to the party’s policy platform through white papers, diaspora engagement plans, and digital voter outreach.

The truth is: our external branches are already operating as full partners in the party’s success. The constitution just needs to catch up.

Conclusion: Time for Action

The NPP has always stood for progress, inclusivity, and visionary leadership. These values must now be reflected in how we govern ourselves internally.

We are not asking for privilege; we are asking for fairness. For representation that reflects responsibility. For a constitution that recognises that the party lives and thrives not only in Accra, Kumasi, and Tamale but also in London, Washington, Hamburg, and Toronto.

I urge the NEC and the NC to consider these proposals as more than constitutional tweaks. They are strategic recalibrations to build a more resilient, inclusive, and globally united NPP.

Let us lead by example. Let us include everyone. Let us rise together.

Thank you.

About author:

Dr. Kingsley Ahenkora-Duodu

Branch Deputy Youth Organiser, NPP UK
Former Youth Organiser – Leeds Chapter
Former PRO – TESCON UK
Former TESCON President – Universities in Leeds
Member – NPP 2024 Manifesto Committee for Youth and Sports

The Alavanyo-Nkonya conflict in the Volta Region dates back to the early 1900s, rooted in a land dispute between the two neighbouring ethnic communities.

The situation escalated in the 1990s and 2000s, resulting in repeated clashes and loss of lives.

In contrast, the Bawku conflict in the Upper East Region is driven by both chieftaincy and ethnic tensions, mainly between the Kusasis and Mamprusis.

This conflict has seen multiple flare-ups, often accompanied by violence, displacement, and instability — and the media has played very different roles.

In Alavanyo-Nkonya, state-owned newspapers such as the Daily Graphic and Ghanaian Times were instrumental in promoting peace.

They provided accurate information, published peace messages, collaborated with local leaders, and highlighted early warnings to prevent violence. Their efforts elevated the conflict to national attention and encouraged collective action.

However, in Bawku, local radio stations have come under fire for spreading hate speech and inflaming tensions. The National Media Commission (NMC) has issued warnings to media outlets accused of inciting violence rather than promoting unity.

Unlike Alavanyo-Nkonya, there has been limited focus on using the media as a peacebuilding tool in Bawku.

Community action made a significant difference in Alavanyo-Nkonya. Traditional rulers, elders, and youth groups formed peace committees, participated in peace education programs, and launched initiatives — sometimes supported by citizens abroad — to mediate tensions and build trust.

In Bawku, however, the path forward still depends on what the people choose to do. Community members, youth leaders, chiefs, and influencers must actively promote dialogue over violence.

They need to challenge false narratives, reject incitement, and push for peace initiatives within their communities.

The Alavanyo-Nkonya experience provides a blueprint for Bawku:

• Media Use: Train and encourage the media to focus on accurate, peace-centered reporting.

• Community Involvement: Establish peace committees involving youth, women, chiefs, and elders.

• Dialogue: Create consistent opportunities for community-level peace talks.

• Youth Engagement: Empower young people to reject violence and lead peace campaigns.

• Traditional Leadership: Ensure chiefs remain neutral and serve as facilitators of peace, not partisans in conflict.

It must be noted that the role of the media in conflict can be double-edged — it can either ignite tensions or heal divisions.

In Alavanyo-Nkonya, responsible journalism contributed significantly to calming tensions and building national awareness.

In Bawku, the media must shift toward peace journalism — reporting that unites rather than divides. This includes rejecting inflammatory language, correcting misinformation, and prioritizing sensitivity in conflict reporting.

But the media cannot do it alone. Peace must begin with the people. Citizens must take ownership of the situation by promoting interethnic dialogue, rejecting violence, supporting peace campaigns, and working with institutions to ensure safety and stability.

As the Alavanyo-Nkonya story shows, peace is possible — but only when both the media and the community work together with a shared commitment to reconciliation and healing.

Bawku’s future depends on this choice.

Author:
Dr. Sadiq Adu-Twum
Lecturer, Pentecost University (Department of Communication Studies) and Research Fellow, West Africa Centre for Counter-Extremism.

Promising special recruitment into the Ghana Police Service for the youth of Bawku, conditional upon them laying down their arms is not only short-sighted, but also potentially dangerous to national cohesion and equity.

Is the current Inspector General of Police suggesting that recruiting warlords and armed individuals is the best way forward for improving the Ghana Police Service? Has the situation within the Service deteriorated to the point where such individuals are being considered for recruitment?

The current police administration must not compromise the future of our nation by allowing the enlistment of such dangerous elements. This development is deeply concerning, and we will actively oppose it by closely scrutinizing the upcoming police recruitment process.

This strategy sets a troubling precedent. It sends the wrong message to other youth across the country: that violence can be a pathway to opportunities.

If care is not taken, this move could incite similar acts of unrest in other regions, with the hope of receiving preferential treatment. Ghanaians deserve equal opportunity, not rewards for violent behavior.

While the situation in Bawku is dire and demands urgent attention, we must be strategic and fair in our approach. Security measures should focus on justice, reconciliation, and development not short-term appeasement. Sustainable peace cannot be built on promises that could undermine national unity and fairness.

It is crucial that we explore holistic and inclusive measures to address the root causes of the Bawku conflict. Engagement with traditional leaders, youth empowerment programs, mental health support, job creation, and long-term investment in education and infrastructure are all more sustainable paths toward peace.

I urge fellow citizens to rise and respectfully challenge this move by the Police. We must hold our leaders accountable to ensure that decisions made in the name of peace do not come at the cost of justice and equality for all.

Bosompem Richmond
Madina
Accra

With a Bachelor of Science degree in Logistics and Supply Chain and an extensive background in political service, Badu brings a unique combination of leadership, dedication, and grassroots experience that positions him well for the role.

Badu’s political career began in 2010 when he was elected Assembly Member for the Mempedwee-Anafuo Electoral Area in Akim Ofoase. Since then, he has steadily risen through the ranks of local political leadership, holding significant positions such as the Constituency Chairman of Ofoase-Ayirebi from 2014 to 2022 and serving as Campaign Coordinator for the 2020 general elections.

His contributions to the party’s development have been both significant and personal. He has offered his guest house for Executive Committee meetings, fully financed constituency programs, and rented and furnished a party office. His selfless efforts have been essential to the party’s grassroots operations.

During election years, Badu consistently provided campaign materials, snacks for agents, and financial support to keep the party’s machinery running smoothly.

Having contested parliamentary primaries twice, Badu’s commitment to his party remains steadfast. Most recently, he was part of the Regional Monitoring Team during the 2024 limited registration exercise.

Badu’s bid for the DCE position is not just a political ambition but a commitment to driving development in Akyemansa through visionary leadership and a deep understanding of local governance.

Those familiar with his record believe Badu is not only a capable choice but an extraordinary one, poised to transform Akyemansa with results-oriented leadership.

Reports of violence, brutality, and even murder in senior high schools are deeply concerning and raise serious questions about the direction in which our educational institutions are headed.

Schools, which should be places for nurturing knowledge, character, and safety, are increasingly becoming environments of fear and unrest.

We must ask: What has gone wrong? Is it the erosion of values, the weakening of disciplinary structures, or the breakdown in the school-home-community relationship?

Whatever the root cause, the consequences are far-reaching and demand urgent attention. Parents are left questioning the safety and well-being of their children in schools that are entrusted with their growth and development.

To address this crisis, a multifaceted approach involving all stakeholders is required.

Regular guidance and counseling services should be implemented in schools to help address the psychological and emotional issues faced by students.

Monthly counseling sessions can provide a structured platform for students to express their concerns and receive necessary support.

Strengthening the parent-teacher relationship is equally crucial, as it will enable teachers to monitor and address student behavior effectively.

Additionally, mandatory searches upon entry and surprise inspections of students’ personal belongings can help deter the introduction of unwanted items in schools.

Mental health awareness programs should also be prioritized to address the growing psychological needs of students.

Moreover, historical practices like Saturday inspections, which have proven effective in curbing indiscipline, should be reintroduced.

A collaborative management approach, where the central government works alongside religious bodies that run faith-based schools, could further enhance the effectiveness of oversight.

Religious bodies can focus on qualitative aspects such as school inspections, teaching standards, and moral guidance, while the government handles quantitative concerns like teacher salaries, infrastructure development, and resource provision.

This division of labor has the potential to yield positive outcomes in creating a safer and more productive learning environment.

GNECC strongly condemns the increasing violence in our schools and calls for immediate and sustained action to safeguard the future of our children and the development of our nation.

Decentralisation ensures District Assemblies with Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) as administrative heads and the Executive’s representation at the District level.

With the nomination, vetting and appointment of his Ministers and formation of Cabinet done within the time frame he promised, all that remains for the completion of President Mahama’s governance structure at all levels is the appointment of MMDCEs.

The appointment process of the MMDCEs has been going on for some time now. After interviewing and shortlisting, the candidates selected are in the final stretch of being appointed.

A cursory look at the candidates in the almost all the regions reveals a heavy representation of indigenes from the respective regions. Candidates in the northern regions being almost exclusively of northern extraction, likewise for the Volta, Ashanti and other regions.

However, looking at the list of nominees for MMDCE positions in the Greater Accra Region, it occurs that there’s prevalence of non-indigenes in some of the Metropolitan, Municipal and Districts Assemblies.

This trend is worsened by potential MMDCEs who aren’t indigenes having MPs in those areas who are also non-indigenes.

This situation takes the political administration of such MMDAs and Constituencies totally out of the hands of indigenes where at least one of political authorities in such areas can be an indigenes to ensure balance.

Some argue that this trend is so because Accra and the Greater Accra Region for that matter is the most cosmopolitan city and region of Ghana.

A similar argument of cosmopolitan nature can be made for the Ashanti Region; however, in that region, the MMDCEs billed for appointment are all indigenes to the best of my knowledge.

It is true that the 1992 Constitution and Ghana’s political culture frowns on politics that suggest tribalism.

Appointments based on merit are what are expected. If that is the case, the same situation must cut across all regions and not just one. What is good for the goose is good for the gander.

In this regard, the appointing authorities must be mindful of the fact that indigenes, in this case, those of the Greater Accra Region, contributed in no mean manner to the overwhelming electoral victory of the NDC in the region.

It is imperative that in the appointment of MMDCEs in the Greater Accra Region, Ga-Dangmes who are meritorious be considered for the position in those various MMDAs to ensure balance.

All we can say if this worthy suggestion is not heeded to is that, four years is a short time in political cycles and the Ga-Dangmes are watching!

Adrian Odamtten, a mechanical engineer in the built environment, is advancing this field in meaningful ways with hopes that it becomes the norm at home.

With over 50 building energy models and reports showing a minimum of 10% cost savings over baseline, Odamtten is credentialed in integrated design processes and energy systems management. According to him, efficiency is the harvest of a careful, continuously improving plan.

“With electricity demand rising across all sectors, we need integrated solutions and energy efficiency measures to keep Ghana’s built spaces functional and affordable. We must apply a converging lens to the long-term facets of our builds and forecast beyond the present. Our continuously evolving usage of energy systems amidst environmental concerns presents a difficult challenge,” he reflects.

Energy modeling—the use of mathematical simulations to predict and optimize energy system performance—is central to improving efficiency in buildings. On a macroenergetic level, models involve analyzing consumption patterns, generation, transmission, and distribution, using predictive methods to identify the most cost-effective and sustainable solutions for the country’s energy needs.

On a microenergetic level, a commercial property would employ tools to predict annual energy requirements using hard parameters like site placement, and modulate mechanical, electrical, plumbing, and architectural systems to quantify building loads.

Historical data is also crucial for existing buildings to identify operational inefficiencies and guide material improvements. Odamtten’s work spans the residential, commercial, and industrial sectors, integrating load analyses and mechanical system designs. He predicts annual energy needs for commercial properties to enhance operational efficiency, painting a compelling picture of how modeling can reduce notable energy waste.

Efficient buildings are key to cutting emissions, aligning with Ghana’s commitments to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) and 13 (Climate Action). Energy-efficient structures would curb Ghana’s carbon footprint, projected to increase from 28 Mt CO₂e in 2021 to over 140 Mt by 2050 under a business-as-usual scenario, per the National Energy Transition Plan. Globally, buildings account for 39% of energy-related CO₂ emissions, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA), underscoring the relevance of mechanical engineers like Adrian in a developing context.

Ghana’s growing electricity consumption—industrial (42.3%), residential (40.5%), and commercial (16.9%) sectors, per 2022 IEA data—highlights the need for efficiency in built spaces. Odamtten’s past achievements in energy analysis have incorporated renewable sources like solar into new construction or rehabilitation projects, reducing the burden on the national grid. More importantly, his models reflect optimized energy use across projects, lowering consumption pressures.

Technology supports this push for efficiency, even in challenging environments. Professionals like Odamtten utilize cross-disciplinary collaborative tools that lead to more integrated solutions addressing the technical, social, and economic aspects of energy provision. Building Information Modeling (BIM) tools are at the heart of an Integrated Design Process.

“We should see the Digital Twin rise to prominence in the upcoming years,” Adrian adds.

A Digital Twin is a virtual replica of a physical energy system that mirrors its real-world counterpart in real time. This proactive approach to system management, combined with a resilient and secure digital infrastructure, can lead to more efficient resource use and quicker response times in emergencies. However, Ghana still needs an intermediary between the analog and digital realms, and a quantum leap between the two should not be expected.

Indoor Air Quality (IAQ) is also tied to efficient built environments, and Odamtten addresses this through modeling. IAQ is emerging as a critical issue, particularly in urban areas where energy consumption is rising. He estimates that metal oxide gas sensors, for example, help control levels of pollutants like carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen dioxide (NO₂), and particulate matter (PM2.5).

The ground is fertile for growth in the energy sector and the built environment. Adrian believes that as Ghana develops its energy infrastructure, there will be a need for professionals who can build, maintain, and optimize models—engineers focused on energy-efficient practices, ready to solve the complex challenges brought on by urbanization.

Adrian Thomas Odamtten is a highly skilled Mechanical Engineering professional with a BA in Economics from Lawrence University, USA and a BSc and MSc Mechanical Engineering from Washington University in St Louis USA. His expertise is in the areas of operational efficiency, energy-efficient design and mechanical systems. He leverages parametric modeling and load analyses tools to optimize equipment selection and system design.

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) encapsulates a corporation’s ethical obligation to conduct its business in a manner that is economically viable, socially responsible, and environmentally sustainable, while simultaneously safeguarding the interests of a diverse range of stakeholders, including employees, consumers, local communities, and the broader ecosystem.

The global corporate landscape has evolved to recognize CSR not merely as a philanthropic gesture but as a strategic imperative that fosters sustainable economic growth, social equity, and environmental stewardship. Ghana, however, has yet to fully harness the transformative potential of CSR, a reality that has resulted in untapped economic opportunities that other nations have strategically capitalised upon.

Mr. Speaker,

Empirical evidence underscores the profound economic and socio-developmental impact of structured CSR frameworks. For instance, the enactment of the Companies Act of 2013 in India mandates CSR expenditure for corporations with a net worth exceeding ₹500 crore (approximately USD 67 million). Research findings indicate a marked increase in CSR investments post-legislation, yielding tangible benefits such as enhanced corporate reputation, increased employee engagement, and amplified social impact, as corroborated by the KPMG 2020 report.

Similarly, within the African continent, South Africa’s Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) Act of 2003 has been instrumental in compelling corporations to invest in socio-economic development initiatives. The outcomes have been remarkable, leading to sustained economic growth, employment generation, and social integration, as documented in the 2018-2019 B-BBEE annual report. It is imperative to note that in South Africa, the B-BBEE Act has led to an increase in black ownership of companies from 1.9% in 2001 to 23.3% in 2019. Additionally, the Act has contributed to the creation of over 500,000 jobs. It is also important to note that Nigeria has the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) Act, which requires companies operating in the oil and gas sector to invest in local content development. Kenya has the Companies Act 2015, which requires companies to disclose their CSR activities.

Furthermore, Brazil’s Corporate Social Responsibility Law (Law No. 12,101/2009) has incentivized corporate investments in social and environmental initiatives, yielding measurable improvements in access to education and healthcare services. Additionally, Denmark’s Financial Statements Act mandates CSR reporting, enhancing transparency, corporate accountability, and stakeholder engagement, as evidenced by the Danish Business Authority’s 2020 report. These jurisdictions exemplify the tangible benefits of legislated CSR frameworks, underscoring the necessity for Ghana to adopt a structured and binding CSR policy.

Mr. Speaker,

While Ghana has made some incremental progress in advancing CSR, particularly in the extractive industries, the absence of a standardized regulatory framework has led to inconsistencies in corporate accountability and impact measurement. The Ghana Chamber of Mines reports that the mining sector allocated over GHS 1.4 billion (approximately USD 230 million) to CSR initiatives in 2020, a notable increase from GHS 1.1 billion (USD 180 million) in 2019. Despite these investments, CSR engagement in Ghana remains largely voluntary, with no mandatory reporting requirements to ensure transparency and accountability.

The lack of a comprehensive national CSR policy has led to a fragmented approach, with corporations implementing sporadic initiatives rather than integrating CSR into their core operational strategies. A prevalent misconception in Ghana equates CSR with discretionary philanthropy, rather than recognizing it as an integral component of corporate governance that fosters sustainable national development. This narrow perspective has resulted in superficial and short-term engagements, rather than strategic and sustained investments in community empowerment, environmental conservation, and workforce development.

Mr. Speaker,

Ghana’s regulatory environment further compounds the challenges surrounding CSR. According to the International Organization for Standardization’s 2020 report, Ghana is among the few African nations lacking a national CSR policy or binding legislation. Moreover, weak enforcement mechanisms exacerbate the issue, with the Ghana Chamber of Mines reporting that 60% of mining companies had not been subjected to regulatory inspections in the past year. The inadequacies of Ghana’s labor laws in safeguarding workers’ rights, as highlighted by the International Labour Organization, further expose the limitations of the existing CSR framework. Additionally, the Ghana Environmental Protection Agency’s 2020 report reveals that the maximum penalty for corporate environmental infractions stands at a mere GH¢10,000 (approximately $1,700), an amount insufficient to deter non-compliance.

The absence of a robust legislative framework perpetuates inconsistencies in CSR implementation across industries, thereby undermining the country’s ability to hold corporations accountable for their social and environmental footprints. Furthermore, Ghana ranks 114th out of 129 countries in stakeholder engagement, according to the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), underscoring the need for structured regulatory interventions to enhance corporate-community relations.

Mr. Speaker,

Given the preponderance of empirical evidence and institutional reports, it is imperative that Ghana enacts a national CSR policy and legislation that mandates corporate entities to operate within an ethical and socially responsible framework. Such legislation will provide a structured mechanism for corporations to align their CSR initiatives with national development priorities, ensuring that corporate contributions transcend mere public relations exercises to become impactful and measurable contributions to socio-economic progress.

1. In this regard, I propose the following legislative considerations:
2. Mandatory CSR Reporting: Companies should be legally obligated to disclose their CSR initiatives and financial commitments to enhance transparency and accountability.
3. Conformity to CSR Standards: The policy framework should establish clear CSR benchmarks that corporations must adhere to, ensuring uniformity in corporate engagements across industries.
4. Enforcement Mechanisms: Regulatory bodies must be empowered to monitor, evaluate, and enforce compliance with CSR obligations, including the imposition of deterrent penalties for non-compliance.
5. Stakeholder Engagement Requirements: Corporations must be mandated to engage in meaningful consultations with local communities and other relevant stakeholders to ensure that CSR initiatives address pertinent societal needs and contribute to sustainable development.

Mr. Speaker,

In conclusion, the formulation and enactment of a national CSR policy and legislative framework is a critical step towards fostering sustainable development and enhancing corporate accountability in Ghana. A well-defined CSR policy will not only provide the necessary legal structure for responsible corporate behavior but will also catalyze inclusive economic growth, environmental sustainability, and social equity. I urge this august House to take decisive action in institutionalizing CSR legislation to ensure that corporate entities contribute meaningfully to the socio-economic advancement of our great nation.

Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Year after year, torrential rains transform parts of the country, notably the capital city, Accra, into zones of distress, where livelihoods, infrastructure, and lives are tragically lost. Despite decades of experience and numerous warnings from climate experts, flooding continues to wreak havoc, highlighting significant gaps in Ghana’s preparedness and resilience strategies. Addressing flooding in Ghana is no longer merely a policy issue—it has become a moral and economic imperative. Floods not only lead to immediate loss of lives and destruction of property but also perpetuate a cycle of poverty, disrupt economic growth, and strain public resources. The inability to adequately manage these flood risks has far-reaching implications, affecting everything from public health and education to business continuity and foreign investment confidence.

This article seeks to inform and persuade policymakers, government officials, and community leaders of the urgent necessity to tackle this critical issue comprehensively. Through a detailed historical overview of flooding in Accra since the era of Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, the piece will explore governmental responses and their effectiveness, present an assessment of the current impacts of flooding, discuss related natural disaster vulnerabilities, and ultimately propose a strategic roadmap to build resilience and preparedness. The goal is clear—to inspire bold and decisive action from leadership, informed by innovative solutions and tailored specifically to Ghana’s unique geographical, economic, and social realities. As the frequency and severity of extreme weather events continue to rise globally, Ghana faces a pivotal moment in which decisive action today will determine the nation’s resilience tomorrow. The subsequent sections will outline the magnitude of the challenge and set forth actionable insights to ensure Ghana is not only prepared for the rains ahead but emerges stronger, safer, and more resilient.

1. Historical Context of Flooding in Accra

Flooding in Accra, Ghana’s vibrant capital, has been a persistent challenge that has evolved significantly since Ghana gained independence in 1957 under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. Historically, flooding events were recorded as early as the 1930s, but have grown progressively severe and frequent due to urbanization, climate change, and inadequate urban planning (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015). In 1959, Accra faced one of its earliest significant flooding episodes after independence, prompting early governmental recognition of flooding as a critical issue.

However, despite these early warnings, substantial infrastructural solutions were limited in scope and effectiveness (Songsore et al., 2014). Subsequently, notable flooding events occurred repeatedly, including severe episodes in 1968, 1973, 1986, and 1991, each progressively highlighting the increasing vulnerability of Accra to extreme weather events (Songsore et al., 2014). A particularly catastrophic event occurred on July 4, 1995, when Accra experienced unprecedented rainfall—approximately 258 mm in just five hours, the highest recorded rainfall event since 1936 (Douglas et al., 2008).

This disaster resulted in significant casualties, displacement of thousands, and extensive infrastructural damage, illustrating both natural vulnerabilities and deep systemic deficiencies in urban planning and governance.

The frequency and intensity of flooding continued into the 21st century, marked notably by severe events in 2001, 2010, and the tragic floods of June 3, 2015. The 2015 floods were catastrophic, exacerbated by an explosion at a GOIL fuel station at Kwame Nkrumah Circle, causing over 200 fatalities and significant public outrage, demanding urgent government action (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). This incident became a watershed moment, showcasing not only infrastructural inadequacies but also systemic failures in disaster preparedness and emergency response coordination. Government responses to flooding challenges over the decades have included the creation of agencies such as the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) in 1996, primarily tasked with disaster relief and coordination.

NADMO, despite its crucial role, often operates reactively rather than proactively, limited by resource constraints, coordination difficulties, and insufficient preventive planning (Amoako, 2016). Infrastructure developments like the Weija Dam, constructed in 1978 to provide potable water, were designed with multipurpose functions but have inadvertently contributed to flooding problems. Frequent necessary spillage from the Weija Dam during heavy rains has caused recurrent flooding downstream, demonstrating complexities and unintended consequences in infrastructural approaches to flood management (Owusu-Ansah & Braimah, 2013).

Moreover, flood vulnerability in Ghana has been exacerbated by factors such as rapid urban expansion, poor drainage infrastructure, lack of enforcement of land-use regulations, and the proliferation of informal settlements in flood-prone areas. These factors, combined with intensifying rainfall due to climate change, underscore the urgency of revising urban planning and infrastructure policy frameworks (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015).

2. Government Actions and Inactions

Successive governments in Ghana have undertaken various efforts to manage flooding, particularly in Accra; however, the effectiveness of these policies and initiatives has varied significantly, highlighting both notable achievements and critical shortcomings.

2.1 Analysis of Policies Enacted by Successive Governments

Over the decades, various administrations have recognized the urgency of flood management, initiating numerous policies and projects aimed at mitigating the impacts of flooding. The establishment of the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) in 1996 represented a significant policy step intended to coordinate disaster response nationally (Amoako & Frimpong Boamah, 2015). Yet, NADMO’s primary approach has remained reactive, emphasizing relief distribution rather than proactive disaster prevention and preparedness due to limited budget allocations and inadequate technical resources (Amoako, 2016).

Another critical initiative, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) Sanitation Improvement Project, launched in 2006, was aimed at addressing drainage problems through infrastructural upgrades and waste management improvement (World Bank, 2019). While this initiative initially improved sanitation and drainage in specific areas, the broader, lasting impacts were limited due to inconsistent maintenance and the rapid pace of urbanization outstripping project scope and resources (World Bank, 2019).

2.2 Evaluation of Effectiveness in Flood Management

Despite significant investments in flood control infrastructure, the overall effectiveness of governmental flood management efforts remains questionable. For example, the Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project (KLERP), initiated in the early 2000s, was designed to rehabilitate the heavily polluted Korle Lagoon and improve drainage channels around central Accra. Initially funded with over US$89 million, the project faced considerable setbacks due to inconsistent funding, project mismanagement, and persistent encroachment by informal settlements, ultimately reducing its efficacy (Grant, 2009). Similarly, initiatives like the ongoing Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development (GARID) Project, funded with $200 million from the World Bank since 2019, represent ambitious attempts to integrate urban planning, drainage infrastructure, and flood risk management comprehensively (World Bank, 2019). While GARID shows promise by addressing critical infrastructural needs, the lack of clear enforcement mechanisms, coupled with weak governance structures at the local level, could limit its potential long-term success (World Bank, 2019).

2.3 Case Studies of Successful and Unsuccessful Initiatives

One of Ghana’s relatively successful efforts has been the implementation of localized early warning systems, particularly following the devastating floods of 2015. These systems have contributed significantly to reducing casualties during flood events. Community-based initiatives led by NADMO, involving dissemination of weather alerts through local radio stations, mobile SMS, and social media, have notably improved community preparedness (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015). However, this success remains localized, with broader national implementation still necessary. In contrast, the government’s attempts to manage flooding through forced evictions and relocation of informal settlements in flood-prone areas have been largely unsuccessful and controversial. For example, forced evictions around Old Fadama and other informal settlements, often labeled as “illegal,” have led to widespread human rights criticisms and socio-economic disruptions without significantly reducing long-term flood risks (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). Evicted residents frequently return or relocate nearby, perpetuating the cycle of vulnerability rather than addressing root causes such as inadequate housing policies and urban poverty.

3. Current State of Flooding and Its Impacts

Flooding continues to significantly impact Ghana, particularly in urbanized regions such as Accra, causing severe socio-economic disruptions annually. The current state of flooding reflects both increased frequency and intensity due to climate change and continued vulnerability stemming from rapid urban expansion and inadequate infrastructure.

3.1 Statistical Analysis of Recent Flooding Events

Recent data demonstrate a troubling upward trend in flooding frequency and severity across Ghana. Between 1991 and 2018, Accra experienced a notable increase in flooding events, with severe occurrences nearly doubling within the last decade alone (World Bank, 2019). A particularly devastating event in June 2015 resulted in over 200 fatalities, displacement of thousands, and economic losses estimated at approximately USD 55 million (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). Similarly, the floods of June 2020 severely impacted over 10,000 people, with extensive property damage highlighting persistent infrastructure deficits (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2020). According to the Ghana Meteorological Agency, Accra now averages approximately 810 mm of annual rainfall, with a marked concentration of heavy rains within shorter periods, significantly exacerbating flood risk due to the city’s limited drainage capacity (Ghana Meteorological Agency [GMet], 2021). Satellite imagery analysis from Google Earth has illustrated urban sprawl and reduced natural water retention spaces, further aggravating flood impacts.

3.2 Socioeconomic Impacts on Communities, Infrastructure, and Economy

Flooding in Ghana extends far beyond immediate physical damages—it affects nearly every dimension of social and economic life. Repeated flooding disproportionately impacts poorer communities, especially informal settlements in flood-prone areas such as Old Fadama, Alajo, and Odawna. These populations suffer frequent displacement, loss of homes, and deterioration of livelihoods. Flood-induced displacement also exacerbates vulnerability to health risks such as cholera, malaria, and other waterborne diseases (World Health Organization [WHO], 2022).
Floodwaters regularly overwhelm drainage systems, roads, bridges, and other critical infrastructure. The Ghanaian Ministry of Roads and Highways estimated that flood damage repairs cost the country nearly USD 168 million annually, diverting critical funds from other developmental priorities (World Bank, 2021). Additionally, flooding disrupts transportation, hinders emergency response capabilities, and negatively affects economic productivity. Flood-related disruptions severely affect local businesses and markets. For instance, flooding in Accra frequently disrupts operations in key commercial hubs, including Makola Market, Kaneshie Market, and Tema Industrial Area, leading to significant revenue losses. A World Bank assessment reported that urban flooding reduces Ghana’s annual GDP by approximately 0.5% to 1.0%, a substantial economic strain for an emerging economy (World Bank, 2019). Flooding also negatively affects educational attainment. Schools frequently close during flooding, particularly in low-lying areas. A recent assessment by the Ghana Education Service revealed that flooding annually interrupts educational continuity for more than 25,000 students in Greater Accra alone (Ghana Education Service [GES], 2022).

4. Natural Disasters in Ghana: Earthquakes and More
While flooding remains the most frequent natural disaster in Ghana, it is not the only threat to the nation’s socio-economic stability. Ghana’s geographic positioning also exposes it to seismic activities, droughts, coastal erosion, and landslides, which compound the risks associated with flooding, especially in rapidly urbanizing areas like Accra.

4.1 Assessment of Ghana’s Vulnerability to Earthquakes and Other Natural Disasters

Although Ghana is not traditionally considered a high-risk seismic region compared to places like Japan or Indonesia, historical data reveals that Ghana has experienced significant earthquakes. Accra, specifically, lies within the southeastern seismic zone, making it vulnerable to tremors (Amponsah et al., 2012). The country has recorded notable seismic events, including the destructive earthquake of 1939, which measured approximately 6.5 on the Richter scale, resulting in 17 deaths, over 130 injuries, and substantial infrastructural damage across Accra and surrounding towns (Amponsah et al., 2012). Recent seismic activity underscores ongoing vulnerabilities. For instance, minor tremors measuring around 4.2 and 3.8 magnitudes occurred in Accra in December 2018 and June 2020, respectively, raising concerns about Ghana’s preparedness for potentially more devastating earthquakes (Ghana Geological Survey Authority [GGSA], 2021).

Ghana’s lack of comprehensive seismic building regulations and insufficient disaster preparedness systems exacerbates these vulnerabilities, increasing potential human and economic losses from future seismic events. Beyond earthquakes, Ghana experiences significant drought events, particularly in northern regions, leading to frequent agricultural disruptions and food insecurity. According to the World Bank, Ghana’s northern regions suffer drought conditions approximately once every five years, severely impacting livelihoods and exacerbating poverty in already vulnerable communities (World Bank, 2020). Coastal erosion also poses a substantial threat, particularly along Ghana’s coastline, including areas such as Ada, Keta, and Elmina. Coastal erosion rates average between 1.5 and 2 meters per year, resulting in the displacement of coastal communities, destruction of ecosystems, and loss of economic activities like fishing and tourism (Boateng, 2012).

4.2 Comparison with Other Countries Facing Similar Challenges

When compared with other countries experiencing similar multi-hazard vulnerabilities, Ghana can learn valuable lessons. For instance, countries such as Indonesia and Japan have developed sophisticated multi-hazard early warning systems integrating seismic activity detection with flood and tsunami warnings. These systems significantly reduce casualties by providing timely evacuation notices (UNDRR, 2021). Similarly, South Africa, which faces both flooding and droughts, has invested heavily in integrated water resource management (IWRM) systems and advanced GIS-based vulnerability mapping. These initiatives have improved South Africa’s resilience against floods and drought-induced water scarcity, which could serve as exemplary models for Ghana (World Bank, 2020). The Netherlands, renowned for its flood risk management, employs advanced coastal defense mechanisms including dykes, floodgates, and sophisticated water management technology, significantly reducing vulnerability to flooding despite much of the country lying below sea level. Ghana can adapt and tailor these international best practices to its local context to better manage its natural disaster risks.

5. The Need for Bold Decisions

Given the chronic and intensifying nature of flooding in Ghana, there is an urgent necessity for bold, decisive, and innovative action from the country’s leadership. Policymakers must acknowledge that incremental adjustments and reactionary measures will no longer suffice to mitigate the substantial risks flooding presents. Immediate transformative strategies, informed by global best practices and adapted to local realities, are essential to securing Ghana’s socio-economic future.

5.1 Argument for Immediate and Decisive Action

The case for swift and bold action is clear. Ghana’s repeated flooding disasters not only reflect environmental and climatic factors but also deep-rooted systemic governance failures, inadequate infrastructure, and poor enforcement of urban planning regulations (Amoako, 2018). Each flood event serves as a stark reminder that the cost of inaction significantly outweighs the cost of strategic investments in comprehensive flood risk management. According to the World Bank (2021), floods currently cost Ghana approximately USD 200 million annually, including infrastructural repairs, business disruptions, healthcare expenses, and relief efforts.

Without immediate intervention, this figure is projected to rise exponentially as climate patterns intensify, further compromising the nation’s economic stability and developmental goals. Bold policy decisions today, supported by clear leadership and coordination among government agencies, the private sector, and local communities, have the potential to significantly reduce these recurring costs. By contrast, continued inaction or fragmented responses risk exacerbating social inequities, prolonging economic disruptions, and worsening infrastructural deterioration, making future solutions significantly costlier and more complex.

5.2 Discussion of Innovative Solutions and Best Practices from Around the World

To build flood resilience effectively, Ghana can draw on innovative global solutions tailored to its unique challenges:
1. Integrated Urban Flood Management (IUFM)
Cities such as Singapore and Amsterdam have effectively managed flooding through integrated approaches combining urban planning, water management infrastructure, green spaces, and regulatory frameworks. Singapore’s Active, Beautiful, Clean Waters (ABC Waters) program, for instance, incorporates natural water management systems, creating urban landscapes that act as flood buffers and recreational areas simultaneously (PUB Singapore, 2020). Implementing a similar approach in Accra could significantly mitigate flooding impacts while improving urban livability.
2. Community-Based Early Warning Systems
In Bangladesh, effective community-driven early warning systems have significantly reduced flood-related fatalities. Utilizing mobile technology, local networks, and real-time weather data dissemination has enabled communities to proactively manage flood risks (UNDP, 2021). Strengthening Ghana’s existing community-based systems, enhancing them with mobile technology and social media, could substantially increase preparedness and responsiveness during flood events.
3. Green Infrastructure and Nature-Based Solutions
Countries like the Netherlands and China have increasingly adopted green infrastructure solutions, including constructed wetlands, permeable pavements, rain gardens, and urban forests, dramatically reducing urban runoff and improving water quality (World Resources Institute [WRI], 2019). Adopting similar nature-based solutions in Ghana, especially within rapidly expanding urban centers like Accra, would mitigate flood risks while simultaneously providing ecological and recreational benefits.
4. Advanced Flood Risk Modeling and GIS Technology
Advanced flood risk assessment models and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technology have enabled cities like Durban (South Africa) and Mumbai (India) to identify vulnerabilities precisely, plan infrastructure effectively, and allocate resources strategically (World Bank, 2020). Applying these technologies systematically across Ghana’s urban areas would greatly enhance flood preparedness and management capabilities.
Bold decisions require visionary leadership. The Ghanaian government must move beyond fragmented interventions and adopt comprehensive, proactive policies focused on long-term resilience. This shift demands coordinated actions among policymakers, urban planners, environmental agencies, and local communities. Public-private partnerships (PPPs), international collaborations, and the mobilization of financial resources from climate adaptation funds are crucial elements in translating bold ideas into tangible outcomes. Moreover, political leadership must prioritize accountability, transparency, and evidence-based policymaking to ensure long-term success and public trust in these efforts.
6. Roadmap for a Holistic Approach to Flood Management

6.1 Integrated Flood Risk Management Framework

Addressing Ghana’s flooding crisis requires the adoption of an Integrated Flood Risk Management (IFRM) framework. Such an approach moves beyond short-term relief efforts and emphasizes comprehensive planning, infrastructure development, community resilience, and policy reform. Ghana’s national and local governments must collaboratively establish clear, coordinated institutional frameworks to streamline flood management activities, ensuring effective resource utilization and long-term sustainability (World Bank, 2021). This involves clearly defining roles and responsibilities across national, regional, and local institutions to avoid duplication and promote cohesive action.

6.2 Enhancement of Urban Planning and Regulatory Enforcement

Critical to sustainable flood management is the urgent enhancement of urban planning and enforcement of building and zoning regulations. Accra and other rapidly urbanizing cities must revisit and strictly enforce urban planning policies that restrict development in flood-prone areas. Such enforcement should be complemented by substantial investments in upgraded drainage and sanitation infrastructure. Adopting successful global examples, such as Singapore’s integrated land-use planning model, can significantly reduce vulnerability by ensuring urban growth aligns with effective flood mitigation strategies (PUB Singapore, 2020).

6.3 Nature-Based Solutions and Green Infrastructure

Ghana should leverage nature-based solutions and green infrastructure as key components of its flood management strategy. Solutions such as urban wetlands, restored mangroves, permeable pavements, rain gardens, and green roofs provide significant benefits by reducing stormwater runoff, enhancing biodiversity, and improving urban air quality. Internationally, cities such as Rotterdam in the Netherlands have successfully utilized green infrastructure to manage floods sustainably, resulting in enhanced urban resilience and quality of life (World Resources Institute [WRI], 2019). By integrating similar initiatives into urban planning, Ghana can significantly decrease flood risk while simultaneously improving environmental health and urban aesthetics.

6.4 Advanced Technological Integration and Data-Driven Decision Making

The application of advanced technologies, including Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing, and predictive flood modeling, will substantially enhance Ghana’s flood preparedness and response. These technologies allow precise identification of flood-prone zones, efficient monitoring of infrastructure conditions, and effective real-time emergency response management. For instance, Durban in South Africa and Mumbai in India have effectively employed GIS technologies for flood risk mapping and disaster preparedness, resulting in reduced vulnerability and enhanced emergency response efficiency (World Bank, 2020). Ghana’s investments in such technological capabilities would significantly improve preparedness, response capacity, and resource allocation effectiveness during flood events.

6.5 Strengthening Community Participation and Capacity Building

An effective flood management strategy must actively involve local communities, fostering their participation and enhancing their capacity to respond to disasters. Community-based disaster management training programs, supported by robust early warning systems, empower communities to take proactive steps in reducing their vulnerability to floods. Countries such as Bangladesh have successfully implemented community-led flood preparedness initiatives, significantly reducing casualties and economic losses (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2021). Ghana can replicate this success by prioritizing community-level preparedness training, education campaigns, and decentralized response systems that allow communities to act swiftly and effectively in emergencies.

6.6 Sustainable Financing and Public-Private Partnerships

Sustainable financing mechanisms are crucial to ensuring continuous investment in flood risk management infrastructure and maintenance. The Ghanaian government should explore innovative financing models, including leveraging climate finance mechanisms, international adaptation funds, and public-private partnerships (PPPs). PPPs, in particular, present a valuable opportunity by mobilizing private-sector efficiency and innovation in infrastructure development and management. Successful examples from global cities demonstrate that effectively structured PPPs can deliver resilient infrastructure while minimizing fiscal burdens on government budgets (World Bank, 2021). Ghana’s policymakers must proactively foster an enabling environment for these collaborations through transparent regulations, incentives, and accountability frameworks.

6.7 Monitoring, Evaluation, and Continuous Improvement

Lastly, establishing a robust monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system is essential to ensure the continuous improvement and effectiveness of flood management interventions. Regular assessments of infrastructure projects, policy implementations, and community programs should be mandated to measure outcomes against clearly defined resilience indicators. Lessons learned through these evaluations can inform adaptive strategies and policy adjustments, ensuring ongoing effectiveness in managing evolving flood risks. Countries with exemplary disaster risk management practices, such as Japan, continuously review and refine their flood management policies, infrastructure designs, and emergency preparedness procedures, serving as valuable models for Ghana (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2021).

7. Conclusion

The persistent and intensifying flooding crises in Ghana demand immediate, comprehensive, and decisive action from policymakers, government officials, and community leaders. The historical patterns of flooding in Accra, from the era of Kwame Nkrumah to contemporary times, illustrate the consequences of decades-long neglect and inadequate responses. Despite various governmental initiatives, such as the establishment of the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) and several infrastructural projects, the current flooding challenges underline systemic shortcomings in planning, coordination, and execution of effective disaster risk management strategies. Today, the socio-economic costs of flooding—loss of lives, economic disruptions, infrastructure damage, and diminished community well-being—are increasingly unsustainable. These impacts compound vulnerabilities to other natural disasters such as earthquakes, droughts, and coastal erosion, further complicating the nation’s resilience landscape. Ghana cannot afford continued incremental or reactive approaches. Instead, bold, innovative, and proactive solutions tailored specifically to the country’s unique challenges must be implemented without delay.

The comprehensive roadmap outlined in this article provides Ghana with a clear strategy to transition toward resilient flood management. This involves adopting an integrated framework that prioritizes sustainable urban planning, robust infrastructure development, green and nature-based solutions, advanced technological integration, and active community participation. By committing to sustainable financing mechanisms and fostering meaningful public-private partnerships, Ghana can sustainably finance and effectively implement these critical initiatives.

Ultimately, the responsibility rests with Ghana’s leaders and decision-makers to prioritize and invest in long-term resilience strategies. Action taken today will not only save lives and protect property but also significantly strengthen Ghana’s socio-economic stability and environmental sustainability. The cost of decisive action now is far outweighed by the benefits of a safer, more resilient, and prosperous future for Ghanaian communities.

The rains will inevitably come, but Ghana’s preparedness and resilience are a matter of choice. Policymakers, government officials, and community leaders must now seize this opportunity to demonstrate visionary leadership, robust commitment, and collective resolve. It is time to transform Ghana’s recurring flood crises into opportunities for growth, sustainability, and resilience, ensuring the nation emerges stronger from each rainy season. This article serves as an urgent appeal for collective action. Policymakers and government leaders must immediately implement the strategic recommendations detailed here, actively engage communities, and foster sustainable partnerships for disaster resilience. The path forward is clear, and the stakes are high. Ghana’s resilience in the face of floods hinges upon decisions made today—let these decisions reflect the bold, innovative spirit that defines Ghana’s potential for lasting change and prosperity.

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Dr David King Boison, a maritime and port expert, AI Consultant and Senior Fellow CIMAG. He can be contacted via email at kingdavboison@gmail.com

Albert Derrick Fiatui, is the Executive Director at the Centre for International Maritime Affairs, Ghana (CIMAG), an Advocacy, Research and Operational Policy Think-Tank, with focus on the Maritime Industry (Blue Economy) and general Ocean Governance. He is a Maritime Policy and Ocean Governance Expert

If you thought political scandals were all about shady land deals and missing state funds, you clearly haven’t heard of the latest blockbuster: How to Lose 1,328 Containers in 10 Days—coming soon to a port near you!

Scene 1: The Mystery of the Missing Containers

It all began during the grand transition of power when the outgoing NPP government left a farewell note to the incoming NDC government that read, “By the way, there are 3,000 ECG containers chilling at the port.

Enjoy!” But wait! When the Minister of Energy, acting like a detective in a telenovela, visited the port, the officials scratched their heads and said, “Boss, it’s actually 2,500.”

Alarm bells rang, eyebrows were raised, and a committee was swiftly assembled to solve the mystery.

They did what any good investigative team would do: they called GPHA and asked, “Hey, how many ECG containers are really here?” GPHA, sipping their morning tea, casually replied, “Oh, just 1,132.” ECG, seemingly confused about its own inventory, insisted, “Nope, we have 2,462!”

The committee, refusing to trust anyone, counted the containers themselves, and surprise, surprise—the GPHA was right! This meant 1,328 containers had taken an all-expenses-paid trip to the Land of the Lost.

Scene 2: The Vanishing Money Trick

Now, you’d think ECG, with a shipping account that received 5 million cedis every week for clearing containers, would be good at, well… clearing containers. But nope! In 2022, ECG’s MD, Dubik Mahama, had a lightbulb moment: “Let’s stop paying into the shipping account and see what happens!” Spoiler alert: chaos happened.

Containers piled up faster than a Fufu queue at Nhyira FM’s free Fufu Party.

The Transport Department waved red flags and yelled, “Demurrage is skyrocketing! We’re losing money!” ECG Management, sipping their ‘broke’ tea, shrugged and said, “No money to clear containers, sorry!” Meanwhile, they were still importing new containers at the speed of light and paying suppliers 90% of contract sums.

Oh, and guess what? The demurrage bill had already hit 1.5 million cedis. That’s right, folks! ECG was the only entity paying rent on properties they weren’t even using!

Scene 3: The Genius Clearance Plan

Now, brace yourselves. From nowhere—like a magician pulling rabbits out of a hat—MD Dubik Mahama introduced two companies to “help” clear the containers. Enter MINT LOGISTICS and DAWARDS BOND LIMITED —two companies so elite, one had 10 employees, and the other had… just 1 (the CEO, secretary, cleaner, and security guard all rolled into one).

MINT LOGISTICS was given 1,110 containers to clear at a cool 160,000 cedis per container. Quick math: that’s over 177 million cedis! DAWARDS BOND LIMITED? They got 200 containers, charging a humble 115,000 cedis per container, totaling 23 million cedis. Who knew clearing containers was more lucrative than gold mining?

Scene 4: The Magical Recycling Business

So, what happens next? Simple!

1. ECG continues importing containers like an overenthusiastic online shopper.
2. They conveniently “forget” to clear them.
3. A mysterious clearance company is called in to save the day at ridiculous prices.
4. The contents of said containers magically disappear.
5. ECG goes on a shopping spree to replace stolen items.

Rumor has it, brand-new ECG cables are being melted down and sold to Chinese and Indian businesses, who then export them while ECG turns around to import more!
Ladies and gentlemen, we have officially turned Ghana into a real-life Monopoly game!

Scene 5: The Procurement Department Gets a Facelift (Literally)

Now, if you think this was just about missing containers, think again! ECG’s procurement department had its own episode of Extreme Makeover. In 2022, planned procurement was 1.7 billion cedis, but the actual procurement? Just 460 million cedis—a small difference of 1.3 billion cedis (pocket change, really). By 2023, planned procurement was 935 million cedis, but ECG said, “Hold my beer,” and spent 8.3 billion cedis instead—a modest 7 billion cedis deviation. And in 2024? Same script, different year: planned procurement of 1.3 billion cedis, but actual procurement hit 8.2 billion cedis.

Faced with this chaotic spending spree, ECG had a brilliant idea: merge the Procurement Department with the Estate Department! And to top it all off, they replaced the Head of Procurement with… wait for it… the Head of Estate—someone who knew about buildings, not buying cables.

Scene 6: The Cast of Characters

As we close this tragicomedy, let’s not forget the star-studded cast:

• Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh (NAPO)–The Energy Minister at the time.
• Dubik Mahama– The MD of ECG, mastermind of “Operation: Where Did the Containers Go?”
• Kelly Gadzekpo– The Board Chairman before the musical chairs game started.
• Afenyo Markin– The new Board Chair who arrived just in time for the grand finale.

And of course, the countless ECG workers who, to this day, are probably still looking for those 1,328 missing containers like an explorer on an adventure!

Epilogue: The Moral of the Story

Dear reader, what have we learned today? That in Ghana, a simple port can turn into a Bermuda Triangle where containers vanish, reappear, and somehow still cost taxpayers millions.

That ECG has mastered the fine art of spending money it doesn’t have while making sure cables do an annual pilgrimage to China and back.

And most importantly, that somewhere in the depths of Tema Port, a lone container is whispering, “Help me, I’m lost…”

Stay tuned for the sequel: How to Find 1,328 Containers Without Actually Trying!

The Bank of Ghana(BoG), in today’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) release, has raised the policy rate (MPR) by 100 basis points, from 27% to 28%.

Typically, the MPR guides short-term interest rates like the T-bill rate. So, why the glaring inconsistency between the two? I warned repeatedly that the Finance Ministry was on the wrong path, attempting to control both price and quantity in the T-bill auction market – forcing rates down from 29% to as low as 15% for 91-day bills.

I also questioned why the Central Bank wasn’t more aggressive in managing excess liquidity through open market operations (OMO) or Discount Policy Operations (DIPO) to ensure price stability.

Well, at least the Governor of the Central Bank listens – unlike the Finance Minister. The latest MPC release signals plans to ‘introduce a 273-day instrument to strengthen the existing sterilization toolkit’, which I believe will aid the disinflation process.

The Finance Minister must take a cue: macroeconomic management is critical to national financial stability.

The ongoing policy incoherence between the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank exposes a worrying lack of coordination. If fiscal and monetary authorities don’t align, economic management suffers.

The recent undersubscription of T-bills in the last two auctions (21st & 28th March) speaks volumes. It’s time to learn some lessons.

It was supposed to be a heart-rending moment for Dr Bawumia, but he turned it into a moment of triumph—not just for himself but for his nation, the continent and democracy.

Dr Bawumia shocked many in the country and across the world—including some in his own team—when he delivered what has been widely considered one of the earliest concession speeches in Ghanaian, African and global democracy.

In doing so he did not only unofficially signal a denouement to the fierce and hotly contested election between him and his opponent but curtailed what many saw as a potentially volatile situation in the aftermath of the ballot casting process. Considering the all too known history of post-election violence in Africa and across the world, this singular act by Dr Bawumia was roundly commended.

The United Nations called Dr Bawumia’s actions “a significant example for African leaders to prioritise peace over actions that create tension” (UN Secretary General’s special Representative Leonar¬do Santos Simão).

The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Ghana, H.E. Charles Abani, visited Dr Bawumia to express his appreciation for his early concession and the concomitant contributions to peace and democracy in Ghana.

The Diplomatic community in Ghana lauded the former Vice President for his statesmanship and respect for democratic values following his early concession.

In a letter signed by the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, the diplomats stated that Dr Bawumia’s unwavering commitment to the values of democracy, especially through your honourable concession in the recent elections, stands as a testament to your statesmanship and love for this nation. In moments of political transition, it is the strength of character and respect for the democratic process that define a leader.”

President John Mahama acknowledged the significance of Dr Bawumia’s actions, stating that they contributed to “fostering peace during a crucial moment for the country.” NDC top official and Director of Communications, Mr. Sammy Gyamfi, called it “an exceptional display of statesmanship”. So, what lessons can we learn from his concession, and what significance does it hold?

It’s okay not to win

“More wins” is the common mantra these days. Of course, as humans, generally, winning is the desired outcome for most endeavours, but the deeper lesson from Dr Bawumia’s actions shows that sometimes you can win by losing.

Inasmuch as most of us hope for wins, the lesson here is that failure is part of life. In fact, there would be nothing like victory if there were no failure.

And so what Bawumia demonstrates for all of us, especially the youth, is that sometimes, it is okay to fail. It builds resilience, fortitude and emotional intelligence for even greater wins at a mandated time.

Without certain failures, there wouldn’t be victory at all. Yet the fear of failure has crippled many, destroyed lives and prematurely curtailed destinies.

By openly, readily and speedily accepting the electoral outcome, Dr Bawumia demonstrated his true character: humble, peaceable, conciliatory, mature and wise. He has shown that there is no shame in failure and that out of the shrubs and ashes of defeat, beauty can emerge.

Democratic Advancement

Everywhere you turned, nationally and internationally, one of the biggest conversations was about how Dr Bawumia’s early concession entrenched and enhanced democracy in Africa.

With the albatross of post-election conflict ravaging certain nations and the sword of Damocles hovering heavily in the air, Dr Bawumia’s gestures pre-empted any unforeseen calamities and calmed the atmosphere.

Still, the unprecedented cacophony and violence that surrounded the declaration of parliamentary results brought many to the realization of how ominous things may have turned. And perhaps dented Ghana’s democratic image as a haven of peace and stability.

The smooth presidential transition accelerated by a swift and unequivocal concession was therefore roundly applauded.

The Nigerian media and blogosphere, for instance, couldn’t have enough of it. All over the Internet, especially on social media, content after content, video after video, text after text, rushed to commend Ghana for flying the flag of Africa high, often comparing it to their situation.

This was undoubtedly a Ghanaian moment. However it was also a genuine celebration of democracy, national pride and continental glory.

Ethical Leadership

It is often said that the truest test of a man’s character is what he does when he’s down. Martin Luther King once said: “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

According to Mihelic, Lipicnik, and Metka Tekavcic (2010), “Ethical leaders think about long-term consequences, drawbacks and benefits of the decisions they make in the organization.

They are humble, concerned for the greater good, strive for fairness, take responsibility and show respect for each individual.”

These are all leadership lessons we can learn from. They are qualities that we can infer from the action Dr Bawumia took: thinking about the greater good of the nation, shunning long-drawn litigation, and showing humility and respect for the electoral process.

In doing this, he has won the respect of many across the globe, including those who didn’t necessarily vote for him. He has established himself as a leader with integrity.

Data, technology and the future

One of the major themes that dominated the conversation after Dr Bawumia’s concession was the speed and precision with which it was done, underpinned by data, technology and projections.

It shows that to succeed in the contemporary era, the ability to curate, mine and make projections based on accurate data is the way to go. The days of haphazard, erratic, wishy washy, propagandists and spurious assertions are over. It demonstrates that democracy does not happen in a vacuum but rather is essentialized through concrete, substantive data visualisations, technological input and intelligent analytics. This is the future of campaigns, policy making and democracy.

Conclusion

Dr Bawumia may have lost the presidency, but what he has gained because of his swift, decisive and full-throated concession is priceless.

He put the national interest above personal ambition and in doing so, demonstrated a powerful model of exemplary, principled, humane, and courageous leadership that will inspire generations to come.

This step is a constitutional requirement under Article 146(6) of the 1992 Constitution, which states: “Where the petition is for the removal of the Chief Justice, the President shall, acting in consultation with the Council of State, appoint a committee consisting of two Justices of the Supreme Court, one of whom shall be appointed Chairman by the President, and three other persons who are not members of the Council of State, nor members of Parliament, nor lawyers.”

Two days later, at 9:20 AM on Thursday, March 27, 2025, Vincent Ekow Assafuah of Old Tafo, in Kumasi, filed an action at the Supreme Court challenging the President’s referral of the petitions to the Council of State.

Mr. Assafuah argues that the President is required, under Articles 146(1), (2), (4), (6) and (7), 23, 57(3), and 296 of the Constitution, to: “…notify the Chief Justice about a petition for her removal and obtain her comments and responses before referring the petition to the Council of State or commencing consultation with the Council of State.”

This claim raises a number of intriguing questions:

i. How did Mr. Assafuah, within just one day, ascertain that the Chief Justice was not consulted before the petitions were referred to the Council of State?
ii. Did the Chief Justice personally inform him that she was not consulted?
iii. Was there any media report confirming that the Chief Justice had been bypassed in the process?

And Godfred Dame as his lawyer? As the musician Joseph of Culture says, “This is neither a jigsaw nor a puzzle.” Things are falling into place. We either survive together or perish together.

That aside, only Article 146(6) is relevant in determining whether the President was required to seek the Chief Justice’s comments before consulting the Council of State.

Article 146(6), in clear and unambiguous terms, states that when a petition concerns the removal of the Chief Justice, the President must act in consultation with the Council of State.

In Agyei Twum v. Attorney General & Akwetey, Justice Date-Bah, speaking for the Supreme Court, held that just like other Justices of the Superior Courts, a prima facie case must first be established against the Chief Justice before a committee is empaneled to investigate the petition.

However, the Agyei Twum case did not specify how the prima facie determination should be made. What is certain, however, is that the President must act in consultation with the Council of State.

The President’s decision to refer the petitions to the Council of State is, therefore, in strict compliance with the Constitution.

The following questions expose the suit for what it is—Much Ado About Nothing:
i. If the Constitution explicitly states that “where the petition is for the removal of the Chief Justice, the President shall act in consultation with the Council of State”, is it unconstitutional for the President to refer the petitions to the Council of State?
ii. Isn’t the referral the first logical step in discussing the prima facie determination and the procedure for it?
iii. Should the President unilaterally decide on the petitions without engaging the Council of State, as mandated?
iv. Does referring the petitions to the Council of State amount to a prima facie determination without giving the Chief Justice a hearing?
v. Does this referral prevent the Chief Justice from later providing her comments on the petitions?

In the first petition, the former President’s response suggested that the Council of State had been consulted before the determination that no prima facie case had been made against the Chief Justice.

Yet, the President’s letter to Prof. Azar does not indicate that the Chief Justice was asked for her comments before that determination was made.

The Chief Justice believes in the law. There is no need for presumptive protection. Every Ghanaian believes in the law.

The law requires that the President act in consultation with the Council of State. That consultation is currently ongoing. Let the process unfold. The Council of State has its own esteemed legal minds—trust them as much as you have always asked us to trust you.

To Proxy Assafuah, let me offer a lesson from the Acts of the Apostles. In Acts 5, Peter and his fellow apostles faced intimidation aimed at silencing their mission. Yet, despite the threats, they persisted in preaching the gospel without seeking legal recourse.

When they were eventually arrested and brought before the High Priest, Gamaliel, a respected Pharisee, offered wise counsel:

He reminded his colleagues of Theudas and Judas, two men who falsely claimed divine backing but ultimately perished. Gamaliel then gave this timeless advice in Acts 5:38-39: “…Refrain from these men, and let them alone: for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought: But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it; lest haply ye be found even to fight against God.”

So be it, Hon. Mr. Proxy! Leave the petitioners alone, for if their counsel or work be of men, their petitions will come to nought, but if it be of God, and their cause is just, no court action can overthrow it.

In 2024 alone, the GNFS recorded an alarming 5,596 fire outbreaks between January and November, reflecting a 6.43% increase from the 5,258 incidents reported in the same period in 2023.

This surge is attributed to various factors, including severe weather conditions, non-compliance with fire safety regulations, road accidents, electrical faults, and gas leakages.

However, despite these challenges, the service is fighting to maintain public safety and minimize damage across the country, even as it continues to contend with severe resource limitations.

The recent loss of 37 fire officers in the line of duty, as reported by the former Chief Fire Officer (CFO) Julius Kuunuor on December 18, 2024, underscores the dangerous and hazardous nature of the work firefighters undertake to protect lives and properties.

This stark reality highlights the need for urgent reforms and improvements within the service.

GNFS has long struggled with insufficient resources, outdated equipment, and understaffing.

These limitations have undermined their ability to effectively respond to the increasing number of fire incidents.

The service has repeatedly appealed for additional fire tenders, modern firefighting equipment, and a bolstered workforce.

Unfortunately, many of these requests have gone unmet, leaving firefighters to operate with old and inadequate tools that hinder their ability to respond quickly and efficiently.

The age of some fire tenders is particularly concerning, with many vehicles so outdated that they are unable to provide the swift response required in emergency situations.

The lack of sufficient fire stations in certain constituencies further complicates the service’s ability to reach fire scenes promptly, exacerbating the damage caused by these outbreaks.

The GNFS’s response at times often delayed, contributing to the escalating loss of lives and properties.

Risks to Fire Officers: A Growing Concern

Perhaps the most alarming aspect of this crisis is the safety of the fire officers themselves.

These brave men and women put their lives on the line every day, often facing physical and verbal abuse while carrying out their duties.

Reports of firefighters being attacked while trying to manage fire incidents have become all too frequent.

At a time when they are already exposed to significant dangers on the job, the additional threat of hostile attacks makes their work even more perilous.

The safety and well-being of fire officers must be prioritized. In addition to providing the necessary equipment to carry out their work efficiently, the government and relevant authorities must ensure that these officers are protected from harm while performing their duties.

Their sacrifice should be met with respect and recognition, rather than the added burden of physical or verbal assaults.

A Call for Immediate Action

The current situation demands immediate attention from both the Ghanaian government and the general public. The lack of sufficient fire stations in certain areas is a grave concern that must be addressed.

Fire stations must be established in under-served constituencies to ensure that every citizen has access to emergency firefighting services.

Moreover, the government must allocate adequate funding to the GNFS, enabling the acquisition of modern firefighting equipment, including new fire tenders, advanced rescue gear, and better training for personnel.

The safety of fire officers should also be prioritized, with improved safety protocols and protections against attacks while on duty.

The public also has a critical role to play in this effort. Citizens must adhere to fire safety regulations and report any potential hazards to the authorities.

Additionally, municipal assemblies should prioritize the construction of fire stations in their communities, recognizing that fire prevention and swift response are crucial to saving lives and property.

The Time to Act Is Now

As the frequency of fire outbreaks continues to rise, it is evident that the Ghana National Fire Service needs a coordinated and immediate response from all stakeholders to overcome the resource and safety challenges it currently faces.

The growing crisis calls for urgent government intervention, improved resources, and better protection for fire officers.

It is essential that we support the GNFS in its mission to safeguard lives and properties across the country.

The public must also play its part by adhering to fire safety measures and advocating for better fire service infrastructure.

Only by working together can we ensure that the Ghana National Fire Service is equipped to handle emergencies effectively, protecting both the citizens and the officers who risk everything to ensure our safety.

I do this not because of a mere desire to put some ideas across but because I recognise the opportunity presented to us with respect to your presidency as a golden one that requires the collective support of every one of us as Ghanaians.

Your Excellency, indeed your second presidency is an opportunity to make history and many Ghanaians are willing to do whatever they can to help you achieve.

1. Introduction Of Tertiary Education Policy (TEP)

With the looming threat of the overwhelmingly frustrated youth springing up on us every year with no hope, no direction, no accommodation, no jobs, no policy and no readily usable skill, I suggest the national security apparatus consider this as a threat to our normal social order.

Mr President, the nonexistence of an effective Tertiary Education Policy has over the years had a profound effect on our economic development.

This is primarily because tertiary institutions in Ghana do not follow any specific policy objective that requires them to train, develop, or produce any specific prescribed skillset and expertise.

This failure, I consider to be one of the genetic causes of our economic underachievement not only in Ghana but throughout the entire sub-Sahara region.

Mr President, for example, if we need one thousand (1000) Nuclear Physicists in Ghana or 500 five hundred (500) Astrophysicists or even two hundred (200) Electro Physics Engineers to begin an industrialization programme in Ghana, there is no way of achieving this or developing such talents unless you deliberately establish a system to create it through the introduction of a Tertiary Education Policy (TEP) in which the government works in collaboration with the universities to make degrees more meaningful to the state. As the case in South Korea or China and most of the Mekong region may be referred to, there is a systematic deliberate policy to create a certain number and quality of some specific skills not only to fill in gaps in the industrial workforce but also to prepare their countries for the upcoming competitive world of knowledge and changes.

Your Excellency, the introduction of a deliberately created TEP in consultation with the relevant academic institutions will lead to uplifting the spirit of education and make students feel more useful and needed by the country. It is a putative fact or generally agreed truth that the development journey of a country is a collective responsibility of all its citizens.

Therefore, every Ghanaian MUST have a role to play towards the development of the country Ghana. In other words, like in China, the state can pass a mandatory law that enables her to have the first right of access to employ any First-Class students or tap into any Ghanaian student with extraordinary talent either in mathematics, engineering, physics, chemistry, electronics, management or any other talent which the country needs for its grand development agenda.

Lee Kwan Yew on countless occasions has “confessed” that his secret was education policy which deliberately focuses on training his people even in the most extremely rarest skill.

In China, from Kindergarten to University, the Chinese government is systematic and meticulous in monitoring individual talents and directing them towards the country’s future needs.

This explains why, while a US company struggles to recruit 100 electro-physics engineers, the same job electro-physics engineering job was advertised and published in Beijing and they had a stadium full of qualified electro-physics engineers available for interview.

It is my strong belief that systematically introducing a properly guided Tertiary Education Policy will be the real beginning of an economic transformation in all spheres of our national endeavours.

Indeed, the non-existence of any purposive and strategic education policy has negatively affected almost every part of the nation’s development. Mr President, For the purpose of this letter, please permit me to show how the lack of TEP has affected the development of our health sector.

Mr President, there is an opportunity to make health services in Ghana the most advanced not only in terms of technology but also the most skilled. The Ghana health system has always been in desperate need of more specialised and sub-specialised doctors.

The situation is much worse now given the continuous population increase leading to more pressure on these existing few specialised and sub-specialised doctors we have.

Even though the government keeps training more generalists each year, there is no single purposive directive or policy which instructs any institution to train any type of specialist to fill any gap apart from the existing generalists who over some time of practising decide on their discretion to specialists’ programme either out of the country or locally.

With a population of over 30 million, the country needs at least a minimum of 250 qualified sub-specialised physicians in each area of the specialist fields listed below.

1. Urologists/Pediatric Urologist:

2. Endocrinologists:

Endocrinologists specialise in hormones and the hormone production system. They diagnose and treat conditions related to abnormal hormonal issues and the entire endocrine system, which produces hormones that regulate many of the body’s functions.

Since there is no government effort to specifically produce such doctors, my studies could not find more than 5 such specialist doctors across the country.

However, Ghana needs at least a minimum of 250 such doctors per the size of our population.

3. Cardiologists

Perhaps the most desperately needed medical specialist group in Ghana are Cardiologists. Cardiologists are specialized medical doctors trained specifically to diagnose, treat and prevent heart-related diseases and conditions.

Currently, every 3 out of 10 deaths in Ghana are heart-related. 7 out of 10 men over 50 years in Ghana suffer from some kind of heart condition or blood pressure-related issues.

A deliberately instituted Tertiary Education Policy would’ve led to Ghana having more than sufficient qualified Cardiologists to provide quality health care for her citizens.

As it stands, Ghana needs at least 400 qualified Cardiologists but unfortunately, the entire country cannot boast of 45 fully qualified Cardiologists.

4. Nephrologists

Nephrologists are specialised doctors in the health and functioning of kidneys and Pediatric Nephrologists are sub-specialised doctors for kidney health of infants and children.

After over 3 months of enquiry into identifying the number of this very all-important medical specialization, it is sad to announce that while we may have more than 10 Nephrologists in Ghana, I was unable to find more than 3 Pediatric Nephrologists.

Mr President, China is producing almost a million engineers every year, India is doing the same and the list goes on. In 2023, India made over USD64 billion from Health Tourism alone.

This is largely because there has been a deliberate effort to rapidly grow the Indian health industry over the last few decades. Ghana too can achieve the same.

However, in Ghana now, all fields of professions and training across all sectors require a deliberate and systematically executed Tertiary Education Policy (TEP) to sturdily lead to the total transformation in the overall quality of human resources not only in the area of health care delivery but also across the board in all industries.

Mr President, the Western idea of government not leading industrialization is false, and this has been proven over and over. Even everywhere in Europe, most major industries had been set up by the state after the Second World War before it was slowly and carefully released into private hands after some decades with strict conditions. In 2025, the Ghanaian industry is almost nonexistent and unless we build it ourselves, nobody will do it for us.

For example, we have a School of Mines here in Ghana. But there is not even a single state-owned or Ghanaian mining company in Ghana. Here is the typical example of training citizens with no industry to absorb them so essentially, the main beneficiaries of the Ghana School of Mines are the Australian Mining Companies, New Zealand Mining Companies, South African Mining Companies etc.

Again, the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), has trained hundreds of Electrical Engineers yet not even a Power Bank to charge mobile phones is produced here in Ghana for the same reason because there is no industry and the majority of them end up with the banks unless they find their way out of the country.

Mr President, we are Ghanaians and we are good. There is nothing we cannot do or achieve as a country and as a people if we have the leadership. We know these white boys and Asians, we’ve all sat in classrooms with them and they also know we are good. Even when they take the lead because of their foundation, we always catch up and eventually surpass. I look forward to seeing a Ghanaian-owned company producing semiconductors before the end of your second term in 2028.

I thank you and may God bless Ghana.

Special Requests

1. Stadium Visits

Your Excellency, looking at the continuous weakening of our local league, while I know your Sports Minister is working hard to bring back the old glory of Ghana football, may I suggest you visit the stadium sometimes to boost match popularity as this may go a long way to perhaps revive even my own Secondi Hasaacas. Thank you.

2. Declaration Of National Health Months
   Your Excellency, the rate of cardiac-related deaths in Ghana is now beyond alarming, and the rate at which new orphans are being created as a result of preventable deaths in our communities is taking a great toll on our social development with poverty being its most popular product. The rate of deaths between the ages of 40 to 60 is a matter of great concern as the country continues to lose some of its brilliant brains before retirement or even soon after retirement.

Mr President, I am therefore with the highest respect proposing that you set up a team to choose a month within the year to launch National Health Month. The team should formulate a policy that should serve as the guideline and should be binding to all private individuals, and corporate and public institutions to ensure that all their staff engage in some sort of health check or exercise within the selected month.

Food imports cost the country over $3.5 billion in 2023, according to Statista, a Germany-based online data portal—draining Ghana’s already strained foreign exchange and further strangling local farmers.

As a nation, we import almost everything edible—from rice to offal, locally called yemuadie—as local production continues to suffer largely due to limited policy interventions that can stand the test of time.

This is despite the fact that the country has a bubbling young population and a worsening unemployment rate. The 2021 Population and Housing Census showed that nearly 40 percent of Ghanaians are aged 15-35 years, the age bracket considered golden, youthful, energetic, and smart for national development.

Sadly, a 2020 World Bank report shows that 12 percent of the youth are unemployed and more than 50 percent are underemployed.

With many youths idling after fruitless searches for jobs, one would have thought that farming and food production would have become the ‘go-to’ or at least a ‘makeshift’ occupation for these youngsters to make ends meet while hoping to land their dream jobs to build careers.

Unfortunately, this is not the case. As the population increases, Ghana has failed to produce adequate food for its people, creating food insufficiency that is almost a national security challenge—if not for the growing imports.

Past Efforts

This is not a new problem. Since independence, Ghana has struggled to produce enough food for its citizens, resulting in various interventions by previous governments to address the bottlenecks, shore up domestic food production, and cut down on imports for the economy to breathe.

Perhaps, the most popular of them is Colonel (rtd) I.K. Acheampong’s Operation Feed Yourself, launched barely a month after he captured power in 1972.

The program aimed to encourage more Ghanaians into farming while energizing traditional farmers to increase production.

To achieve this, the government supported the program with subsidized farm inputs, access to credit facilities, and duty-free importation of agricultural machinery. It also recruited extension officers to support farmers in applying good agronomic practices to help increase production.

There were also sustained public sensitizations, drawing enthusiasm from Ghanaians for the program and resulting in broad-based participation by the populace.

The results were largely satisfactory, though the gains could not be sustained beyond the Acheampong regime.

Subsequently, various governments embarked on similar programs with similar intentions.

Planting for Food and Jobs

The most recent government intervention to address the food security challenge is the Planting for Food and Jobs initiative. Introduced in 2017, the program was spearheaded by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture and aimed at supporting farmers and other citizens to produce food.

It took different shades, with people interested in rearing livestock also supported to increase production. A phase two was launched in 2023.

Though a great initiative, reports from farmer-based organizations, civil society groups, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) showed that the PFJ faced several challenges, leading to limited successes.

Indeed, the country’s sustained and worsening food import bill shows that none of these agricultural programs succeeded as expected. And if they did succeed, today’s food challenges show that the successes and/or the programs have not been sustainable.

This is despite the fact that millions, if not billions, of Ghana cedis from state and donor funds have been poured into these interventions.

In the case of the PFJ, for instance, reports showed that almost GHS 3 billion was spent on phase one (between 2017 and 2023). Additional spending was done on phase two in 2023 and 2024.

Tracking the Mistakes

With scarce national resources being used to fund these programs, everything must be done to ensure that we get adequate and sustainable results from such interventions.

This begs the question: what did we get wrong in the previous programs? This is critical given that efforts are underway for the government to intervene in similar ways to help encourage food production and reduce the import bill.

Key among the issues is the need to leave agriculture to professionals and experienced people.

Like all professions, agriculture is a specialized area, requiring one with adequate expertise and experience to succeed in it. Policy interventions and programming must, therefore, be initiated and led by professionals.

The tendency to allow politics to lead the way is dangerous, as has been seen in the recent past.

There are also low-hanging fruits that the country must aim to pluck.

I list them below in no particular order.

1. Rice Production

Rice remains a staple food in Ghana, yet domestic production covers only 40 percent of demand.

By increasing investment in irrigation, mechanized farming, and improved seed varieties, Ghana can significantly boost local rice production.

The National Rice Development Strategy is a step in the right direction, but additional government and private-sector partnerships are needed to enhance processing and reduce post-harvest losses.

2. Poultry Business

Ghana imports nearly 95 percent of its poultry meat, amounting to a market value of approximately $400 million every year.

With the right investment in modern poultry farms, feed production, and processing facilities, local production can be scaled up to meet domestic consumption needs.

Encouraging smallholder poultry farmers and providing them with access to financing and technical training will be crucial.

3. Livestock and Meat Processing

With meat and edible meat offal imports surpassing $210 million in 2023, there is a strong case for expanding the local livestock industry.

Investments in cattle, sheep, and pig farming, along with the development of meat processing plants, will help Ghana reduce its reliance on imported meat.

4. Value-Added Food Processing

Ghana’s food processing industry remains underdeveloped, leading to increased importation of processed foods.

Investing in agro-processing infrastructure can help add value to locally produced crops such as cassava, maize, and soybeans.

Supporting food entrepreneurs through incentives and financing will enable them to produce high-quality, consumer-oriented food products, reducing imports.

5. Irrigation and Water Management

One of the major constraints to increased agricultural productivity in Ghana is the lack of irrigation infrastructure.

With only 11,000 hectares under irrigation, expanding water management projects will enable farmers to produce crops throughout the year.

Implementing modern irrigation techniques such as drip irrigation and solar-powered water pumps can significantly boost agricultural output.

6. Leveraging the Youthful Population

With 67% of Ghana’s population between 15 and 64 years old, there is a large workforce available for agricultural activities.

Encouraging youth participation in agribusiness through training programs, financial support, and modern technology can enhance food production.

Youth-led agritech startups can also contribute by introducing innovative farming solutions.

Conclusion

Ghana has the potential to transform its agricultural sector by utilizing its vast arable lands, water resources, and youthful workforce.

Reducing agricultural imports will not only save foreign exchange but also create jobs and ensure food security.

As the International Trade Administration noted in 2023, by investing in irrigation, mechanization, livestock farming, and agro-processing, Ghana can position itself as a food self-sufficient nation, reducing its reliance on costly imports while boosting economic growth.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist who founded the collapsed Heritage Bank Limited.

The old brooms are weak and must be reinforced as soon as possible if we are genuinely interested in bringing an end to the unfortunate, protracted mayhem.

In many of my analyses of Bawku, I consistently advise that military occupation and unwarranted curfews should not be the primary approaches to resolving the conflict.

I keep saying that such actions could lead to chaos, particularly the killing of peacekeepers, including security personnel.

I feel pain when successive governments assume that conflict resolution should be solely the responsibility of “big names.”

We are in a new era, and therefore, measures to mitigate conflicts must be commensurate with the current exigencies.

Credibility and trustworthiness are also key components in conflict resolution. An attractive tone, wisdom, creativity, innovation, patience to listen, and a strong personality are profoundly important in peacekeeping efforts.

The author, Francis Ahovi is a security analyst and the Executive Secretary of Global Security for Africa Research and Good Governance (GLOSARGG).

This powerful biblical quote reminds us, as creations of the Almighty, to speak the truth and nothing but the truth.

In our efforts to reset Ghana, we must adopt a critical mindset in discussions on national issues to ensure progress.

This submission is in response to an article reportedly written by Martin Kpebu Esq, which alleged corruption and conflicts of interest in the sale of an 80% stake in the Ghana Bauxite Company Ltd (GBC) to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd.

Mr Kpebu’s article called for a forensic audit into the matter.

As a former Army Officer with experience in the mining industry and a student of security risk management, I decided to investigate this matter further to contribute to Ghana’s betterment, as part of President Mahama’s vision for progress.

I conducted an in-depth investigation into the history of bauxite in Ghana, tracing it back to 1921 during the Guggisburg era, a time when bauxite was first discovered.

Many, including President Mahama, should be proud of the contributions of Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, and its owner, Mr. Ofori Opoku, for their role in helping to boost the 24-hour economy, a vision that will materialize in the shortest possible time.

It is important to acknowledge the alignment of Mr. Ofori-Poku’s efforts with the vision of President Nkrumah and that of Brigadier General Sir Frederick Guggisburg, the architect of much of Ghana’s economic and infrastructural development.

A historical context of Ghana’s bauxite industry

Brigadier General Guggisburg, initially a surveyor in the Gold Coast in 1902, set up the Geological Department and played a crucial role in the discovery of bauxite in 1921.

Guggisburg’s development master plan laid the foundation for the growth of Ghana’s mining industry.

This included the establishment of the Takoradi Harbour for the exportation of timber, cocoa, manganese, and bauxite.

President Nkrumah continued Guggisburg’s work, making significant strides in the country’s economic and infrastructural development.

Guggisburg is also credited with creating the first accurate map of Ghana.

His efforts were instrumental in the early days of the mining industry, particularly with the vision of refining bauxite in Ghana, which was later realized through projects like the Volta River Project and the creation of VALCO (Volta Aluminium Company).

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s role and the sale of GBC

In the early years of Ghana’s independence, the government worked closely with multinational companies such as Alcoa to mine and refine bauxite.

Over time, Ghanaian ownership in the sector increased, with the government acquiring stakes in various companies, including Ghana Bauxite Company (GBC).

However, despite efforts to boost the industry, GBC faced challenges due to low production and high operating costs.

In 1997, the government sold a portion of its stake in GBC to Alcan, and later to Bosai Minerals Group of China in 2010.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd became involved in hauling bauxite for GBC in 1997, and in 2010, it took over mining operations on behalf of Bosai Minerals.

When Bosai Minerals’ mining lease expired in 2021, the Ghanaian government refused to purchase the 80% stake in GBC, citing concerns over value for money.

The stake was then sold to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, which has continued to make significant contributions to the sector.

Addressing allegations of corruption

Despite allegations from Mr Kpebu Esq about possible corruption in the sale of GBC to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, it is important to recognize that the sale was conducted per global principles of transparency and accountability in the mining industry.

The transaction followed established procedures, including the Arm’s Length Principle, which ensures that such deals are based on market value and fair pricing.

The sale price of GBC’s stake was determined by market factors such as bauxite reserves, global bauxite prices, and production costs.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd did not set the price of bauxite or the reserves; these were publicly available information disclosed by GBC.

Mr Kpebu’s suggestion that the price at which GBC was sold was unusually low overlooks the complexities of the mining sector, where pricing can fluctuate due to various factors, including the volatility of commodity prices and market demand.

A call for recognition of Ofori-Poku’s contributions

Mr Ofori-Poku and his company must be recognized for their contributions to Ghana’s 24-hour economy project.

Ofori-Poku’s efforts align with the vision of President Nkrumah, General Guggisburg, and the development of Ghana’s mining industry.

He deserves commendation for his role in strengthening the mining sector and making bauxite mining more sustainable in Ghana.

The mining industry operates in a highly competitive and complex environment, often involving multinational companies with significant resources and influence.

Ofori-Poku has been instrumental in revitalizing Ghana’s bauxite sector, and his company has gained valuable experience in mining and bauxite hauling.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the allegations of corruption surrounding the sale of GBC to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd are unfounded.

The transaction was conducted transparently and by global mining industry practices.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s efforts should be applauded for contributing to Ghana’s economic progress, especially in realizing the vision of a 24-hour economy.

I encourage all stakeholders, including President Mahama and Mr. Gossie Tanoh, to support Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s continued success.

Together, we can continue to build on the achievements of the past and ensure a prosperous future for Ghana.

A native of Aveyime in the North Tongu Constituency of the Volta Region, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa is serving his fourth term as a Member of Parliament.

His dedication to duty and commitment to bringing real change in both his constituency and the ministries he has served have earned him widespread commendation.​

A Trailblazer in Leadership

Hon. Ablakwa has made history as Ghana’s youngest Foreign Affairs Minister, and he is already making significant strides in strengthening diplomatic ties and ensuring that Ghana’s presence on the global stage is felt. His tenure has seen the introduction of progressive policies aimed at improving foreign relations and making the ministry more accessible to ordinary Ghanaians.

​

A hardworking and intelligent young politician from Ghana’s pioneering democratic political party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Ablakwa’s unique leadership abilities were recognized early. This led to his appointment as Deputy Minister of Information (2009-2013) and later as Deputy Minister of Education (2013-2017). While serving as Deputy Minister of Education in charge of Tertiary, he defied expectations by effectively managing relations with lecturers and professors, earning admiration for his maturity and competence. His exemplary performance led many political analysts to predict that he would eventually become a substantive Education Minister under President Mahama.​

Transformational Impact as Foreign Affairs Minister

As the 44-year-old Foreign Affairs Minister, Ablakwa has redefined political leadership in Ghana, championing inclusivity and serving all citizens, irrespective of their tribe, religion, or political affiliation. His tenure has been marked by bold reforms, including:​

• Making passport acquisition easier and more affordable by reducing fees from GHS500 to GHS350.​

• Implementing 24-hour passport office operations with three working shifts.​

• Introducing a door-to-door passport delivery system, significantly reducing processing time.​

• Setting up a Student Desk to address concerns of Ghanaian students abroad.​

• Strengthening diplomatic missions with measurable Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) to enhance their effectiveness.​

In February 2025, under his leadership, Ghana made history at the African Union (AU) by securing key positions, including:​

• Ambassador Amma Twum-Amoah – AU Commissioner for Health, Humanitarian Affairs, and Social Development.​

• Ambassador Jane Gasu Aheto – AU Commissioner for International Law.​

• Lawyer Kwami Eden Senanu – Re-elected to the AU Advisory Board against Corruption (AUABC).​

These achievements have significantly boosted Ghana’s international standing and diplomatic influence.​

Hon. Ablakwa also signed an Exchange of Notes with His Excellency Yoshimoto Hiroshi, the Japanese Ambassador to Ghana, to unlock a grant of 1.92 billion Japanese Yen (US$13 million) for the Stabilization of Electricity Supply in Tamale City.​

Dedication to National Development and Anti-Corruption Efforts

Ablakwa has been a relentless advocate for transparency and accountability. He played a crucial role in exposing corruption and inefficiencies under the previous New Patriotic Party (NPP) administration, championing what he termed “state capture” investigations. As Chairman of the Operation Recover All Loots (ORAL) task force, he led efforts to retrieve state assets allegedly misappropriated under the NPP government.​

His leadership in Parliament has also been widely praised. As Chairman of the Assurances Committee and former Ranking Member for Foreign Affairs, his commitment to holding the executive accountable has been lauded. Former Majority Leader and now Minority Leader, Alexander Afenyo-Markin, once remarked, “I commend the respected Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa for transforming the Assurances Committee into one of the most influential committees in Parliament.”​

A People’s Representative and Humanitarian Leader

Hon. Ablakwa’s leadership transcends politics; he is deeply connected to his constituents. The Chiefs and people of North Tongu have honoured him with the title Torgui Wordgedzi, recognizing his unwavering dedication to their welfare. During the 2023 Akosombo Dam spillage crisis, he was at the forefront, providing relief and advocating for compensation for affected residents. His persistent efforts resulted in the allocation of GHS245 million in the 2025 national budget for rebuilding efforts and victim support.

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Some of his major interventions include:

• Medical Outreaches: Organizing free health screenings and donating medical supplies to hospitals nationwide.​

• Education and Youth Empowerment: Offering scholarships and financial assistance to students.​

• The Footwear and Dress Bank Project: Providing clothing and shoes to underprivileged children.​

• Infrastructure Development: Supporting the construction of the Atta Mills Surgical Block and rehabilitating roads and schools.​

• Humanitarian Support: Covering medical bills for vulnerable individuals and financing the construction of homes for flood victims.​

His grassroots approach to governance—personally visiting hard-to-reach areas and engaging directly with his constituents—has endeared him to the people. On one occasion, he opted for a canoe ride to interact with communities along the riverbanks, stating, “I want you to experience what my people go through daily.”

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The Force behind NDC’s 2024 Victory

Many credit Ablakwa for his significant role in securing the NDC’s 57% win in the 2024 General Elections. Beyond achieving an overwhelming 93.74% victory for both presidential and parliamentary candidates in his constituency, he was actively involved in campaigning nationwide.

His investigative exposés against the previous administration played a pivotal role in shaping public perception and mobilizing support for the NDC.