For many, it is a dream come true to be the first graduate in a family or even in a whole village.

But at most university graduations in Ghana, something happens that takes away from this joy. The Vice Chancellor, council members, and guest speakers usually get up to shake the hands of only First Class students.

After that, they sit down. The rest (Second Class, Third Class, and Pass students) simply walk by without the same recognition.

This tradition, in my view, is unfair. It sends a message that only the First Class students deserve to be celebrated, while the others did not put in effort.

But that is not true. Every student who crosses that stage has worked hard in their own way. Some battled with financial struggles, health challenges, or family responsibilities, yet made it through. That is a big achievement and deserves celebration.

A handshake is a small act, but it carries a big meaning. It says, “We see you. We value your effort. You belong here.” Why should this recognition be reserved for a few?

Who knows? The graduate with a Pass today may become the employer of the First Class graduate tomorrow. Life has shown us that success is not written only in grades.

This thought comes from my very critical thinking self, shaped by years of questioning unfair traditions.

I was once an SRC president, and today I serve as the Head of the Public Relations Department at one of Ghana’s specialised public universities, the University of Media, Arts, and Communication (UniMAC), and also doubles as President-elect of the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG), UniMAC branch.

These roles have deepened my conviction that our academic spaces must be made fairer and more humane.

As an academic who has taught in higher education for over nine years, I have seen the struggles of students firsthand. And yes, I was once a First Class student myself. But that does not mean I should ignore the efforts of others.

We cannot continue with traditions that divide our graduates into the “worthy” and the “less worthy.”

The university must be a place of inclusion, where every single graduate is celebrated equally. To shake the hand of one and not the other is to say that some lives matter more. That cannot be the message we send.

The time has come for change. Universities in Ghana must rise above these outdated rituals and embrace fairness. Let us extend the handshake to all, not just the few. Let every graduate leave with the pride that their effort, no matter the grade, was fully acknowledged.

Graduation should not reinforce inequality. It should unite us. And until every graduate is given that handshake, our ceremonies will remain incomplete.

Source: Dr. Noel Nutsugah

The writer is Dr. Noel Nutsugah, who is a lecturer and the Head of the Public Relations Department at one of Ghana’s specialised public universities, the University of Media, Arts and Communication (UniMAC) and doubles as President-elect of the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG), UniMAC branch.
Email: nnutsugah@unimac.edu.gh

Instead of all the media hype about stopping galamsey, the most realistic option is to transition them to legal small-scale mining.

This would include cooperatives and setting aside areas for mining, reclamation, and tree planting. We should ban heavy equipment involvement in those areas, and such should not include water bodies.

We must engage them and then police the water bodies and forest reserves. This would include training for the cooperatives and the elimination of the use of mercury and other dangerous chemicals.

The Minerals Commission and our relevant tertiary institutions should lead the development of new methodologies, learning from best practices from other jurisdictions.

We must recognize that artisanal mining has been in this country for over five hundred years. We must begin to think outside the box. We have blurred the boundaries between legal small-scale mining and illegal mining.

We seriously have to engage by encouraging and registering small-scale mining cooperatives and provide them with the requisite training and guidance while increasing our policing of water bodies.

We must mainstream small-scale mining into the political economy. We must recognize the contribution of the small-scale sector in our gold economy.

I would call for a national dialogue on small-scale mining to build a consensus on its role, regulation, rehabilitation, technical improvement, tree planting, and welfare of miners and mining communities.

Without a rethink, we are unconsciously creating extortion rackets in the security and intelligence services while undermining both resource and economic sustainability.

Kwabena Donkor Ph.D

Former MP, Pru East

In practice, it is economic self-sabotage.

Only weeks earlier, both the IMF and World Bank issued clear, public warnings to BoG. On July 7, the IMF urged Ghana to reduce its heavy footprint in the FX market and adopt a framework that allows the cedi’s value to be determined more by supply and demand, not central bank decree.

The World Bank followed on August 14, stressing that Ghana must protect FX liquidity and keep vital imports, fuel, medicines, raw materials, flowing.

BoG has ignored both. Instead of loosening controls to deepen the market, it has tightened them, cutting corporates off from the FX lifelines they need.

Consider an oil importer needing $100 million. In a healthy market, Bank A could source dollars from Bank B or through an FX auction. BoG would only intervene if volatility spun out of control, say the cedi sliding from GHS 16/$ to GHS 20/$ in days. Under the new rule, that importer is shut out unless they had pre-lodged the same dollars in advance, an impossible requirement that shrinks, not expands, the market.

Or take a Bulk Oil Distribution Company (BDC) seeking $50 million for fuel imports. Normally, a bank draws on interbank liquidity or a BoG auction to meet that need, ensuring petroleum continues to flow. Now, if the BDC lacks prior deposits, it cannot withdraw FX. The chain breaks: fuel shortages hit, pump prices rise, confidence evaporates.

The contradiction is stark:

IMF: Less intervention, more flexibility.

World Bank: Protect liquidity, keep imports running.

BoG: More intervention, less liquidity, imports disrupted.

What message does this send to businesses and investors? That Ghana will bend to panic, not principle.

That rather than deepening its FX market, Ghana is retreating into administrative bans that history shows always backfire. In 2014, a similar FX crackdown collapsed within weeks, after sparking black markets and panic withdrawals.

Ghana cannot afford to repeat that failure. Stability comes from transparency, predictability, and rules, not from shutting doors in the face of critical industries.

The IMF and World Bank told Ghana to open the FX market. BoG has slammed it shut. The result will not be stability, it will be shortages, black markets, and another blow to confidence in Ghana’s economy.

Source: Prof. Isaac Boadi, Dean, Faculty of Accounting and Finance, UPSA

Written by Manasseh Azure Awuni
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
United States

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• Lawyers for Dr. Grace Ayensu Danquah accuse GTEC of bias and impropriety

The reason is simple: this is ultimately a matter of policy, not politics.

And too often, the Ghanaian public shies away from discussions of policy. A friend challenged me: It is the task of the writer to woo readers. So, let us attempt brevity, aided by data and simple illustrations.

Politics versus Policy

In every democracy, politicians focus on what people want so that they can remain in power. The mechanisms that deliver those demands are policy.

In Ghana, citizens want two things at the same time:

• An end to the pollution caused by galamsey.
• A stable cedi, which relies heavily on strong gold revenues.

To balance these demands, politicians have settled on converting illegal galamsey into legal “community mining” projects. The logic is that this will sustain gold production while reducing environmental damage.

It was such a programme that a government delegation was on its way to launch in Obuasi when the tragic helicopter crash occurred.

The difficulty is that the politics, “end galamsey now” and “protect the cedi”, receive most of the attention. The underlying policy legalising small-scale mining as a strategy to combat galamsey rarely receives critical scrutiny. This creates a messy gap between politics and policy. I call this gap katanomics.

The Numbers Behind Galamsey

The reality of galamsey becomes clearer when examined through data.

• In 2023, there were around 34,000 workers in large-scale mining (LSM) in Ghana, compared to an estimated 1.1 million workers in small-scale mining (ASM).
• Productivity differs sharply. The average LSM worker produces about 2,625 grams of gold annually. In ASM, the figure is at most 31 grams per worker. Even if one accounts for smuggling and raises the estimate to 100 grams, the gap is staggering.
• Translated into value-add, this means an ASM worker generates about $2,000 a year. Even if doubled to account for hidden factors, it pales in comparison to the $163,000 generated annually by each LSM worker.

The disparity is, quite simply, extraordinary.

Land Use and Density

The efficiency gap is even more evident when comparing land use:

• Large-scale miners extract about 86 kilograms of gold per square kilometre.
• Small-scale miners extract between 44 and 73 kilograms per square kilometre.

Moreover, LSM operations are spread across large concessions, typically around 70 square kilometres, with an average of 30 workers per square kilometre.

By contrast, ASM and galamsey operations crowd around 1,500 workers into each square kilometre.

To scale community mining up to match one LSM project would mean accommodating approximately 105,000 workers in a single operation. Clearly, this is unfeasible.

Why Community Mining Struggles

If galamsey mirrors ASM productivity, then its legalisation under the banner of community mining cannot, by itself, deliver environmental sustainability.

Large-scale miners can afford to invest in filtration systems, tailings dams, and treatment plants because of the high value generated per worker. ASM and galamsey operators, by contrast, lack such resources.

For community mining to become viable, it would require:

• Drastically reducing employment in the sector.
• Massive retraining of workers.
• Hiring of skilled engineers and machine operators.
• Allocation of large tracts of high-quality deposits.

This is extremely difficult to achieve without strict, consistent oversight and a political class willing to resist short-term expediency.

The Accountability Gap

And here lies the central issue: success would require tight scrutiny by a well-informed and vocal citizenry, unafraid to publicise results and hold leaders accountable. In the absence of this, political convenience will continue to dominate.

That is, unfortunately, where Ghana finds itself today.

Conclusion

The uncomfortable truth is that galamsey cannot be solved by political slogans or symbolic legislation. The underlying economics, low productivity, high labour density, and unsustainable land use make success nearly impossible under current conditions.

Unless the political culture changes to allow serious, sustained policy oversight, Ghana’s fight against galamsey will remain trapped in katanomics: policies that sound plausible in political terms but collapse in practice.

In a forthcoming piece, I intend to expand these arguments into a more rigorous study. For now, those interested in further details may consult:

• Why Ghana’s Galamsey Fight Has Become a Waste of Time
• Constitutional Change as Normative Crystallisation

For those more interested in the actual research from a professional or academic standpoint, a high-level overview of the evolving methodology is attached below:

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Source: Bright Simons

*********

The writer, Bright Simons, is the honorary Vice President of IMANI Africa

Beautiful English. Gallops like a racehorse. Then it reaches Ghana’s junction and politely joins the queue behind verification, protocol, and that ever-helpful signboard: System Is Down.

To be fair to our distant cousins, their letter asks for more than a sprint. In plain daylight, here’s the substance beneath the drumroll:

• Reinstate the CJ now—don’t wait for tomorrow’s tomorrow.
• Guarantee due and fair process—including full and transparent access for her lawyers to the proceedings.
• Publish clear rules of procedure to guide the disciplinary process.
• Set and announce a real timeline so the committee concludes its work without further delay, and communicate the result to everyone who still believes in the rule of law.

Ghana’s reply, carried by the Attorney-General, Dr. Dominic Ayine, is the kind of smile that can slice red tape. Translation: Thank you; also, we are not a colony. The suspension, he says, follows Article 146 to the letter: petitions received; Council of State advice taken; prima facie established; an independent committee chaired by a Supreme Court Justice empanelled; attempts to halt the process dismissed by the Supreme Court and High Court as lacking merit; and a side-quest now before the ECOWAS Court because regional whistles exist. The punchline? The President is bound by the committee’s findings; this is not executive karaoke.

So whose clock should we use—the Commonwealth stopwatch or the Ghanaian wall clock that runs on “as and when”? Our elders would say: both the drum and the dancer must keep time. Sovereignty is the generator; accountability is the bulb. If the room is still dark, shouting “We have a generator!” is karaoke, not illumination. Switch it on. Show the wiring. Let the light fall where the doubts are hiding.

And yes, the optics matter. If you begin a case with “she’s assisting,” explain—clearly—when “assisting” became “suspended,” what the rules are, how counsel participates, and when this drama ends. Publish the procedures in human language; give the timeline teeth that can bite through Monday traffic and Friday rain. When due process is visible, even your loudest critics will wash their hands in it.

Meanwhile, the online square—God bless its data bundles—has been auditioning for stand-up night:

“Dear Commonwealth, ‘immediate and without delay’ is a lovely phrase. Kindly find Pokuase at 5 p.m. and demonstrate.”

“Advising Ghana on Article 146 without reading Article 146 is like stirring banku without a bowl. Energetic—but where are you putting it?”

“We accept flowers for our national mourning. Lectures are received on Tuesdays. Bring photocopies.”

“They should come and reinstate her themselves.”

“Reinstate today? Great. Also reinstate electricity in my area—immediate and without dumsor.”

Mockery aside, the jokers are onto something. Advice travels best when it kneels, not when it climbs onto the table. If the Commonwealth wants to help, bring bulbs, not bullhorns. If government wants to be believed, bring rules and a timetable, not slogans. It’s not either/or. A wise house lights both signboards at the gate—Sovereignty and Rule of Law—so even those seated at the back can see the stage and recognise the actors.

As for “immediate and without delay,” let the phrase keep its elegance and gain a calendar. Here, immediacy wears court shoes, not track spikes. The committee will speak; the law will point; the President will do what the Constitution says—no more, no less. If that sounds boring, good. Rule of law is supposed to be boring. It’s how nations sleep at night without needing a Commonwealth lullaby.

Until then, let’s cool tempers, sharpen procedures, and keep our humour. After all, a republic that can mourn with dignity, argue with civility, and laugh at itself still has its compass. And if the Wi-Fi placard insists on marching through our courtyard, it should kindly wipe its feet—and read the house rules posted by the door.

The writer, Jimmy Aglah, is a media executive, author, and sharp-eyed social commentator. His latest book, Once Upon a Time in Ghana: Satirical Chronicles from the Republic of Uncommon Sense, now available on Amazon Kindle, delivers a witty, piercing take on Ghanaian society and governance. When he’s not steering broadcast operations, he’s busy challenging conventions—often with satire, always with purpose.

Source: Jimmy Aglah

As I moved in and around the city undertaking my business, I could not help but make the following observations:

1. Every single road that I used or saw had a good asphaltic surface. I did not see a single pothole in Nairobi during my rounds of almost all the suburbs. If a road was bad, it was one with some asphaltic cracks and depressions. Clearly, these were not new roads.
2. From my observation, there were very few traffic signal intersections in place, most of which were not in working condition. The good thing, however, was that they had very active traffic police officers who always turned out in their blue uniforms, ensuring the smooth movement of traffic. The good thing for them also is that they all have communication equipment, which they use to ensure that the flow of vehicular traffic is orderly.
3. Most of the city’s drains were slabbed or covered. The few open drains I saw were clean and not silted.
4. All the neighbourhoods including the central business district, were generally clean and devoid of any refuse. As for plastic waste, I saw practically none. In all the public places I visited, they had three separate bins for organic waste, plastic waste, and others.
5. The people of Kenya practice a system of intra-city transportation that caught my attention. Private individuals are not permitted to operate public transport. Anyone who purchases a bus(es) is required to register it with cooperative transport companies, who then manage the bus for and account to them. I found that very interesting, as it made public transport very organized. In addition, all school buses are painted yellow, in order to enable them enjoy specific privileges on the fast lane, etc.
6. The people of Kenya are extremely proud of their Swahili language. Even though both Swahili and English are official languages, Swahili comes first, and this was evident everywhere we went. How I wish we had one in Ghana, but that is only if wishes were horses!
7. One area that really caught my attention was the seriousness with which the Kenyan government and its people take the issue of security, law, and order. You cannot gain access into any public facility without declaring everything on you and your vehicle as well as your body being thoroughly searched. By this, every facility has had installed at its entry and exit baggage and body scanners with security personnel manning them. Whether they are shopping centers, hotels, public parks, government offices, municipal offices, utility providers, etc., they were all ready to search without any form of compromise. There were even some facilities, such as the Westgate Shopping Mall, that had about ten sniffer dogs in addition to the use of body scanners. Again, all the public facilities listed above had e-gates installed to check access in and out.
8. The security situation at the airport was top-notch. At the only entrance gate to the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, every single passenger was made to alight from his or her vehicle for body searches before rejoining the vehicle in the airport car park to begin departure formalities. During that process, your passport, visas, and boarding passes are checked less than four times before boarding. I remember that when I got to the immigration checkpoint, the officer (in his late fifties) told me in plain language that there was a problem with my documents. He did not understand why I had entered the country on Tuesday and was leaving in two days. As though it was a joke, he referred me to his superiors (two ladies) for interrogation. Fortunately for me, I had arrived at the airport very early, and so I was not in a hurry. I took them through the various stamps in my passport to let them appreciate that I had never stayed in any country for more than a week. We then engaged in some niceties, after which I was released to proceed for the other formalities. Even then, this officer who reported me asked whether I had confused the superiors, convinced them, or corrupted them (three Cs he called them). When I told him that I had convinced them, he said that in his case, I had to corrupt him and actually went ahead to repeat it while still holding the stamp to endorse my passport. I pretended that I did not understand a word of what he said till he had stamped it. I collected my passport and moved on.
9. In as much as I encountered some street hawking, this was only limited to the CBD area and even here, the prevalence of it was almost insignificant when compared with the situation in Accra.
10. The Kenyan people are pretty much proud of their Kenyan shillings. You will ordinarily not be able to openly exchange your foreign currency, nor can you openly trade in it. One of the rare situations in which you can trade in foreign currency is if you did not have the local currency and needed to undertake a transaction. Here, you would have to use the POS device to have the payment directly deducted from your home bank account. I guess, however, that there may be a couple of underhand forex traders, though certainly not as openly as we do in Accra.
11. One downside of Nairobi that I witnessed was that, as much as the people tried to be nice, their hospitality was nowhere near that of the average Ghanaian. They had this attitude of communicating as though to tell you that they were minding their own business.
12. A second downside that I noticed yesterday morning was the theft of my only phone charger (for my iPad, iPhone, and Samsung phone) as I departed Nairobi. It was the last thing I packed on my way out of the hotel, so I was 100% certain that I had placed it in my hand luggage. As part of the routine security checks we had been subjected to, the car boot where my bags were had been searched thrice while we were seated inside. At the departure gate ahead of boarding, I decided to charge my iPhone. To my shock, I opened my hand luggage, only to realize that only the charger head was in the corner of the bag. Someone, in trying to pull the charger out, had taken the cable, leaving the head. Where and how this happened, only God knows. In my interactions with Ekow Koomson (a previous resident of the city) ahead of this travel, he had warned me that the city was very fast and swift, but I never imagined that it could be like this. Ekow, this thing really hit me hard, errrr! Come for your stone, wai!

In my engagements with Philip, my assigned driver, I got to understand that in as much as Kenya had endemic issues such as corruption, they were really thankful to God for the way their country was currently being managed. The night before, on the Kenyan Television Network, I had watched President William Ruto at the Devolution Conference at Homabay chastise governors and members of parliament for demanding bribes before passing bills, among others.

My dear friend, Ghana has many things to thank God for, and I pray that these good things listed above will, in the not too distant future, come to add to our blessings as a people.

May God continue to bless our homeland, Ghana, and make it great and strong indeed!

Engr. Eric Atta-Sonno

Omane and I were seated next to each other, and after a few awkward moments of saying ‘hello’ to each other, we started chatting. We were getting on famously, teasing and laughing like long-lost buddies.

We ignored the few barbs we had tossed at each other after the Occupy Flag Staff House demonstration in 2014, as well as the curious stares from other mourners.

Of course, the conversation turned political. He had deep concerns about Ghana’s electoral system.

As we chatted about that, we touched on a very unlikely scenario: could the two of us work together to ask questions and seek answers about long-lasting electoral reforms? I also expressed my deep concerns about the nation in general.

I found myself telling him about how frustrated I was with the whole nation-building process. Before we parted, he politely asked for my number. I obliged, not really believing that he would get in touch. Surprise, surprise; he did.

That evening, between 5:50 pm and 5:52 pm, he forwarded some material to me, explaining his concerns about the electoral process. Then he added: ‘Good evening, Kojo.

There’s still hope, don’t leave hope.’ I responded that ‘hope is gone.’ We laughed over that by exchanging some funny memes and emojis.

We didn’t chat again until 25 April 2024, when I had delivered a speech at the Vice Chancellor’s awards ceremony at Legon.

Somehow, I felt the need to forward the video to him because my speech (Rock The Blessing: Time No Dey) contained more hope than I had expressed to him.

I wanted him to know that maybe his encouragement, ‘don’t leave hope’, had yielded some fruit. He must have watched the video because he responded, ‘Thanks, and congrats ’.

Then on 19 May, he sent me more material on his concerns with Ghana’s electoral system. He was quite passionate about that.

At dawn on 25 May, I sent him an inspiring speech by Shruthi Kumar for Harvard’s Commencement 2024. He quickly responded, ‘Thanks. But old man must be sleeping o .’ I responded with my old mantra: ‘Sleep is for the weak.’ He responded: ‘A compelling case aptly articulated in style.’

I responded further that ‘my fuller rendition is: Sleep is for the weak, those with little to wake up to, and those who can afford it,’ to which he responded with a ‘.’

We chatted on and off after that. He would send me materials on the electoral system. I would send him press releases by OccupyGhana, especially on Galamsey.

On 13 September, I forwarded to him this: ‘This is random information. Do with it as you please. Today, the kids of those egyabas who teased you for being dadaba are dadabas. Yesterday’s proud egyaba is today’s dada, not egya.

So all along, if like them, get some, and they will like…completely random information. ’ His response was: ‘ Is this an allegory? I’m just asking on behalf of Nana Addo and Bawumia ’ I responded: ‘hahahaha. As I said, completely random information ’ We exchanged some funny memes and ended it there. That is the closest we ever got to discussing party politics.

On Christmas Day 2024, he must have been busy with the political transition, yet he was sufficiently gracious to send me a Christmas greeting from his family (attached). I responded (attached).

When we exchanged happy new year messages, I also sent him some absolute nonsense (attached). We exchanged some more funny memes and emojis at this.

Later on 17 January, I sent him a flyer of the impending launch of the Company Law book I had co-edited. He responded with two raised thumbs. I added that ‘I saw the fake appointment.

I hope the proper one comes through soon.’ He was uncharacteristically coy about that and sent just ‘.’ On 21 January, when the proper appointment was announced, I sent him, ‘Finally, congrats.’ He became Minister of Defence.

We continued with our on-and-off chats, some serious stuff but mostly lighthearted banter. Curiously, never an argument, just mutual, decent respect.

On 19 March, I sent him a flyer inviting him to participate in the Achimota Speaks Program that evening, which was on the Free SHS Scheme. We shared deeply personal stories about the educational choices we had made for our children and why we had made those choices.

He, like me, had three kids, although mine are much older than his. At the end, he somehow felt compelled to apologise that he wasn’t going to make it to the program: ‘Regrettably, I have a tight schedule today.’ Of course, I knew he wasn’t going to be there. Later that night, I sent him a video of the event. We didn’t chat again after that.

Today, after hearing incredible news about the air crash, at 12:54 pm, I sent him a hopeful ‘Good afternoon.’ This time, and unusually, there was no response. Then I knew… because he always responded.

Always. Worse, all I saw was a single tick that showed the message had been sent but not read.

Maybe I’m still holding on to hope that he’ll respond, although I know he won’t… or can’t. But in just a year and three months, after just one meeting at a funeral, we found and forged a connection that showed there is more that unites us than divides us: our shared humanity. I am certainly going to miss a man I met only once and miss our ‘unlikely’ exchanges, ‘secret’ chats, and friendly banter.

I will make time to condole with the family, his spouse, and the three kids he spoke with me so deeply and fondly about.

Farewell, Doc, and may the Lord grant you eternal rest and may what you strived to achieve inspire us to embrace our common humanity and strive for a brighter future… ‘DON’T LEAVE HOPE.’

Source: Ace Ankomah

While going through departure formalities, my attention was drawn to the fact that there were hundreds of people lined up to go through the process.

My observation led to the realisation that the majority of them were from East and Southern Africa.

As we went through the embarkation processes, I wondered what could have possibly brought over two hundred East and Central African citizens to Accra at once.

At a point when we were all done with check-in and were at the departure gate, I engaged one of them, who was seated together with his wife.

Apparently, that whole batch of almost three hundred travellers had come in mainly from Zimbabwe, with others from Tanzania and South Africa.

There was another batch of mainly Nigerians and Cameroonians who were being processed at another part of the lounge.

They had all come to Ghana to attend the ‘Give Thyself Wholly Conference 2025.’

This was an annual conference organized by Bishop Dag Heward-Mills and the United Denominations originating from the Lighthouse Group of Churches (UD-OLGC).

The programme held at the Anagkazo Bible and Ministry Training College, was an international training conference for pastors, ministers and church workers.

From my engagement with the couple, who I later learned were ministers from the Harvesters International Church in Harare, the conference had thousands of participants.

Over the four-day period in Accra and Mampong, they had also gotten to know and experience a bit about Ghana.

Well, after a while, our flight time was due, and we boarded our planes. For those two hundred or so that boarded with me on that Kenyan Airways flight, we got to the Jomo International Airport, only for me to learn in shock that just three of us had Nairobi as our destination.

All the rest were Zimbabweans who were only transiting as they continued back home.

On my way from the airport to the hotel, my mind kept going back to the many other church conferences that are held in Ghana.

These include the Greater Works Conference held last week by the International Central Gospel Church at Christ Temple East in Accra with thousands in attendance, some of whom flew in from outside the country.

I also wondered about the Global Ministers and Wives Conference held by my church (The Church of Pentecost) in January of each year with participants from several countries, the Impact Convention by the Christian Action Faith Ministries each November/December.

Interestingly, these activities are all annual programmes that bring into the country several thousands of foreign visitors.

Further pondering on all of these, I kept imagining the impact of all these conferences by the various churches on the potential growth of the tourism industry of our country, if managed very well.

I believe that it is about time that the Ghana Tourism Development Company (GTDC) and the Ghana Tourism Authority (GTA), as well as their parent ministry (Ministry of Tourism, Culture, and Creative Arts) seriously engaged these churches to exploit ways by which some of their activities, such as those mentioned above, will be made to deliberately impact the growth of the tourism sector of our economy.

I notice while in Nairobi that everything is either directly or indirectly linked to the tourism sector of Kenya.

The tourism sector holds the key to the future growth of our nation’s economy, and we cannot continue to pay lip service to it. It is about time we take the bull by its horn and cause the growth factor to trigger same.

May God continue to bless our homeland, Ghana, and make it great and strong!

Source: Engr. Eric Atta-Sonno

In Ghana, the death of a public servant in the line of duty often evokes national grief, glowing tributes, and, in some cases, state-led support for the bereaved family.

Depending on the office held, the individual’s political affiliation, or their proximity to the governing party, the government may step in to provide funeral and burial arrangements. Yet, in many other instances, deserving public servants—and their families—receive little to no official support.

This inconsistency reveals a glaring gap: the absence of a comprehensive National Intervention Policy that guarantees equitable and predictable support for all public servants in the event of disaster or death in service.

The tragic August 6 helicopter crash, which claimed the lives of eight gallant public servants returning from an anti-galamsey security workshop, has once again brought this urgent need to the fore. These individuals died serving their country, yet the nation’s approach to handling such losses remains largely ad hoc and reactive.

A National Intervention Policy for Public Servants must be more than a ceremonial gesture—it should be a structured, proactive, and equitable safety net. Such a policy should:
• Provide salary adjustments for those injured in service to sustain them and their families during recovery.
• Guarantee comprehensive insurance to cover workplace-related accidents and disasters.
• Ensure posthumous promotions or service recognitions that honor the legacy of fallen public servants.
• Deliver timely compensation packages to families, ensuring they are not left in economic hardship while dealing with grief.

However, compensation alone is not enough. This tragedy also highlights the urgent need for institutional reforms and capacity building within our security and emergency response systems. The Ghana Air Force, for instance, requires a modern aviation laboratory at its bases to enhance safety protocols, accident prevention, and flight data analysis. Furthermore, an Accident Investigation Bureau embedded within our security institutions is essential to ensure swift, independent, and thorough investigations whenever incidents occur.

Equally pressing is the need to upgrade Air Force base hangars, ensuring they are fully equipped with safety systems and preventive measures against flooding—especially at the Takoradi Air Force hangar, which has faced such challenges during the rainy season.

Beyond aviation, the culture of maintenance must be enforced as a legal requirement across all government institutions. This should be driven through the procurement departments of every public body, with the Auditor-General playing a direct oversight role to ensure compliance. Preventive maintenance saves lives, preserves assets, and reduces long-term costs—and it should be seen as a governance priority, not an afterthought.

Central to implementing these measures should be the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO). If properly resourced and empowered, NADMO could serve as a fit-for-purpose vehicle to execute the National Intervention Policy to the letter—ensuring fairness, speed, and accountability. This will require dedicated funding streams, capacity enhancement, and legislative backing to give the policy the force of law rather than leaving it to political discretion.

As a nation, we must rise above the reactive culture of offering support only when media attention demands it or when the fallen happen to be politically connected. Public service, in all its forms, is a sacrifice—and sacrifices deserve guaranteed protections, not selective sympathy.

The August 6 tragedy should not become another fleeting headline. Instead, it must be the turning point where Ghana commits to institutionalizing compassion, fairness, safety, and preparedness for every public servant who faces the risks of duty. This is how we truly honor their service—not just with words, but with lasting policy backed by law.

Source: Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

Beyond the shock and sorrow lies a call for sustainable support for the children, spouses, and dependents now facing life without their loved ones.

This is not the first time a national tragedy has left families in limbo. Earlier in March 2024, Deputy Finance Minister John Kumah passed away, leaving behind his wife and six children. Now, the families of Dr Edward Omane Boamah, Dr Ibrahim Murtala Muhammed, and six other victims—Dr Muniru Mohammed Limuna, Dr Samuel Sarpong, Samuel Aboagye, Squadron Leader Peter Bafemi Anala, Flying Officer Twum Ampadu, and Sergeant Ernest Addo Mensah—face similar uncertainty.

These are not just names on a list; they were fathers, husbands, breadwinners, and mentors. Their sudden absence has created lifelong emotional and financial voids that cannot be filled by condolences alone.

Pattern of Forgotten Families
History has shown how quickly society’s attention shifts away from the families of those who served our nation. The widow of the late Deputy Finance Minister John Kumah recently opened up about the deep disappointments her family has experienced since his passing: “People we thought would be there — the way they turned their backs on us. The lies, the deceptions.”

Perhaps no case illustrates this abandonment more tragically than that of Captain Maxwell Adam Mahama, who was lynched in May 2017, leaving behind a wife and two children. While his family received a trust fund, the broader question remains: Are such isolated gestures enough?

Cruel Reality of Fair-Weather Support
The truth is that many who were close to these leaders often vanish when their source of benefit is gone. State funerals are organised, promises are made, but as months pass, the families are often left to struggle alone.

Sustainable Support Systems
As we mourn, we must commit to doing better. Support must go beyond the ceremonial period. This includes:

• Educational support – Scholarships and trusts for children.

• Economic empowerment – Skills training and business support for surviving spouses.

• Psychological care – Counselling and trauma recovery services.

• Long-term financial security – Pensions and insurance.

A National Framework
We need a national policy for the welfare of all public servants who die in service—not just high-profile cases. Every police officer, soldier, teacher, healthcare worker, or civil servant who dies leaves behind people depending on them.

Collective Responsibility
The families of Dr Omane Boamah, Dr Murtala, and the other victims are watching to see if we will be different this time. We must not allow them to be forgotten.

The time for action is now. Tomorrow may be too late. This is not charity—it is our moral obligation and a measure of our collective character.

Source: Alhaji Seidu Agongo
The author is a businessman and philanthropist committed to social justice and community development.

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On this tragic day, a Ghana Air Force Harbin Z-9 helicopter, carrying two cabinet ministers, three officers of the Air Force, and three other distinguished statesmen, crashed at Adansi Akrofum in the Ashanti Region.

They were not on a leisure trip. They were not on a political campaign. They were on a mission, a mission to Obuasi to wage war against one of Ghana’s greatest threats: the Galamsey menace.

Yet, in the line of duty, their lives were abruptly cut short.
Eight gallant men: Minister for Defence Dr. Edward Omane Boamah, Minister for Environment, Technology and Innovation, Dr. Alhaji Murtala Mohammed, Acting Deputy National Security Coordinator, Alhaji Muniru Mohammed, NDC Vice Chairman Dr. Samuel Sarpong, Acting Deputy NADMO Director-General Samuel Aboagye, Squadron Leader Peter Bafemi Anala, Flying Officer Twum Ampadu and Sgt. Ernest Addo Mensah.

Their deaths have plunged the nation into mourning. Flags are being flown at half-mast. Speeches of condolence are being read. Tears are being shed. But the question echoes across the land.

Will we mourn and then allow the very evil they died fighting to continue?
This is not the first time that blood has been spilt in the fight against illegal mining.

On 29th May, 2017, the nation was shocked when Major Maxwell Adam Mahama was brutally lynched by a mob at Denkyira Obuasi while leading a military detachment against Galamsey.

Ghana mourned him. A statue was erected in his honour. But eight years later, Galamsey continues unabated, unashamed, and unchallenged to its core financiers.

How many more heroes must fall before we act with the seriousness this crisis demands?
Galamsey is not just an environmental problem.

It is a war, a war with casualties, both visible and invisible. Its negative effects cut across every aspect of our lives:

Health: Communities are drinking mercury-polluted water. Cancer rates are rising. Children are born with deformities and disabilities linked to toxic chemicals. Respiratory diseases spread where the dust and chemicals poison the air.

Education: Farmlands destroyed by galamsey rob parents of livelihoods, forcing children out of school to join illegal mining pits. The future workforce of Ghana is being trained not in classrooms, but in hazardous pits.

Forests: Our green cover, once the pride of West Africa, is being stripped bare. Protected forests are turned into wastelands, killing biodiversity and accelerating climate change.

Water bodies: From the Ankobra to the Pra, from the Offin to the Birim, our rivers, lifelines for millions, are now brown, poisonous, and dying. Entire communities may soon have no safe drinking water.

We should not only honour these eight fallen heroes with speeches and memorials; we should also acknowledge their legacy through meaningful actions. We should honour them by finishing the mission they started.

In my candid opinion, there are two immediate, uncompromising steps to take:

Declare a state of emergency in all our forests and water bodies and in every area where non-industrial mining operates. Halt all illegal operations without delay, as a direct honour to our departed heroes.

Treat galamsey as the war it is. Wars are not fought with press releases; they are fought with decisive force. Equip and mandate our military to dismantle these illegal networks and bring their financiers to justice before they destroy us entirely.

Every Ghanaian must understand: this is not just about the environment; it is about survival. If we fail to act, the destruction will not stop at the rivers and the forests.

It will seep into our food, our homes, and the very health of generations unborn.

Let us not, eight years from now, gather again to mourn more names, build more statues, and write more emotional tributes while Galamsey thrives.

To the families of the victims, we extend our deepest condolences.

May your souls rest not only in peace but also in the assurance that your sacrifice will not be in vain.

Ghana owes you more than words. Ghana owes you victory over Galamsey. REST IN PEACE.

Source: Daniel Payne

Throughout his career, he has bridged divides that others found too wide — from bringing hope to underprivileged communities and persons with disabilities, to championing gender equality, youth empowerment, and grassroots development.

His belief is simple: Ghana works best when everyone moves forward together.

Time and again, Dr. Bawumia has shown that political affiliation should never be a barrier to human compassion or national progress. His unwavering commitment to interfaith harmony has strengthened bonds between Christians and Muslims, fostering a climate of mutual respect that enriches Ghana’s democratic fabric.

That spirit of unity came into sharp focus in the heat of the 2024 general elections.

While the nation watched closely, his calm, peace-first approach reassured Ghanaians that the stability of the country was — and would always remain — his top priority. It was a defining moment that proved his politics is anchored in patriotism, not personal gain.

And now, that same quality has shone through once more.

Following the recent helicopter crash involving President John Dramani Mahama, Dr. Bawumia put aside political rivalry and personally visited him to console and wish him well.

It was an act that resonated deeply with Ghanaians — a reminder that before titles and party colours, we are one people, united in shared humanity.

Source: Ernest Arhinful

Today, the site remains largely unmarked and unstructured — a silent witness to an event that deserves both national remembrance and purposeful transformation.

Around the world, crash sites have been respectfully developed into memorials that honour the lives lost, educate future generations, and stimulate local economies through heritage tourism. From the Flight 93 National Memorial in the United States to the Mount Osutaka site in Japan, these spaces have become powerful intersections of history, reflection, and sustainable community development.

For Adansi Brofoyedur — a community whose livelihood thrives on cocoa farming — the transformation of this helicopter crash site into a formal memorial can do more than preserve history. It can introduce a new dimension to the local economy, attracting domestic and international visitors, creating opportunities for small-scale hospitality businesses, and inspiring educational programmes that connect aviation history, safety awareness, and cultural heritage.

The challenge before us is not merely to mark the ground where tragedy struck, but to weave it into a broader narrative of resilience, pride, and progress — ensuring that the memory of the event serves as both a solemn reminder and a catalyst for sustainable development.

August 6, 2025, will forever be etched in the memories of Ghanaians as a day of immense loss. The tragic crash of an Air Force helicopter in the Ashanti Region claimed the lives of eight prominent individuals — including the Defence Minister and the Environment Minister — along with six other dedicated public servants. As the nation mourns, it’s time to reflect on how we can transform this tragedy into an opportunity that benefits the community, the Ghana Armed Forces, and the nation as a whole.

A Memorial Hangar: Honoring Lives Lost

The site of the accident presents a unique chance to create a memorial hangar that would not only serve as a tribute to those who lost their lives, but also provide multifaceted benefits to the local community and the Ghana Armed Forces. This hangar could be developed into a state-of-the-art facility for aircraft maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) services, catering to both military and civilian aircraft.

Supporting the Local Cocoa Farming Community

Given the region’s prominence in cocoa farming, the hangar could also be utilized to transport cocoa and other agricultural products to markets in Accra and beyond. This initiative would significantly boost the local economy and provide farmers with easier access to markets, thereby improving their livelihoods.

Benefits for the Ghana Armed Forces

For the Ghana Armed Forces, the hangar would serve as a strategic asset, enabling them to conduct maintenance and repairs efficiently. This would enhance their operational readiness and capability, ensuring they can effectively serve and protect the nation.

A Tourist Attraction and Educational Hub

Beyond its functional uses, the memorial hangar could also be designed as a tourist attraction and educational site. Students and visitors from across the country could learn about the history of aviation in Ghana, the significance of the site, and the lives of the individuals who tragically lost their lives. This would not only preserve their memory but also inspire future generations.

Conclusion

As Ghana mourns the loss of its esteemed leaders and public servants, it’s crucial to look toward the future and find meaningful ways to honor their legacy. By transforming the accident site into a memorial hangar that supports the local community and the Ghana Armed Forces, we can ensure that their sacrifice is not in vain. This initiative would be a testament to their enduring impact on our nation.

Source: Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

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Deloitte and the IMF are both projecting single-digit inflation by year-end, with the IMF forecasting as low as 8%. In June 2025, annual inflation dropped sharply to 13.7% from 18.4% the previous month. Month-on-month prices fell by 1.2%, a sign that the macro indicators are heading in the right direction.

The Ghanaian Cedi has also made an extraordinary comeback. It appreciated by 42% against the U.S. dollar, 30.3% against the British Pound, and 25.6% against the euro. The exchange rate moved from a staggering GH¢17 (November 2024) to GH¢10.30 (June 2025) on the interbank market—gains not seen in recent memory.

In theory, this is great news. In reality, though, many Ghanaians are asking a very simple question: Why isn’t any of this reflecting in the market?

Essential goods like home-grown foodstuffs, cement, and building materials continue to see price hikes or remain stubbornly high. A recent PwC survey confirms the disconnect: 45% of respondents said the inflation decline is not translating into real-life relief. This raises a critical question for the government and policymakers: What good are strong macroeconomic numbers if ordinary people still can’t afford basic necessities?

Falling Inflation, Rising Food Prices

The issue lies in the structure of our food systems. Food inflation remains high because, despite the consistent drop in the rate of price increases, prices themselves are still increasing, albeit at a slower pace. That’s partly due to the lingering effects of earlier high production costs, seasonal supply fluctuations, and deep-rooted inefficiencies in local supply chains.

But one cannot ignore the human element: the disproportionate control wielded by market queens and middlemen over Ghana’s food distribution system. These actors dictate prices, quantities, and even the flow of goods from farms to market stalls. Their stranglehold on the food chain is so strong that it shapes what’s available to consumers and at what cost.

The World Food Program estimates that Ghana loses about $2 billion annually to post-harvest losses, largely due to poor storage and processing capacity. Yet this inefficiency thrives in part because it supports a system of price manipulation and limited accountability.

Other key drivers of high prices include unregulated cost of delivery services and galamsey. Delivery charges are often arbitrary—sometimes exceeding the cost of the item itself—due to a lack of regulation, allowing vendors and dispatchers alike to set prices at will.

Galamsey activities continue to devastate arable land, turning fertile fields into deep pits, reducing available land for farming, and affecting soil quality as well. This degradation, along with water contamination and labour shifts from agriculture to mining, has cut food production, driven up prices, increased reliance on imports, and worsened food insecurity.

Many of these powerful market actors are politically connected, making it difficult for successive governments to decisively intervene.

Even cement prices, which are not directly food-related, are telling. As the Roads Minister, Kwame Governs Agbodza, recently asked: Why is a bag of cement still selling for GH¢120 when macro conditions should support a price closer to GH¢95 who is benefiting from these inflated prices?

The answer is clear—not the ordinary Ghanaian.

What Must Government Do?

This is not just an economic dilemma; it’s a governance challenge. If falling inflation and a strong Cedi aren’t reducing the cost of living, then there is something fundamentally wrong with the system —and that needs fixing.

Here’s what the government should consider doing to make the macroeconomic gains translate into market reality:

Scale Up Social Interventions

Immediate relief is crucial. Programs like the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) and food vouchers must be expanded and more efficiently targeted. These should be linked to community-level food distribution systems that bypass exploitative market channels.

 Boost Local Food Production

Ghana must address the root cause of food price instability—insufficient domestic supply. This requires investment in irrigation to extend growing seasons, support for mechanisation, access to quality seeds, and robust extension services for farmers.

Reduce Post-Harvest Losses

Up to 30% of food produced in Ghana is lost due to poor storage and bad roads. Building feeder roads and cold storage facilities will stabilise prices and improve food availability year-round.

 Promote Agro-Industrialization

We must move beyond raw food production. Agro-processing adds value, creates jobs, and reduces our dependence on imported products. Tax incentives, affordable credit, and support for farmer cooperatives can help Ghanaian agribusinesses scale up and compete.

Break the Market Monopoly

The National Buffer Stock Company (NAFCO) must be empowered to disrupt exploitative supply chains. By buying directly from farmers and distributing efficiently, NAFCO can challenge the dominance of market queens and stabilise prices.

 Improve Policy Coordination and Market Monitoring

The Ministry of Food and Agriculture should set up a Price Monitoring and Forecasting Unit to provide real-time data for proactive planning. Ghana must also coordinate with ECOWAS to facilitate food trade and prevent artificial shortages.

Adopt a Focused Import Substitution Strategy

Strategic investment in crops like rice, maize, tomatoes, and poultry can help Ghana move toward food self-sufficiency. Well-designed protectionist measures can give local industries the breathing room to grow and compete.

Enforce Mining Laws & Restore Degraded Lands

Government must empower security agencies and mining regulators to enforce laws impartially, with a focus on protecting agricultural lands and forest reserves. Additionally, targeted land restoration initiatives should be implemented to reclaim degraded areas.

Conclusion: A Moment to Act

Ghana stands at a crossroads. The economy is finally showing signs of macro-stability, but the real test lies in translating those gains into everyday affordability. Falling inflation and a resurgent Cedi mean little if market prices remain high due to inefficiencies, monopolies, unchecked profiteering and nefarious activities of galamsey operators.

This is not a simplistic matter of economics—it’s a matter of political will. It’s time for bold leadership that tackles food price inflation not just as a number on a chart, but as a lived reality for millions of Ghanaians. If the government acts now—reducing production costs, strengthening food systems, and cutting import dependency—Ghana can build a resilient, inclusive, and self-sustaining economy.

The opportunity is here. The question is: will we take it?

Source: Collins Ofoe Kwashie

As the nation mourns, attention now turns to a small but vital device that may hold the answers: the black box.

What is a Black Box?

The black box is neither black nor mysterious. It is, in fact, a bright orange-coloured, crash-hardened device that records essential information during a flight. Those who are familiar with National Geographic’s Air Crash Investigation documentary would realise that the black box is very critical.

In aviation, it plays a central role in post-crash investigations, helping aviation experts understand the events that led to an accident.

Each black box comprises two key components:

1. Flight Data Recorder (FDR): This logs critical technical data such as altitude, airspeed, engine performance, and the flight path.
2. Cockpit Voice Recorder (CVR): This captures all sounds from within the cockpit, including conversations between the pilots and other audio cues from the flight deck.

Together, these two recorders can store over 25 hours of flight metrics and two hours of audio recordings—an invaluable archive for investigators.

Why is it crucial for Ghana’s investigation?

In the wake of such a high-level and tragic incident, the black box becomes the most sought-after tool in determining the cause of the crash.

Whether the tragedy stemmed from mechanical failure, environmental conditions, or human error, the data recovered will provide investigators with an unfiltered account of the final moments of the flight.

This insight is not only essential for bringing closure to the grieving families and the nation but also for enhancing operational safety within Ghana’s military and aviation sectors.

Can it survive the crash?

Looking at the state of the burnt aircraft, are you wondering if the black box can be recovered? Yes, it can be recovered because black boxes are engineered to endure the most extreme conditions.

Typically located in the aircraft’s tail, the part is most likely to survive a crash. The device is designed to:

• Withstand temperatures of up to 1,100°C for at least one hour
• Survive pressures found at depths of up to 6,000 metres underwater
• Endure impacts up to 3,400 times the force of gravity

Moreover, it emits an underwater locator signal for 30 days to aid recovery teams in locating the device.

Is it easy to decode?

According to Air Crash Investigations, not immediately.

While recovering the black box is a critical milestone, extracting and interpreting its data is complex and time-intensive. Specialists require advanced forensic tools, and depending on the damage sustained, a full analysis may take several weeks or even months.

Nonetheless, once decoded, the findings will be instrumental in guiding Ghana’s aviation safety protocols, refining military procedures, and, most importantly, preventing future tragedies.

As Ghana reflects on this painful moment, the black box remains a symbol of both hope and accountability, a silent witness to a tragedy that demands answers and action.

In my opinion, the government should prioritise engaging competent air crash investigators to unlock what occurred and offer the needed recommendations that will make an impact in the country.

The writer of this explainer, Albert Kuzor, is a JoyNews Journalist.

Sent to help my sister with her newborn so my mother could continue to help lead Ghana,
Aunty just wanted to stay in the US a little longer.

So, aunty told a small lie for a visa extension, a green card, a passport, something.

Before she knew it, she was sucked into court and before a judge, where her “little white lie” now had to hold under increasing pressure.

Every beautiful new space we enter seduces us with possibility, gently demanding,
as if only suggesting we adapt, conform, and evolve into something we barely recognise, to belong.

To be the first or even among the few chosen ones granted entry into the esteemed corridors of power has many too flattered to question the mission or true cost.

When you sell Africa’s potential for personal position and pretend power, you can end up abandoning more than people and principles for praise.

Once lost, you become an empty vessel, open to pride, greed, lust, envy, and gluttony.

A seductive slippery slope of selfishness. But in this story, the serpent is not the villain.

Dearly beloved, do not let glitter blind you to what is golden. To be praised by a boss, invited on stage, summoned by “royalty”, dining with a duke, taking pictures with the president, there seems to be no greater honour.

Think of the likes, the shares, the podcasts. Sitting in the lap of power can distract from seeing you are being used as a puppet for the powerful.

Slowly transforming into a pied piper, leading your people to ruin.

Ambition itself isn’t betrayal. But blind ambition, unchecked, unquestioned, is.

Not every stage deserves your applause. Not every accolade represents achievement.
Not every invitation is a genuine opportunity.

Some doors test your loyalty to your core and your base to trap you, and us. Because you never enter alone.

Remember, many knelt so you could rise. Don’t forget the future does not end with you.
Look back past the applause, look forward beyond your ambition. Know that you’re not alone. Others follow your lead.

Do not climb a stage that puts others in a cage.

Making a difference matters, yes, but always question, who truly benefits beyond the easy applause, supporting data, convenient logic and the scripted talking points.

Policies evolve, but human nature seldom does.

Be wary of those who come bearing gifts. Every prize has a price. And if you are not paying, some else is.

True power isn’t found in acceptance or flattery. It’s rooted in integrity, accountability, and purpose.

Choose substance over symbolism. Question motives, examine intentions, stay anchored to your values.

Lead wisely. Others depend on it.

Source: David Coleman

A company may have the best products or services, but if consumers view it negatively, its reputation and profits can suffer. The standoff between DStv Ghana and the Minister of Communications, Samuel Nartey George, highlights this truth and offers a compelling case study on why perception is central to brand image and why businesses must take it seriously.

Understanding Brand Perception

Brand perception is how consumers interpret and connect with brands based on their experiences, interactions, and information. It extends beyond what the company says about itself. It’s about what people believe and perceive it to be. Perception influences consumer purchase decisions, loyalty, and advocacy. A positive brand perception can lead to increased customer loyalty, help the brand stand out, and build recognition.

DStv Ghana vs. The Ministry: A Case of Perception Mismanagement

The Minister of Communications, Hon. Sam Gorge, on Friday, 1 August 2025, issued a directive to DStv Ghana demanding a reduction in subscription prices by 7 August 2025, citing that prices in Ghana were disproportionately high compared to other African countries. DStv responded with a letter rejecting the request, citing economic challenges. This response, however, is perceived by many as dismissive and tone-deaf. The company’s refusal to adjust its prices despite public pressure and the government’s intervention has painted DStv as indifferent to the struggles of its subscribers.

Perception Challenge and Missed Opportunity to Build Trust

DStv’s refusal to lower its subscription fees in Ghana, despite the data presented by the Minister of Communications, has fostered a perception of exploitation and inequity. It has also been perceived as defensive and out of touch, reinforcing the narrative that the company does not prioritise Ghanaian consumers. The significant pricing difference between Ghana and Nigeria depicts DStv as a company prioritising profits over fairness.

MultiChoice Ghana’s response, issued on August 3, 2025, further illustrates the pitfalls of mishandling perception. The company described the proposed price cut as “not tenable” due to a “challenging macro-economic and competitive environment”, offering counterproposals which the minister has swiftly rejected.

By prioritising economic constraints and its operational history over addressing affordability concerns, MultiChoice missed an opportunity to show empathy.

Erosion of Trust and Loyalty

The disagreement has gained momentum on social media platforms like X, where Ghanaians have voiced outrage and rallied behind the minister’s stance. The backlash has exposed a significant decline in trust towards DStv’s commitment to its Ghanaian audience. When consumers see a brand as exploitative, they are more likely to question its value and seek alternatives, even if those options are less well-known. This erosion of loyalty presents a long-term threat to DStv’s market share, especially as competitors and local broadcasters capitalise on the opportunity to position themselves as more consumer-friendly alternatives.

Strategic Lessons for Businesses

The DStv-Ghana dispute offers critical lessons for businesses on the importance of managing consumer perception to build and sustain a positive brand image.

1. Perception Shapes Consumer Reality. Consumers might not have access to a company’s financial data or operational difficulties, but their perceptions, whether correct or not, define their reality. In DStv’s case, the perception of exploitation has eclipsed its arguments about economic pressures. Businesses must proactively address consumer concerns, even if they believe those concerns are mistaken, to avoid appearing unresponsive or uncaring. Clear communication and tangible actions, such as price adjustments or improved customer engagement, can help align perceptions with the brand’s intended image.
2. Cultural and Local Context is Paramount. DStv’s failure to align its pricing with Ghana’s improved economic conditions has fostered a perception of insensitivity. Multinational brands must tailor their strategies to reflect local economic and cultural realities, ensuring that pricing, communication, and service delivery resonate with regional expectations. MultiChoice’s compliance with Nigerian regulators demonstrates an understanding of that market’s dynamics, but its reluctance to adapt in Ghana has fueled accusations of bias and eroded trust.
3. Transparency and Empathy Build Trust. The Minister’s decision to publicly reveal MultiChoice’s comparative pricing across Africa is a strategic move to promote transparency and has garnered public support. In contrast, MultiChoice’s defensive approach and focus on operational issues failed to address customer concerns. Businesses should prioritise empathetic communication, recognise consumer difficulties, and offer solutions that show a genuine commitment to their well-being.
4. Proactive Engagement Mitigates Crises. The DStv dispute escalated because MultiChoice failed to anticipate or address public discontent before it reached a boiling point. Businesses should proactively monitor consumer sentiment, especially on social media, and engage stakeholders early to prevent issues from escalating. For example, DStv could have started discussions with the Ministry or offered a modest price adjustment before the minister’s ultimatum, demonstrating responsiveness and avoiding a public standoff.

Conclusion

The DStv-Ghana dispute highlights that perception is not just a peripheral concern but a strategic asset that can make or break a brand’s reputation. MultiChoice’s failure to address pricing issues, communicate with empathy, and align with economic realities in the region turned a manageable problem into a public relations crisis. Conversely, Hon. Sam George’s emphasis on consumer advocacy and transparency strengthened his public image, demonstrating how perception can be harnessed to build trust and influence.

For DStv and other businesses, the lesson is clear: prioritising consumer perception is vital for maintaining a positive brand image. This involves proactive engagement, culturally sensitive strategies, and a commitment to transparency and fairness. In an age where social media amplifies consumer voices and regulatory oversight is increasing, businesses that neglect perception risk losing not only customers but also their position in the market. By learning from the DStv-Ghana saga, companies can turn perception challenges into opportunities to develop stronger, more trusted brands that connect with their audiences.

Dr Linda Narh, Lecturer & Coordinator (MA Brands and Communication and MBA Corporate Communications), University of Professional Studies, Accra. linda.narh@upsamail.edu.gh

The Emissions Levy Act (Act 1112) was passed in 2023 but took effect on February 1, 2024. This legislation imposed a levy on carbon dioxide equivalent emissions from specific sectors and vehicles.

The sectors affected by the Enwisie levy, as Ghanaians affectionately called it, included construction, manufacturing, mining, oil, and gas.

The law required entities in these sectors to pay GHS100 per ton of emission generated per month. The levy also affected owners of internal combustion engine vehicles, with rates based on vehicle type and engine capacity: Motorcycles and tricycles: GHS75 per annum; Motor vehicles, buses, and coaches up to 3,000 cc: GHS150 per annum; Motor vehicles, buses, and coaches above 3,000 cc: GHS300 per annum; and Cargo trucks and articulated trucks: GHS300 per annum.

The passage of the carbon emission tax and its implementation made Ghana one of the few countries in Africa to introduce a carbon emission tax of such kind. According to the report of the finance committee on the Emission Levy Bill, the levy was projected to generate GHC451,000,000 in revenue in the 2024 fiscal year.

The implementation of Act 1112 was aligned with Ghana’s broader environmental objectives, including the Climate Prosperity Plan (CPP), which aimed at addressing climate change while promoting economic growth. The CPP focuses on investments in renewable energy, sustainable infrastructure, and climate-resilient policies, targeting an Economic gain of USD 76 billion by 2050.

When the act was passed into law, the Association of Ghana Industries (AGI), Ghana Union of Traders Association (GUTA), Ghana Private Road Transport Union (GPRTU), and Institute of Energy Security (IES) raised several concerns about its negative implications of the levy when implemented.

While their concerns were legitimate and were within their rights, they were not made to appreciate the several implications on the country’s efforts to ensure a carbon reduction-free environment.

Upon carefully looking at the act, its repeal will cause the following:

Weakened Motivation for Emission Reduction: Without the levy, businesses and industries may feel less incentivized to reduce their carbon emissions. The levy likely acted as a financial push for companies to adopt cleaner technologies or reduce emissions to avoid penalties. Its removal could result in less urgency to invest in sustainable practices

Reduced Financial Incentives for Green Projects: The carbon emission levy was likely implemented to generate funds that could be directed toward promoting sustainable practices, renewable energy projects, and green initiatives. Its repeal could reduce the financial resources available for these programs, slowing the transition to greener energy sources and technologies.

Challenges in Meeting International Climate Commitments: Ghana, as part of the global community, has commitments under international frameworks such as the Paris Agreement. The repeal of the carbon levy could make it more difficult to meet carbon reduction targets, affecting the country’s climate change efforts and possibly its international reputation in terms of environmental responsibility.

Economic Implications: While the repeal may ease some short-term financial burdens on businesses, especially those in carbon-intensive industries, it could ultimately harm long-term economic growth if the country doesn’t diversify its energy sector and improve environmental sustainability.

Public Perception and Environmental Awareness: The repeal may also influence public perception. The government’s decision could signal a lack of commitment to the environment, potentially diminishing public support for climate change initiatives and reducing awareness about the need to tackle carbon emissions.

Overall, the repeal of the carbon emission levy could hinder Ghana’s efforts to create a sustainable and carbon-neutral environment, as it may weaken both financial support for green initiatives and the regulatory pressure on industries to reduce emissions. However, the government could still pursue alternative measures to maintain momentum in climate action.

In conclusion, it is on record that in January 2023, Ghana became the second African nation, following Mozambique, to receive payments from the World Bank’s Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF) for reducing emissions through the REDD+ program. The FCPF paid Ghana $4,862,280 for reducing 972,456 tons of carbon emissions during the first monitoring period (June to December 2019). This payment is the first of four under Ghana’s Emission Reductions Payment Agreement (ERPA) with the World Bank, potentially totaling up to $50 million for reducing 10 million tons of CO₂ emissions by the end of 2024.

These funds were primarily allocated to farmer groups and local communities that have adopted sustainable farming practices, such as shaded cocoa systems, to prevent the expansion of cocoa farms into forest reserves. These practices aim to reduce deforestation and forest degradation while enhancing farmers’ livelihoods.

Also, in July 2023, Ghana began disbursing the $4.8 million received, benefiting over 240,000 farmers across 1,400 communities in the country’s seven cocoa-producing regions. The disbursement supports the adoption of climate-smart cocoa production methods and aims to further reduce carbon emissions.

So, the repeal of the act is not only considered as a jolt in Ghana’s combative efforts against climate change, but it’s also put Ghana’s climate change fight in a factory setting mood in terms of the country’s commitment in the fight against climate change, most especially commitment to sustainable cocoa production and forest conservation.

President of France, Emmanuel Macron, once said ‘‘By polluting the oceans, not mitigating CO2 emissions and destroying our biodiversity, we are killing our planet. Let us face it, there is no planet B’’

Source: Listowell Kwadwo Fordjour

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Last week, our Attorney‑General, custodian of Article 88, Section 54 and every Latin incantation known to man, stood before cameras and explained why he had entered nolle prosequi in the Republic v. Kwabena Duffuor & 7 Others. Instead of gambling with the courtroom roulette wheel, he had secured GH¢824 million in assets and GH¢500 million in recovered funds, promising the balance in 18 months. “Would you rather get nothing?” he asked the nation, deploying his now‑viral goat analogy: “If a thief steals six goats and you recover four, will you still insist on a trial that could drag for years?”

A good question, except the peasants of Akyem‑Amanfrom might respond: “My Lord, in our village we recovered the goat and still held the thief’s ears to the fire.”

“When the poor man steals corn, he is a thief; when the rich man steals the barn, he becomes a negotiator,” grumbled a bystander at Kejetia Market.

The Minority in Parliament, who themselves know the scent of goat stew, threatened to march to the Supreme Court. They called it class justice: one menu for peasants stealing chickens, another for elite embezzlers who can afford a “structured recovery plan.”

Civic groups joined in: “Will this not teach future looters that corruption is simply a discounted loan? Return 60%, keep 40%, and watch the State sprinkle Latin powder over the case?”

If Parliament were serious, it would pass laws to end this buffet of impunity, not just hold press conferences with angry faces.

But the Attorney‑General is unmoved. Plea bargaining (Act 1079) and Section 35 of the Courts Act, he notes, are all part of Ghana’s new legal gym: recover the money fast before the assets depreciate like a second‑hand taxi. Protracted trials, he argues, yield nothing but dust and court adjournments.

Still, in a Republic where peasants are remanded for stealing two cobs of corn, the optics are damning. The poor, after all, have no “refund menu,” no structured recovery plans, and no Latin immunity to keep their cassava leaves intact.

“The lizard that jumps from a high tree and survives will think he is a hawk,” murmured an elder on a Kumasi trotro.

Perhaps, just perhaps, Lady Justice has lost her scales and is now operating a weighing machine at Makola Market—where the price of freedom is negotiable, and nolle prosequi is the new national currency.

Jimmy Aglah

Satirist-in-Chief, Republic of Uncommon Sense.

But beneath that familiar sound lies a dangerous and growing threat to the nation’s environment: poorly maintained vehicles with damaged or spoilt exhaust pipes.

Every day, thousands of taxis, trotro buses, private cars, and cargo trucks hit the roads—many of them expelling thick clouds of smoke due to faulty exhaust systems. These emissions, rich in carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, and unburnt hydrocarbons, are not just an eyesore; they are major contributors to air pollution and, by extension, climate change.

A Silent Crisis in Motion

Ghana, like many developing countries, is facing the brunt of climate change: erratic rainfall patterns, prolonged dry seasons, increased temperatures, and rising sea levels along its coastlines. While deforestation and industrial pollution are well-known culprits, one often ignored factor is vehicular emissions—especially from cars with spoilt or removed catalytic converters and exhaust pipes.

These faulty exhaust systems release more greenhouse gases than properly functioning ones.

When cars lack effective emission control systems, their pollutants go unchecked into the atmosphere, accelerating the warming of the planet. Unfortunately, many Ghanaian drivers either neglect regular car maintenance or deliberately remove catalytic converters to boost engine performance, unaware of the long-term damage to public health and the environment.

Air Quality and Health at Risk

In areas like Circle, Madina, Kejetia, and Takoradi, residents are increasingly complaining about respiratory issues: coughing, asthma attacks, and general discomfort, particularly during rush hours. According to environmental experts, the black soot and fumes from these vehicles are contributing to worsening urban air quality, leading to both immediate health crises and long-term environmental degradation.

Children and the elderly are the most vulnerable. With most schools and homes located close to busy roads, daily exposure to toxic air is becoming a hidden public health emergency.

Policy Gaps and Enforcement Challenges

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) of Ghana has laws and standards for vehicle emissions, but enforcement remains weak. Vehicle inspections are irregular, and some roadworthiness certificates are issued without proper testing—a practice often enabled by corruption or negligence.

Meanwhile, Ghana continues to import large numbers of used vehicles from Europe, the U.S., and Asia—many of which are over 10 years old and already prone to exhaust system failures. Without firm regulations and a proper inspection regime, the problem is only set to worsen.

What Can Be Done?

Experts and environmental advocates are calling for:

• Stricter enforcement of emission standards during DVLA vehicle inspections.

• Banning the importation of very old vehicles with high emissions.

• Subsidising repairs or replacements of exhaust systems to make them affordable for drivers.

• Public education campaigns on the environmental impact of spoilt exhaust pipes.

• Investment in cleaner transportation options, like electric buses or bicycles, especially in city centres.

The Road Ahead

Ghana has made commitments under the Paris Climate Agreement to reduce its carbon footprint. But without addressing the vehicular pollution crisis head-on, these targets will remain far out of reach.

Spoilt exhaust pipes may seem like a minor issue in the grand scheme of climate change, but their cumulative impact is undeniable. It’s time for both authorities and citizens to recognize this silent threat and act before Ghana’s skies grow darker, hotter, and deadlier.

By tackling even the smallest sources of pollution, Ghana can pave the way toward a cleaner, healthier, and more climate-resilient future.

Feature by: Bismark Boateng

-Then a horn honked at the gate. My cousins Joe, Anita and I rushed to open it, and there he was. The living legend himself, Daddy Lumba, driving in like a scene straight out of TV. We were beside ourselves with excitement.

That’s how it all began. We were introduced as his younger cousins, tied by our mothers’ roots in the Bretuo-Aduana lineage of Asante Mampong. I must’ve been around 14 or 15 years old, and from then on, I started spending more time with him at home with Gina, at Charles Amoah’s place in Awudome or with Willie Roy in Tema, where demos were always in the works. It was during these moments that I truly fell in love with highlife music and developed an eye for artistry and musicianship.

When computer schools started springing up everywhere, Papa pulled me aside and said, “Nana, I think you should enrol, this is where the world is heading.” The next day, it had been paid for me to start a computer program at Arab Libyan Cultural Centre on the Ring Road. He was always ahead of his time.

During school vacations, I’d help out at his music shop in Okaishie, just opposite the MTTU. Joe and I worked alongside Sister Abena (his wife Akosua Serwaa’s older sister). The shop was like a magnet for underground musicians, some hopeful, some discouraged, but all inspired. Getting through the gate to meet him was a mission in itself, you needed more than luck, you needed Papa’s green light.

That little corner of Dome, introduced me to so many greats like Nana Tuffour, Oheneba Kissi, Afia Ampofoa, KK Kabobo (another proud son of Adansi), Felix Owusu, Dada KD (who often worked with Charles Amoah), Tommy Wiredu, Frank Mensah… Papa adored their talent. There was also our brother Papa Shee, then his dancer, and a quiet, persistent young guy who often waited patiently at the gate with his demo, none other than Ofori Amponsah. That patience paid off with a collaboration album in 1999–2000. I would later manage Ofori for four incredible years.

One random afternoon, we were driving from an interview at Vibe FM, tuned in to Radio Gold (the gold standard back then for authentic Ghanaian music). An ad came on calling for new radio presenters. Papa suddenly turned to me and said, “Nana, this one’s for you, let’s apply.” I jumped at the idea, I’d always dreamed of doing radio. With help from Kwame Farkye at Sunshine Radio, I recorded a demo. Papa himself drove me to Radio Gold to meet Kwaku Boafo-Agyemang, the Programs Manager. And just like that, my media journey began in 1997.

Thank you, Papa, for seeing something in many of us before we even saw it ourselves. For being generous with your time, intentional with your influence, and unapologetic about helping others win. You changed my life and the lives of countless others. You weren’t just a legend on stage, you were magic offstage too.

Sleep well Papa!

This debate centers primarily on two foundational principles of nationality jurisprudence: jus soli (citizenship by place of birth) and jus sanguinis (citizenship by descent).

The prevailing argument among segments of the Ghanaian populace posits that Mr. Choi does not qualify as a Ghanaian by either criterion—he was not born on Ghanaian soil (jus soli) and does not trace his ancestry to Ghanaian lineage (jus sanguinis).

These contentions prompt a pertinent legal and normative inquiry: Upon what constitutional and statutory grounds does Mr. Choi derive his Ghanaian citizenship and the attendant civic and political rights?

To interrogate this issue thoroughly, it is imperative to contextualize Mr. Choi’s citizenship within the framework of Ghana’s 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution.

Chapter Three of the constitution delineates the modalities of acquiring Ghanaian citizenship through birth, descent, registration, and naturalization.

Furthermore, the Constitution permits the renunciation and revocation of citizenship and guarantees full civic and political rights to all recognized citizens, irrespective of the mode of acquisition.

Complementing the Constitution is the Citizenship Act, 2000 (Act 591), which operationalizes and elaborates the constitutional provisions governing nationality.

Central to the controversy surrounding Ambassador-designate Choi is the normative question of dual allegiance and national loyalty.

Does Mr. Choi’s naturalization as a Ghanaian citizen— accompanied by a formal renunciation of his Korean nationality—constitute a sufficient basis for absolute fidelity to Ghana’s national interests, particularly in scenarios where such interests may be in tension or conflict with those of his country of birth?

Can his oath of allegiance to the Republic of Ghana be presumed inviolable and unreserved?

Legally, Mr. Choi satisfies all constitutional and statutory prerequisites for Ghanaian citizenship and thus eligibility for diplomatic appointment.

His prior service as Ghana’s Deputy Head of Mission during the 2018 Winter Olympics in PyeongChang, Republic of Korea, alongside over three decades of socio-economic contributions within Ghana, substantiates his de facto
integration and national commitment.

Moreover, Mr. Choi has invoked the ideological ethos of Pan-Africanism in asserting his Ghanaian identity, citing Kwame Nkrumah’s iconic declaration: “I am not African because I was born in Africa, but because Africa was born in me.”

He reinforces this by affirming, “Ghana may not be my birthplace, but it is my true home… I am proud to be called Ghanaian.” Ghana has historically positioned itself as a bastion of Pan-African inclusivity and cosmopolitan citizenship.

In an era characterized by accelerating globalization, transnational identities, and
the erosion of ethnonational exclusivity, the Mahama administration’s nomination of
Ambassador-designate Choi underscores a progressive commitment to meritocratic and
inclusive governance.

Congratulations, Ambassador Choi. The burden of proof now lies in your diplomatic service.

Long live the Republic of Ghana.
Long live Ghana-Korea relations.
Thank you for reading

Ohene Opoku Agyemang, PhD

Contact +8613025167627
Email: oopoku56@gmail.com

Araba Esaaba Torkornoo, Chief

Justice of the Republic of Ghana

Accra

Your Ladyship,

There are moments in a jurist’s life when the highest service to the law is not found in prevailing—but in the dignity with which one accepts the inevitable. It is in these quiet, painful, and defining moments that legacies are etched—not by victory, but by vision.

Madam Chief Justice, I write to you not in condemnation, nor in flattery, but in solemn reflection. I think, especially, of the toll this difficult period must have taken on your family—your children and your husband, Mr. Torkornoo. As a fellow citizen of this Republic, please permit me to write from a place of deep respect for both your person and the high office you occupy.

Ghana watches today as Your Ladyship stands at the centre of a constitutional crisis—one that is no longer simply a legal matter but a national reckoning. It is no longer about the courts; it is about confidence in the judiciary. It is no longer about law, but about legacy.

True, every citizen has the right to seek redress, and every jurist must assert that right with courage. But with the greatest respect, I submit that there comes a time in every distinguished career when the ultimate act of leadership is not to fight, but to let go. Perhaps, Your Ladyship, that time is now.

I recall watching you take your oath of office—an oath to uphold the dignity and independence of Ghana’s judiciary. That same oath calls again—not in robes this time, but in sacrifice. In stepping aside. In showing strength through restraint.

You rightly stated at your recent press engagement that you have served the law for 38 years: as a lawyer, as a judge for 21 years, and now as Chief Justice. You affirmed your duty to speak out for justice in Ghana. Yet I fear the current legal campaign may have crossed the threshold of principle into the terrain of diminishing returns.

When a judge—let alone a Chief Justice—becomes the subject of sustained public controversy and repeated judicial defeat, the matter ceases to be personal. It becomes institutional. It becomes a burden on the very judiciary it seeks to defend.

Your Ladyship, in this moment, you are no longer merely a litigant. You are the living symbol of Ghana’s judicial conscience. And the judge’s highest duty is not to win battles—but to preserve peace.

Many in society are growing weary, not just of the litigation, but of what it means for the image of the courts. From the High Court to the Supreme Court, and now even to ECOWAS, your legal team persists, yet each step further burdens public confidence in the judiciary.

In our recent history, we witnessed a different path. In 2017, Mrs. Charlotte Osei, though not a judge, held a position with similar gravitas. When faced with impeachment, she bowed out gracefully despite fierce public criticism. Her poise and political temperament allowed her to exit with dignity. And today, time has vindicated her.

Your Ladyship, the question is no longer whether you can win—but whether the fight still serves the Republic. Lady Hale of the UK Supreme Court once said: “The law is not a weapon for personal vindication; it is a structure for societal coherence.” Ghana now needs that coherence more than ever. And sometimes, coherence begins with a graceful retreat.

Resignation is not surrender. It is the final act of statesmanship. It is choosing legacy over litigation, honour over ego, and country over self. It is a moral summit few ever reach—but one now within your grasp.

As Lord Mansfield once told a retiring jurist: “You have done enough. Let history speak the rest.”

Your Ladyship, let Ghana speak the rest. Let your legacy not be one of resistance, but of wisdom. Of restraint. Of a dignified departure that protects the very office you have long honoured.

On this note, I respectfully urge the Attorney General and Minister for Justice to help facilitate a path of dignified resolution. For the sake of the judiciary. For the sake of Ghana.

May history remember you—not for the battles fought, but for the wisdom to know when to let go.

With the utmost respect, Your ladyship, I remain

 Yours very truly,

 Seth Kwame Awuku, LL.B., LL.M. (Candidate in Legislative Drafting)

Every call, message, and word of encouragement during this challenging moment has been deeply moving and immensely appreciated.

I am especially grateful to the Board, Management, and Staff of the Multimedia Group Limited for their swift intervention and resolute support.

Your actions ensured not only our safety but also facilitated my release.

This is the true mark of a leadership that stands firmly behind its team.

I consider it a privilege to be part of a media family that is INDEPENDENT, FEARLESS, and CREDIBLE.

I wish to extend a heartfelt appreciation to the larger media fraternity in Ghana, particularly all media houses, the Ghana Journalists Association, and the Media Foundation for West Africa for rising in defence of media freedom.

Your prompt condemnation of this reprehensible attack is a testament to your unwavering commitment to safeguarding press freedom and protecting the dignity of journalists.

Let me be clear, this was not merely an attack on Carlos Calony, his crew, or an innocent eyewitness.

It was an attack on free speech, on press freedom, and on the very principles of democracy Ghana has sworn to uphold.

The assault was unprovoked, unjustifiable, and deeply troubling.

I respectfully call on the relevant authorities to ensure that justice is served and, more critically, that concrete steps are taken to protect journalists and media practitioners from future harm.

The military uniform is a powerful symbol of discipline, honour, and national service.

It must not be tainted by the actions of a few unscrupulous individuals who abuse their authority and undermine the integrity of the institution.

To every Ghanaian, colleague, and well-wisher who believes in the sanctity of free speech and the safety of journalists, thank you.

May we continue to stand together in defence of truth, justice, and freedom.

Carlos A. Calony 

1. Enacting Specific Anti-Cyberbullying Legislation

To address cyberbullying effectively, Ghana should introduce specific laws targeting repeated harassment, threats, and defamatory statements made online. These laws should clearly define cyberbullying offenses and prescribe appropriate penalties, including fines and imprisonment. By explicitly addressing online harassment, such laws would provide a solid legal basis for prosecuting offenders and deterring future incidents.

2. Amendments to Existing Laws

Criminal Code
The Criminal Code should be amended to explicitly include online harassment and insults under offenses conducive to breaches of the peace. Section 207 of the Code, which addresses offensive conduct conducive to such breaches, must be updated to apply to online insults. Similarly, Section 208, which pertains to the publication of false news likely to cause public fear, alarm, or disturbance, should be extended to cover false information spread online. These amendments would ensure that acts of cyberbullying and the dissemination of harmful false information are recognized as criminal offenses, empowering law enforcement agencies to take swift action.

Electronic Communications Act
Amendments to the Electronic Communications Act should mandate internet service providers and social media platforms to implement robust content moderation policies. Section 76 of the Electronic Communications Act, 2008 (Act 775), already makes it an offense to send messages that are grossly offensive or of an indecent, obscene, or menacing character through electronic communication. Enhanced enforcement and clearer guidelines should ensure timely removal of offensive content and provide user-friendly mechanisms for reporting abuse. Holding service providers accountable will help create a safer online environment.

3. Victim Support Mechanisms

Supporting victims of cyberbullying is crucial. Ghana should establish victim support structures, including counseling services and legal assistance. These services would help victims manage the psychological impact of cyberbullying and navigate the legal process. Public awareness campaigns should also be launched to inform citizens about available resources and encourage reporting of incidents.

4. Enhancing Digital Safety and Protection

Content Moderation Requirements
Social media platforms and internet service providers must implement effective content moderation policies. This includes mechanisms for the timely removal of harmful content and systems that allow users to report abuse easily. Proper content moderation can significantly reduce harmful online behavior.

Anonymity Restrictions
While anonymity is important for whistleblowers and activists, measures should be introduced to reduce abuse by anonymous users. Verification processes should be put in place to ensure accountability, without compromising the safety of legitimate anonymous contributors.

5. Strengthening Data Protection and Privacy Laws

Ghana must enhance its personal data protection laws to prevent doxing and the misuse of personal information in online harassment. Stronger privacy protections would safeguard individuals from having their private data exploited to intimidate, shame, or threaten them online.

6. Educational and Preventive Measures

Education plays a vital role in preventing cyberbullying. Implementing educational programs in schools and communities will raise awareness about the consequences of cyberbullying and encourage responsible online behavior. These programs should include digital literacy, empathy, and conflict resolution skills to empower individuals to navigate the digital space responsibly.

7. Specialized Cybercrime Units

Establishing specialized cybercrime units within law enforcement agencies will enhance Ghana’s ability to investigate and effectively prosecute cyberbullying cases. These units should be adequately trained and equipped to handle the complexities of digital evidence and online criminal behavior.

Conclusion

By adopting a comprehensive approach to combat cyberbullying, Ghana can create a safer and more respectful digital environment. Enacting specific anti-cyberbullying legislation, amending outdated laws, enhancing digital safety, and providing strong victim support systems are all crucial steps in addressing the issue. Education and the establishment of specialized cybercrime units will further strengthen efforts to prevent and respond to cyberbullying. Through these proactive measures, Ghana can rise to meet the challenges of the digital age and protect its citizens from the harmful effects of online abuse.

By Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

Recent discussions have shed light on critical deficiencies in the nation’s electoral infrastructure, prompting a call to action for comprehensive reforms aimed at fortifying the foundation of democratic governance.

Collaborative Database Integration
At the heart of electoral reform lies the imperative for collaborative database integration. Recognizing the interconnected nature of national institutions, there is a pressing need for synergy between the Electoral Commission (EC) and key stakeholders such as the National Identification Authority (NIA), Ghana Statistical Service, and the Ministry of Health’s Births and Deaths Registry. A centralized database, forged through collaboration, would streamline voter registration processes, curb the proliferation of ghost names, and ensure the accuracy and integrity of voter rolls.

Empowering Institutional Autonomy
Central to the reform agenda is the call for institutional autonomy within the Electoral Commission. Liberating the appointment of the EC’s chairperson from political influence is essential to insulate the Commission from undue pressure, thereby fostering transparency and public trust. Moreover, enhancing accountability in the allocation of funds collected through filing fees from political aspirants is imperative, with resources redirected toward fortifying electoral infrastructure and guarding against financial mismanagement.

Safeguarding Data Integrity and Security
The prevalence of ghost names underscores the urgency for proactive measures to cleanse the voter register and uphold data integrity. Regular database updates, complemented by stringent security protocols, are paramount to preventing electoral malpractices and preserving the sanctity of the electoral process. Additionally, prudent resource allocation—avoiding duplicative investments in verification machines—is essential for optimizing operational efficiency and fiscal responsibility within the electoral apparatus.

Forging Strategic Security Partnerships
Security companies emerge as indispensable allies in safeguarding electoral processes against multifaceted threats. Through strategic partnerships with government agencies, these entities offer expertise in cybersecurity, risk management, and emergency response—enhancing the resilience of electoral infrastructure and bolstering public confidence in the democratic process.

Conclusion
As Ghana charts its course toward a more robust democracy, the imperative for electoral reform looms large on the national agenda. By embracing collaborative database integration, empowering institutional autonomy, safeguarding data integrity, and forging strategic security partnerships, Ghana can lay the groundwork for a future where electoral processes reflect the will of the people and uphold the principles of transparency, integrity, and democracy.

By Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

Addressing Inequalities
One of the foremost reasons driving the call for transformative legal reforms is the pressing need to address inequalities within the justice system. Historically marginalized groups—including women, the poor, and rural communities—have faced barriers in accessing legal services and obtaining fair representation. A transformative legal system must strive to eliminate these disparities by guaranteeing equal access to justice for all, irrespective of socio-economic status or background.

Promoting Economic Development
Beyond the realm of justice, a transformative legal system is pivotal for fostering economic development and investment in Ghana. Investors and businesses require a dependable and transparent legal framework to operate effectively and confidently within the country. By modernizing legal processes, enhancing judicial efficiency, and fortifying the rule of law, Ghana can cultivate an environment conducive to business growth, job creation, and foreign investment.

Strengthening Governance and Combating Corruption
Moreover, a transformative legal system plays a crucial role in promoting good governance and combating corruption. Transparent and accountable institutions are fundamental for fostering trust between the government and its citizens. Through reforms that bolster transparency, accountability, and integrity within the legal sphere, Ghana can fortify its democratic institutions and engender public confidence in the rule of law.

Adapting to Emerging Challenges
In an ever-changing world, a transformative legal framework is indispensable for addressing emerging legal challenges and societal issues. As Ghana navigates its path toward progress and deepens its ties with the global community, new complexities arise—from cybersecurity to intellectual property rights and environmental protection. An adaptable legal framework equipped to tackle these issues is vital for safeguarding the rights and interests of citizens amidst a rapidly evolving landscape.

Conclusion
In charting its course toward a brighter future, Ghana must embark on the journey of legal transformation. By addressing inequalities, promoting economic development, strengthening governance, and adapting to emerging challenges, Ghana can pioneer justice and lay the groundwork for a more equitable, prosperous, and resilient society. The time for transformative legal reforms is now—heralding a new era of justice and opportunity for all Ghanaian citizens.

By Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

Those are the words of 22-year-old James Otoo as he gave a presentation at the first anniversary review workshop of a campaign that the Ghana Chapter of the Global Survivors’ Network has been running, during a donor visit.

The auditorium erupted with applause and smiles on the faces of everyone gathered there. His courage was admirable and his conviction palpable. But James has not always been like this.

Eleven years ago, he was in a place of terror, where his childhood dreams were drowned in the murky waters of exploitation across Ghana’s borders.

At age eleven, James was just another child in a large family struggling to survive.

When his uncle arrived with promises of education and a better life, his parents saw hope. Little did they know they were signing away their son’s childhood and wellbeing.

The first three weeks away from home seemed promising. Schooling at JOWAF, a border town in the Western region of Ghana, felt like a dream, a brief moment of normalcy. But his vacation would reveal a brutal truth that would change everything.

James was moved across the border into Côte d’Ivoire and handed over to a boat master by his uncle, with the promise to pick him up when school reopens, but that was never to be. He was trafficked.

Pushed into the lake, unable to swim, he “watched” as grown men laughed while he struggled, with water filling his lungs. “You’re here to work,” they told him, crushing any hope of returning to school. Each day became a battle for survival. Waking up before dawn, casting nets in treacherous waters, and enduring beatings and constant threats.

The most heart-stopping moment came when his elder brother found him on the lake. He was stunned and angry because he, just like the rest of the family, believed James was living with his uncle at the border town and being given a better life.

For a moment, rescue seemed possible. He wanted to take James away, back to his family. But the boat master’s iron grip on the trafficking operation meant freedom was just a mirage. Nine months of silent suffering followed.

James would finally return to his family in a town in the Gomoa West district after they requested that said uncle bring him back. His family, embarrassed by his situation, kept him at a distance. His elder brother took him in at his residence in a nearby town.

The trauma carved deep wounds, not just physically, but also psychologically.

“Before, I was brilliant,” he recalls softly, “but the trafficking experience destroyed my confidence. I became afraid to even talk in class or answer questions. It affected how I connected with my teachers. If I was having problems, I didn’t know how to approach them,” James recalled.

His turning point came when IJM Ghana started recruiting survivors of child trafficking to form a survivor network that would lead the campaign against the menace, using their voices and lived experience.

“Since I joined GSN, I’ve changed,” James admits.

The training sessions became a channel of transformation. Initially trembling during public speaking, he found his voice through gentle and constant encouragement.

“During the first training, I was shaking,” he remembers. “But the social worker would encourage me, saying, ‘James, you can do it. You can speak. You can share your story.”

Slowly, he began to rebuild his confidence, learning that his voice could be a powerful tool for change.

Now he stands at the forefront of a grassroots movement, turning personal pain into powerful advocacy as president of the “Impact Makers” Chapter of GSN, in the Gomoa West District of the Central Region of Ghana.

From an initial membership of 10, the network now has 32 members, two years on. Many more survivors have found their voice and are willing to use it for good.

Their approach is direct and communal. They speak to students, engage social welfare officers, work with local leaders (including those in the church) to create a protective network around vulnerable children and sometimes confront potential traffickers (Parents included).

During community festivals and local gatherings, they use their platform to educate and inspire, showing that survivors are not defined by their past, but by their courage to create change.

James has secured his community chief’s commitment to pass a by-law that would officially outlaw child trafficking in the community, a cornerstone of the GSN campaign’s community charter initiative.

The impact is tangible. Scores of children have returned to their communities, and others have been rescued, thanks to the group’s relentless efforts. Awareness is very high, and he is now a trusted voice in the community.

James’ story represents more than personal triumph. It’s an example of what can be achieved if survivors are empowered. They can transform their deepest wounds into powerful instruments of change.

He also represents hope for the countless children trapped in similar situations, across the country and beyond.

As we mark the International Day of trafficking in Persons, James’s story is a reminder of the dark realities of trafficking in various forms happening across the country and how the menace can be addressed with concerted efforts and deliberate actions.

As James stands at the crossroads of securing a community-wide charter against child trafficking, he says to all survivors, “Our stories have power, and our voices have the power to create change in our communities. Children are still suffering, so let’s now act to end child trafficking”

Source: Ernest Manu

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• Era of unregulated and uncontrolled road contracts now a thing of the past – Roads Minister 
• Roads Minister questions Akufo-Addo’s 10,000km road claims

• Are we doing enough to ensure the safety of our President through meticulous vehicle selection and driver training?

• How can we improve the transparency and efficiency of fuel consumption and vehicle maintenance audits?

• Are the current oversight mechanisms robust enough to prevent accidents and maintain high standards?

• Should the recruitment process for presidential drivers be made more transparent to ensure the best candidates are selected?

• What additional measures can be implemented to further safeguard presidential transportation?

Given the critical importance of presidential transportation, implementing a comprehensive solution involves multiple strategic measures. Here are the key steps to address the concerns outlined above:

1. Centralized Advisory and Oversight

Create a Presidential Transport Security Unit:
Establish a specialized unit within the national security apparatus dedicated to overseeing all aspects of presidential transportation. This unit will advise on vehicle selection, ensure compliance with safety standards, and coordinate maintenance.

2. Rigorous Driver Recruitment and Training

Enhanced Recruitment Process:
Implement a stringent recruitment process for presidential drivers, including extensive background checks, psychological evaluations, and security clearance.

Comprehensive Training Programs:
Develop advanced training programs for drivers, focusing on defensive driving, emergency response, and adherence to traffic regulations. Regular refresher courses should be mandatory.

3. Transparent Insurance and Public Application Procedures

Ensure Comprehensive Insurance Coverage:
Ensure all state vehicles, including those used for presidential duties, are comprehensively insured. This coverage should extend to the drivers as well.

Controlled Public Application Process:
While the application process for presidential drivers might not be fully public due to security concerns, transparency should be ensured through well-defined and documented procedures.

4. Strict Compliance with Qualification Standards

Regular Evaluations:
Conduct periodic evaluations of drivers, including eye tests, physical fitness assessments, and driving skill tests. Collaborate with the DVLA to ensure compliance with all licensing requirements.

5. Efficient Remuneration and Oversight Mechanisms

Government Payroll Management:
Place all presidential drivers on the government payroll, ensuring they receive competitive salaries and benefits reflective of their responsibilities.

Designated Oversight Body:
Assign a specific department within the national security or transport ministry to oversee the drivers, ensuring accountability and performance standards.

6. Robust Fuel Management and Maintenance Protocols

Fuel Consumption Audits:
Implement a system for regular audits of fuel consumption, using technology to track and report usage. This will ensure transparency and efficiency.

Scheduled Maintenance:
Establish a rigorous maintenance schedule for all presidential vehicles. Partner with certified maintenance companies to perform regular check-ups and necessary repairs.

7. Continuous Improvement and Monitoring

Regular Reviews and Audits:
Conduct regular reviews and audits of all protocols related to presidential transportation. Use the findings to make continuous improvements and address any vulnerabilities.

Feedback Mechanism:
Create a feedback loop where drivers and other relevant personnel can report issues and suggest improvements. This will encourage a proactive approach to safety and efficiency.

Conclusion: Implementing a Comprehensive Solution

By establishing a centralized oversight unit, enhancing recruitment and training processes, ensuring transparent insurance coverage, maintaining strict qualification standards, and implementing robust fuel management and maintenance protocols, we can significantly improve the safety and efficiency of presidential transportation.

Continuous monitoring and a commitment to excellence will safeguard the President and state assets, prevent future vulnerabilities, and ensure the highest standards of service.

By Nana Kweku Ofori Atta
Security Consultant

Cyber insurance is a specialized form of insurance designed to help organizations mitigate financial losses and liabilities resulting from cyberattacks or data breaches. It covers a range of expenses, including forensic investigation, legal fees, customer notification, credit monitoring, and even ransom payments in some cases. This comprehensive coverage provides policyholders with the resources needed to recover from cyber incidents swiftly and effectively.

For telecommunications companies, integrating cyber insurance into their product and service offerings is not just a value-added proposition but a necessity in today’s cyber landscape. Subscribers entrust their personal and sensitive information to these providers, expecting not only reliable connectivity but also protection against cyber threats. By including cyber insurance as part of their offerings, telecommunications companies can enhance customer trust and loyalty while differentiating themselves in a competitive market.

Moreover, government intervention is crucial in promoting the adoption of cyber insurance within the telecommunications sector. Regulatory frameworks should mandate telecommunications companies to offer cyber insurance to their subscribers, ensuring that all individuals and organizations have access to adequate protection against cyber risks. Additionally, parliamentary oversight plays a vital role in advocating for policies that prioritize cybersecurity and incentivize proactive risk management strategies.

By mandating the inclusion of cyber insurance in telecommunications services, governments can create a standardized framework that protects subscribers and fosters a safer digital environment for all. Furthermore, parliamentary involvement ensures accountability and encourages collaboration between industry stakeholders to address emerging cyber threats collectively.

In conclusion, cyber insurance represents a proactive approach to enhancing digital security within the telecommunications sector. By integrating cyber insurance into their offerings and leveraging government support, telecommunications companies can better protect their subscribers against cyber risks while demonstrating their commitment to cybersecurity and customer satisfaction. As we continue to navigate an increasingly interconnected world, investing in cyber insurance is not just a prudent business decision but a crucial step towards building a resilient and secure digital future.

Source: Nana Kweku Ofori-Atta, Security consultant

Here, amidst the towering structures of West Hills Mall and the vibrant community of SCC (Sakaman-Carprice-Cape Coast Road), the practice of sand winning exacts a heavy toll on both the environment and the residents who call this place home.

Sand, the backbone of construction and development, lies at the heart of this conflict. Its extraction, though necessary for progress, comes at a steep price. The landscape, once pristine and untouched, now bears the scars of relentless exploitation. Weija, once a tranquil oasis, now finds itself at the mercy of unchecked sand winning, as sediment chokes its waterways and disrupts its delicate ecosystem.

The consequences of this environmental degradation are far-reaching, extending beyond the boundaries of Weija and into the heart of Kasoa and SCC. Here, the effects of sand winning manifest in the form of increased flooding during rainy seasons, as water struggles to find its natural course amidst the sediment-laden channels.

The West Hills Mall, a beacon of modernity in the midst of urban chaos, stands as a testament to human progress. Yet, its very foundations are threatened by the specter of recurrent flooding, a consequence of the unchecked extraction of sand from nearby waterways. As water levels rise, so too does the risk to both infrastructure and livelihoods, as businesses and homes alike find themselves submerged beneath the rising tide.

SCC, a vibrant community teeming with life and activity, bears witness to the human cost of environmental degradation. Here, residents face the dual threats of displacement and economic hardship as their homes and livelihoods are swept away by the relentless march of floodwaters. The very fabric of community life hangs in the balance, as families grapple with the uncertainty of an uncertain future.

To address these pressing issues, regulatory measures must be implemented to manage sand winning activities responsibly. This includes enforcing permits, monitoring extraction sites, and implementing sustainable extraction practices that minimize environmental impact. Collaboration with local authorities, such as the Ga South Municipal Assembly, is essential in enforcing these regulations effectively.

Yet, amidst the challenges, there lies a glimmer of hope. Through concerted efforts and sustainable practices, we can chart a new course towards a more resilient future. Kasoa, SCC, and the surrounding areas stand at a crossroads, poised to choose between destruction and preservation. It is up to us to heed the call of nature and forge a path towards a brighter, more sustainable tomorrow.

As the sands of time continue to shift, let us not forget the hidden costs that lie beneath. For in our quest for progress, we must never lose sight of the fragile ecosystems and communities that bear the burden of our actions. Only then can we truly pave the way towards a brighter, more sustainable future for all.

Source: Nana Kweku Ofori-Atta, Security consultant

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1. On 28th July, 2025, he stated with some boldness, that it took the Attorney-General six (6) months to file witness statements in the Republic vrs. Ato Forson & 2 Others trial. This is palpably false, just like many other statements by him.

The accused persons in the Republic Vrs. Ato Forson & 2 Others case were arraigned before court for the first time on 18th January, 2022. The court, on that day, gave directions for filing of disclosures after the grant of bail to all the accused and adjourned proceedings to 15th February, 2022.

The Prosecution complied with the order of the court and filed all documents to rely on, including all intended exhibits, documents required by the defence and all witness statements of witnesses to be called by the Republic on 14th February, 2022 – within 27 days (less than one month), and not 6 months as wildly claimed by Dr. Ayine.

For the sake of banishing falsehoods and exposing the ways of the wicked, I hereby exhibit a copy of the record of proceedings for 18th January, 2022 and the process titled “Documents To Be Relied On” filed by the Attorney-General on 14th February, 2022.

The Office of the Attorney-General never, on a single occasion in the “Ato Forson” trial, requested further time to file a witness statement, or indeed, any document at all.

2. The important question is, how can the period of 27 days within which the Attorney-General filed witness statements and documents to be relied on in the “Ato Forson” trial appear to be six (6) months in the mind of Dr. Ayine? Is it sheer recklessness or a deliberate effort to make his predecessor and for that matter the Office he now heads, look bad? The docket on the case is in Dr. Ayine’s office and the facts could easily have been verified. I have said before, that, the tendency of the Attorney-General to publish plain untruths, half-truths and misinformation against the prosecuting team and courts adjudicating cases previously being prosecuted by his Office, is highly unprofessional. Dr. Ayine’s actions constitute an attack on the very Office he now heads.
3. The inescapable reality of Dr. Ayine’s latest act and ex post facto rationalisations (laden with contradictions and inconsistencies as they are) is that, he sought to free his former clients from the clutches of criminal prosecution through the exercise of the power of nolle prosequi. That is the first disclosure he should have made to the public at his press conference. Ghanaians deserve this basic courtesy.
4. Dr. Ayine ought not mislead the public into thinking that through some unprecedented genius, he has recovered assets or money for the State. All the assets of the Duffuors, Unibank and related companies as well as other persons being prosecuted with them, had already been identified by the Receivers of Unibank appointed by Bank of Ghana. The Receiver already had a full list and profile of assets owned by them. Dr. Ayine should indicate to the public when either himself or his team this year discovered any new assets owned by the Duffuors.

The record will reflect the fact that, to date, Dr. Ayine has not recovered a single Cedi in the Unibank matter. What he proposes to do, and for which he has already entered nolle prosequi, is to, in future, use some of the assets already identified by the Receiver to defray what he has unilaterally determined to be owed by the accused persons.

Instructively, this arrangement is not pursued under any law. It is only pursuant to the exercise of Ayine’s power of nolle prosequi. Dr. Ayine thus, cannot lay claim to recovering any more assets than what the Receiver already has. He also cannot claim to have recovered for the Republic any money from the accused persons this year.

Questions arising include, was any agreement executed with the Republic before the entry of nolle prosequi, and if so, when? Where is that agreement? Has any fair and objective valuation of the properties been done, and if so, when? Where is the valuation report? In the event of default, what is the penalty and how enforceable is it?

5. In Republic Vrs. William Ato Essien – a case arsing out of the collapse of Capital Bank – the amount admitted as owed by Ato Essien himself was GHC27Million. The State in an agreement entered into under section 35 of the Courts Act, 1993 (Act 459), settled on GHC90Million to be paid by the accused person. The accused paid GHC30Million in cash before the settlement was adopted by the court, with the rest to be paid over a period of one year. When he defaulted after paying GHC9million in addition to the GHC30Million deposit, the Attorney-General applied to the court for him to be sentenced to a term in prison. Ato Essien is presently in custody serving a 15 year jail term.

I daresay that, on account of the “RESETTING” of prosecution we are witnessing, there is no justification for Ato Essien to be in jail. Free Ato Essien now!

6. I ask, under what circumstance does Dr. Ayine claim that counsel for the accused in the Beige Bank case offered him GHC10Million? I assert that there is no record of this. I challenge Dr. Ayine to produce receipt of such a proposal, and, his official response. Was it a proposal to Ayine in his private capacity?
7. The State lost the Beige Bank case under Dr. Ayine’s watch on an appeal against a ruling on a submission of no case filed by the accused. Alarmingly, instead of exploring means of challenging the correctness of the decision of the Court of Appeal at the Supreme Court, Dr. Ayine seems very satisfied with the development and has already made comments suggestive of a disinclination to appeal.
8. I have been wondering why Ayine paints such a dreary and bleak picture of the prosecution of financial crimes? The facts show that between 2017 and 2025, the only high-profile financial crime case in which the Office failed to secure conviction was Republic vrs. Ato Forson & 2 Others, in which the accused persons were acquitted in a curious 2 – 1 judgment of the Court of Appeal, and in respect of which Dr. Ayine abandoned the conduct of an appeal filed by the Attorney-General and pending at the Supreme Court, at the time he took office as Attorney-General. The Office secured conviction in Republic Vrs. Eugene Baffoe-Bonnie & Others, Republic Vrs. Sedinam Tamakloe Attionu, Republic Vrs. Daniel Duku & Others (the Venture Capital Case), Republic Vrs. William Ato Essien, etc.

Indeed, on Sedinam Tamakloe Attionu, Dr. Ayine ought to brief the nation on what he is doing to extradite the lady to serve her sentence in Ghana or to trace her assets.

Ayine should simply declare his fundamental aversion to prosecution of financial crimes against a section of the Ghanaian society, and an appetite for cutting deals in lieu of prosecution.

9. The allegation of undue delay in the prosecution of white-collar crime regularly put up by Dr. Ayine as justification for cutting deals in lieu of prosecution, is a sham and ought to be rejected by the nation. The record will again reflect the fact that the inordinate delay in the trial of serious financial crime cases filed against leading members of the erstwhile NDC administration, witnessed in this country the past 8 years, were all a product of the tactics and machinations of defence counsel including Dr. Ayine. Unfortunately, they were aided by the justice system as they filed numerous interlocutory applications, appeals and judicial review applications at the Supreme Court. It is ironic that the first significant action by the Attorney-General, when the NDC assumed power, was to discontinue all of such cases filed against leading members of the NDC, completely impeding accountability and the rule of law.
10. I recall that, to cure the undue delays with the prosecution of criminal cases generally, I laid in Parliament and spearheaded through to near passage, an amendment to the Criminal and Other Offences (Procedure) Act, which would eliminate most of the bottlenecks with the criminal procedure laws of the country including a suspension of the filing of interlocutory appeals until the submission of no case stage, and ensure day to day trial of criminal cases. If Dr. Ayine seeks to speed up the trial of financial cases, he ought to reintroduce that Bill into Parliament (just as he has done with the constitutional instrument on the Removal of Justices of the Superior Courts, which he adopted in full without changing a single clause when he assumed office and has since laid in Parliament).
11. A careful analysis of all the cases discontinued by Dr. Ayine, would show an abandonment of the pursuit of a total of over Seven Billion Ghana Cedis (GHC7,000,000,000), if one were to exclude the deal for GHC2Billion that Ayine claims to have struck in the Unibank case. The Republic, through Dr. Ayine’s decision to discontinue the prosecution of the cases, has automatically lost this gargantuan amount. It calls for an enquiry.
12. As a footnote, I cannot lose sight of the condescending tone in which Dr. Ayine frequently speaks about his predecessors with comments like “… those who started the prosecution did not do this, …. they failed to do this, … but I am doing this”, etc. cannot be lost on all.

The record shows that the Attorney-General who commenced prosecution of most of the banking sector cases, that Dr. Ayine treats with disdain, was Miss Gloria Afua Akuffo, who is many years senior to Dr. Ayine both at the Bar and in office. In fact, it goes without saying that all of Ghana’s previous Attorneys-General are Dr. Ayine’s seniors in office. Lol. They deserve utmost respect.

The veiled disparagement of former Attorneys-General by Dr. Ayine departs from the conservative traditions of that high office and is most unfortunate.

LEGALLY SPEAKING …!

Godfred Yeboah Dame,
Dame & Partners,
Accra.
29/07/25

Blood on Asphalt: The Grim Statistics

Provisional data from the National Road Safety Authority (NRSA), in collaboration with the Police Motor Traffic and Transport Department (MTTD), shows that between January and June 2025, Ghana recorded 7,289 road crashes and 1,504 deaths. During the same period, 12,354 vehicles were involved in accidents, with 8,300 people sustaining injuries. The report also notes that 1,301 pedestrians were knocked down across the country. On average, the NRSA reports that road crashes claim eight lives daily, with 40 crashes occurring nationwide each day. Furthermore, 46 individuals suffer injuries daily, and 69 vehicles and motorcycles are involved in accidents every day. Every year, thousands of Ghanaian families are thrown into mourning because of fatal road crashes, many of which are entirely preventable. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that Ghana loses about 1.6% of GDP annually to road accidents. Yet despite these staggering figures, road safety remains an afterthought in national planning.

Death Corridors

Particular highways in Ghana have gained notorious reputations not because of their beauty or economic significance, but because of the sheer number of lives they claim. The Accra–Kumasi Road is arguably Ghana’s busiest highway, connecting two major population and economic hubs. Despite decades of promises, most of this route remains a single-lane carriageway. Reckless overtaking, speeding, commercial traffic and pothole dodging make this a hotspot for head-on collisions. Drivers dread the Apedwa–Nkawkaw stretch, which has become a graveyard for countless passengers over the years. Equally treacherous is the Accra-Takoradi route, which connects the national capital to Ghana’s oil, cocoa, and bauxite producing zones. It is choked with slow-moving, overloaded trucks, reckless speeding, and absent street lighting. The Cape Coast–Takoradi section is particularly notorious for blind curves, unpainted lanes, and poor drainage worsens the risk, as poor drainage turns roads into slippery traps. The Accra–Aflao Road, an important ECOWAS trade route connecting Ghana to Togo, is a one-lane nightmare. Its condition is an affront to regional integration. Major trade routes should not resemble rural footpaths. Trucks, buses, and private cars all compete for limited space. Accidents between Sogakope and Akatsi are frequent due to uneven surfaces, faded road markings. And then there is the tragic story of the forgotten highway: Accra–Tema Motorway, commissioned in 1965 by Ghana’s first President, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, was a symbol of modernity and vision. Today, it is a monument to neglect. Drivers on the 19-kilometre stretch now experience deep, axle-breaking potholes that appear overnight and stretch for metres, poor lighting despite being an urban highway with massive night traffic, armed robbery due to poor visibility and stalled vehicles, no road shoulders or emergency lay-bys, collapsed guardrails and rusted signage, open manholes that pose fatal risks to both motorists and pedestrians. If you are a commuter like myself who use the motorway frequently, you need to pray before entering the motorway both during the day and at night. One wrong move and you’re in a ditch. Successive governments have made big-budget announcements about the Motorway – rehabilitation, expansion, tolling, PPP partnerships but years later, not a single comprehensive solution has materialized.

Dualizing our Roads

Despite the critical economic importance of Ghana’s major road corridors, the country continues to rely on outdated, single-lane highways to accommodate high volumes of trade and human movement, an infrastructural failure with grave national consequences. These roads serve as the lifelines connecting key commercial cities such as Accra, Kumasi, Takoradi, and Aflao, yet they remain grossly inadequate for the traffic they carry. The persistent underdevelopment of these transport arteries is not merely a matter of limited resources; it is rooted in chronic political apathy and shortsightedness. Infrastructure in Ghana is too often viewed through a political lens as a tool for campaign propaganda rather than a cornerstone of national development. As a result, successive governments frequently abandon, delay, or rebrand ongoing road projects to score political points, disrupting continuity and undermining progress. The problem is further worsened by fragmented and inconsistent construction practices. It is common for commuters to travel on a smooth, dualized stretch of road only to be jolted by an abrupt transition into a narrow, pothole-ridden single lane without warning. These erratic transitions not only slow down travel but also heighten the risk of collisions. Compounding the dysfunction is the mismanagement of public funds. Despite the billions of cedis borrowed over the years often under the guise of infrastructure improvement, road financing remains shrouded in opacity. Projects are frequently marked by inflated contract prices, prolonged delays, substandard work, and a mounting backlog of unpaid contractors. The cost overruns and waste are borne not by those who mismanage the funds, but by ordinary Ghanaians whose lives are endangered daily.

Corruption and inefficiencies in procurement processes are also central to this crisis. Political patronage often determines who wins contracts, not technical competence or value for money. This results in poorly constructed roads that deteriorate within a few years or even months of completion. Quality assurance is sidelined in favour of kickbacks and connections, leaving the country with infrastructure that fails to meet even basic safety standards. At the heart of the problem is the absence of a long-term, visionary master plan for road development, one that aligns with Ghana’s rapid population growth, urban expansion, and evolving economic needs. Instead of a coherent, well-funded strategy, what exists is a piecemeal approach dictated by electoral cycles and partisan interest. Until Ghana adopts a forward-thinking, non-partisan commitment to infrastructure development with robust oversight, transparency, and long-term planning, its roads will remain a deadly bottleneck to growth, and the promise of national transformation will continue to be stalled by potholes, politics, and poor planning.

The Lawlessness Epidemic

Beyond crumbling infrastructure, one of the most pressing and dangerous challenges facing Ghana’s road system is the pervasive culture of lawlessness and indiscipline among road users. The roads have become chaotic battlegrounds, where survival often depends more on intuition than on rules. Trotros (commercial minibuses), a mainstay of public transportation, routinely stop anywhere and at any time without indication or regard for other road users – creating sudden obstructions that lead to collisions or traffic gridlock. Motorcyclists have developed their own rules of engagement: they ride against oncoming traffic, speed through red lights, weave unpredictably between vehicles, and even mount pavements meant for pedestrians. These behaviours not only endanger their own lives but also those of innocent bystanders and other motorists.

Adding to the confusion is the rise of unregulated “aboboyaa” tricycles, which frequently ply highways with no safety standards, proper licensing, or accountability. Despite their slow speeds and instability, they share the same lanes as high-speed vehicles, contributing significantly to congestion and accidents. Equally dangerous are articulated trucks that travel at night without functional reflectors, making them virtually invisible until it’s too late. When they break down, many are simply abandoned on the road without warning signs or hazard lights, turning highways into death traps, especially in poorly lit areas.

What makes this situation even more alarming is the near absence of effective law enforcement. The Motor Traffic and Transport Department (MTTD) is under-resourced and often lacks the personnel, equipment, and logistical support to monitor and manage road behaviour effectively. Consequently, drivers without valid licenses, proper training, or even a basic understanding of traffic regulations operate freely. Roadworthiness certificates are often issued without thorough inspections, allowing unfit vehicles to remain in circulation. When traffic laws are enforced, the system is riddled with loopholes and corruption. Many offenders simply bribe their way out of penalties using “ways and means,” rendering enforcement a meaningless exercise and further eroding public trust in the system.

This unchecked lawlessness not only fuels accidents but also breeds a culture of impunity, where reckless behaviour becomes normalized and responsible driving is the exception rather than the rule. Until Ghana addresses this epidemic with bold policy measures, stringent enforcement, public education, and a zero-tolerance stance on corruption, the roads will remain not just dangerous but downright anarchic—a threat to every commuter, pedestrian, and family.

The Hidden Cost of Chaos

Beyond the tragic and visible loss of lives, Ghana’s dangerous roads exact a hidden and enduring toll that reaches deep into the nation’s economic, social, and emotional fabric. The chaos on our highways and urban roads doesn’t just kill – it cripples productivity, drains public resources, and leaves entire families in turmoil. Economic activities suffer significantly when goods are delayed in transit due to poor roads, traffic congestion, or avoidable accidents. Businesses lose revenue, supply chains are disrupted, and commuters spend hours in traffic, reducing the number of productive hours in a day. Transport companies face skyrocketing costs for frequent vehicle repairs and maintenance, expenses that are eventually passed on to consumers through higher prices for goods and services. In effect, every pothole and broken traffic light contributes to inflation and economic inefficiency.

The burden on the healthcare system is equally alarming. Emergency wards are overcrowded with victims of road crashes, stretching limited medical resources and diverting attention from other critical health conditions. Ambulances meant for life-saving emergencies are forced to navigate treacherous roads, causing dangerous delays. Long-term rehabilitation for accident survivors places further strain on both public health infrastructure and household finances, especially for families without health insurance.

But perhaps the most devastating impact is felt at the family and community level. A father leaves home in the morning and never returns. A young graduate dies in a senseless crash just days before starting a new job. A mother who is the sole provider for her children is struck down on her way to the market. These stories repeat daily, hidden behind the statistics and news headlines. The emotional trauma and financial distress inflicted on families are incalculable. Children are orphaned, households lose their primary earners, and dreams are abruptly ended. Some families plunge into poverty overnight, forced to sell property or rely on charity just to survive.

Beyond individual households, the nation as a whole suffers. Human capital which is one of Ghana’s most valuable assets is lost or permanently impaired. Future teachers, engineers, nurses, artisans, and entrepreneurs are wiped out on the roads before they can contribute meaningfully to society. Communities lose leaders, mentors, and breadwinners. And all of this continues with little sustained outrage, minimal accountability, and a dangerous acceptance of preventable tragedy.

This is the hidden cost of chaos on our roads—not just in blood, but in broken dreams, stunted progress, and a country held back by avoidable grief. Until Ghana treats road safety as a national emergency with the seriousness it deserves, we will continue to pay this high and painful price.

Way Forward

To address the road crisis in Ghana, a comprehensive and urgent strategy must be implemented – one that not only improves road infrastructure but also promotes alternative, safer, and more sustainable means of transportation. First, the immediate and full dualization of the Accra–Kumasi, Accra–Takoradi, and Accra–Aflao highways is non-negotiable. These critical economic corridors can no longer function as single-lane death traps, given the heavy volume of trade and human movement they carry. The dilapidated Accra–Tema Motorway also demands a complete overhaul, not temporary patchwork, to meet modern safety, durability, and capacity standards. All highways must be fitted with clear road markings, functioning streetlights, and adequate signage to guide drivers and prevent accidents, especially during night travel. Equally important is the need for strict and regular roadworthiness inspections, especially for long-haul trucks and commercial vehicles, many of which pose severe risks due to poor maintenance. To reduce chaos on the roads, tricycles (“aboboyaa”) and motorcycles should have dedicated lanes and be restricted from major highways where their presence contributes to disorganization and frequent collisions. The Motor Traffic and Transport Department (MTTD) must be properly resourced and empowered to enforce traffic regulations stringently, supported by mobile courts and a digitized penalty system to ensure swift and deterrent sanctions.

Furthermore, road construction should operate under legislated timelines, with penalties imposed for unjustified delays by contractors and agencies. Public education must also play a central role – a national road safety media campaign should be rolled out, targeting young people, commercial drivers, and pedestrians to cultivate a culture of discipline, caution, and mutual respect on the roads. Crucially, any long-term solution must include a serious commitment to reviving and expanding Ghana’s rail transportation system. Investing in modern, efficient rail infrastructure – particularly for freight and intercity passenger transport – will reduce pressure on highways, lower vehicle congestion, and minimize accidents. A functional rail network connecting major cities and industrial zones like Accra, Kumasi, Takoradi, Tema, and Tamale would not only improve safety but also boost economic productivity by offering a faster, cheaper, and safer alternative to road transport. Without such diversification in transport infrastructure, Ghana’s road crisis will remain a costly and deadly burden on the nation.

Conclusion

Ghanaian roads are no longer just conduits of movement – they have tragically transformed into coffins on asphalt, claiming lives with chilling regularity. The daily toll of injuries and deaths is more than a statistic; it is a national emergency and a moral indictment of our collective failure. Each drop of blood spilled on our highways stains the conscience of a nation that has turned a blind eye to a crisis that is both preventable and unacceptable. No economy can flourish when its workforce, entrepreneurs, students, and families live under the constant threat of death every time they step into a vehicle. How can we talk about development, investment, or progress when our very means of transportation remains one of our greatest threats? The state bears an undeniable moral, legal, and constitutional responsibility to protect its citizens. This protection must go beyond words and promises – it must manifest in the construction of durable, dualized roads; in the installation of proper signage, lighting, and road markings; in rigorous vehicle inspections and licensing; and in the uncompromising enforcement of traffic laws. Road safety must no longer be an afterthought or a seasonal political soundbite. It must be a permanent national priority.

We must also reject the dangerous narrative that celebrates the endurance of drivers who brave these death traps daily, as though surviving chaos is a badge of honour. Our applause should not go to their resilience, but to the leaders and systems that create safe, efficient, and reliable transport networks. It is time to demand transparency in road project financing, hold contractors accountable for substandard work, and ensure timely completion of infrastructure initiatives. Let it be clearly stated: a child’s journey to school, a mother’s trip to the market, or a pastor’s drive to Sunday service must not end in tragedy. Every Ghanaian deserves the simple dignity of safe passage. Driving in Ghana must not be a gamble with death. It must be what it is meant to be – a basic, secure, and dependable act of movement in a functioning society. Until then, the true cost of inaction will continue to be measured not in cedis, but in coffins.

Source: Michael Darko, PhD

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As someone who has spent over 10 years in cybersecurity and digital infrastructure development, I believe this moment presents an opportunity to examine how we communicate about technology in policy contexts, and what this reveals about our national digital transformation journey.

The context of technical communication

Having observed similar discussions across various African countries implementing digital
strategies, I’ve noticed a recurring pattern: the gap between technical implementation language and policy framework language.

This isn’t unique to Ghana – it’s a global challenge where technical practitioners and policy architects often operate in different conceptual frameworks. Different Lenses, Different Definitions.

When the Deputy Minister Mohammed Adam Sukparu described coding as “providing training for young men and women in the IT space, training them in web design, training them in how to build software,” he was speaking from a policy implementation perspective rather than a technical definition perspective.

From a cybersecurity and IT governance standpoint, this distinction is crucial. In policy circles, “coding” often refers to the entire educational ecosystem and capacity-building framework, while in technical circles, it refers specifically to the act of writing instructions for computers.

Technical Analysis: What was actually said

Let me break down the response from a systems thinking perspective:
Policy Framework Context:

The Deputy Minister appeared to be addressing coding as a developmental program and educational initiative. From this lens, coding becomes:

• A capacity-building strategy
• A youth empowerment program
• A digital skills development framework
• An economic transformation tool

Technical Context: The technical community expected a definition focused on:• Programming languages and syntax
• Algorithm development
• Software engineering principles
• Computer science fundamentals

Industry perspective: both views have merit

In my experience, I’ve seen how these different perspectives actually complement each other:
The Policy Perspective is Strategic: When implementing national digital strategies, coding education isn’t just about teaching Python or JavaScript. It’s about:

• Infrastructure development: Building human capital for the digital economy
• Economic diversification: Creating new employment sectors
• Youth engagement: Providing alternative career pathways
• Innovation ecosystem: Establishing foundation for tech entrepreneurship

The Technical Perspective is Operational

Technical practitioners focus on the mechanics:
• Skill acquisition: Specific programming competencies
• Problem-solving: Algorithmic thinking and logic
• Tool mastery: Development environments and frameworks
• Code quality: Best practices and standards

What this reveals about our digital maturity

This conversation actually highlights something positive about Ghana’s digital transformation
journey: we have a vibrant tech community that cares deeply about precision and quality.

The passionate response from the technical community demonstrates:

1. Technical Standards Matter: Our developers and engineers maintain high standards for
technical accuracy
2. Engagement is High: The tech community is actively participating in national
conversations
3. Expertise is Present: We have knowledgeable practitioners who can identify and articulate
technical nuances

Lessons from other digital transformation leaders

Looking at countries like Estonia, Singapore, and Rwanda – all digital transformation success stories similar communication challenges occurred during their early implementation phases.

The key was developing translation mechanisms between policy and technical languages.

Estonia’s Experience

During Estonia’s e-governance implementation, ministers initially spoke about “digital
infrastructure” in broad policy terms, while technicians focused on specific protocols and standards. Success came from creating bridge communication protocols.

Singapore’s approach

Singapore’s Smart Nation initiative succeeded partly because they established a technical advisory councils that helped policy makers communicate more precisely about technical matters.

Constructive path forward

Rather than viewing this as a deficit, we can leverage this moment for positive outcomes:
For Policy Makers

1. Technical Advisory Integration: Establish regular consultation with technical experts for
public communications
2. Context Clarity: Specify whether discussing policy frameworks or technical
implementation
3. Continuous Learning: Engage with technical communities to understand current language
and concepts

For technical community

1. Constructive Engagement: Provide educational support rather than just criticism
2. Bridge Building: Help translate between technical precision and policy communication
3. Collaborative Support: Offer expertise to enhance government digital initiatives
For Ghana’s Digital Future
1. Unified Vision: Align policy objectives with technical implementation strategies
2. Communication Protocols: Develop standards for discussing technical matters in public
forums
3. Educational Investment: Strengthen technical literacy at all levels of governance

The bigger picture: Ghana’s digital potential

From a cybersecurity perspective, Ghana is positioned well for digital leadership in Africa:
• Infrastructure: Improving connectivity and data center capabilities
• Human Capital: Growing pool of technical talent
• Innovation: Emerging startup ecosystem and tech hubs
• Policy Support: Government commitment to digital transformation

The coding conversation, rather than being a setback, can catalyze better alignment between policy
vision and technical execution.

Recommendations for moving forward

Immediate Actions
1. Technical Advisory Council: Establish a formal technical advisory board for digital policy
matters
2. Communication Training: Provide technical communication workshops for policy makers
3. Community Engagement: Create regular dialogue forums between the government and the tech
community

Medium-term strategies

1. Digital Literacy Programs: Comprehensive programs for all government levels
2. Industry Partnerships: Formal collaboration between the government and the tech industry
3. International Benchmarking: Study communication best practices from digital leaders
Long-term Vision
1. Integrated Approach: Seamless integration of policy and technical perspectives
2. Innovation Culture: Foster an environment where technical precision and policy vision align
3. Regional Leadership: Position Ghana as West Africa’s digital communication model

Conclusion

The recent coding discussion reflects a healthy, engaged democracy where technical communities actively participate in governance conversations.

Rather than seeing this as a problem, we should recognize it as evidence of Ghana’s maturing digital ecosystem.

The Deputy Minister’s response, when viewed through a policy implementation lens, addresses the systemic and educational aspects of coding initiatives. The technical community’s reaction demonstrates our collective commitment to precision and quality.

Our path forward lies not in choosing between these perspectives, but in creating mechanisms that honor both the strategic policy vision and the technical precision that will make that vision
successful.

As Ghana continues its digital transformation journey, moments like these – where different
communities engage in substantive discussion about our technological future – are signs of
progress. They indicate a society where technology matters enough to generate passionate, informed debate.

The question isn’t whether the Deputy Minister’s explanation was technically precise – it’s how we use this moment to strengthen the bridge between policy vision and technical implementation, ensuring Ghana’s digital transformation benefits from both strategic thinking and technical excellence.

The writer, Mr David Gyedu, is a cybersecurity expert with experience in digital infrastructure development. He currently serves as Director at Cyber1defense Communication and has mentored many tech folks. Views expressed are his professional analysis.

Source: Mr. David Gyedu (DK Cyber)  

From the grassroots to the national executive, the energy is not one that any admirer of the party can be proud of; the direction is unclear, and the confidence at the party’s base sometimes looks like fading.

As the party trudges on, however, the question staring it in the face is simple: Where is the leadership?

Let’s be blunt. There’s no coordination. The top appears hollow. This isn’t a personal attack on anyone in leadership; it’s an honest observation, and honesty is the first step to fixing what’s broken.

Pretending that everything is fine will only deepen the party’s crisis.

Even worse is the theatrical politicking from the NPP’s Parliamentary group. At a time when the party should be rising above partisan games and showing maturity, we get noise.

Plenty of it. And sometimes, not enough wisdom.

But buried beneath the chaos is something the NPP seems blind to: its untapped goldmine of competent, calm, and credible individuals.

Among them stands one name that continues to be overlooked, even when he ticks every box the party desperately needs right now: Patrick Boamah.

No, just so you know, this isn’t a paid piece.

It’s the voice of an independent observer; one who has grown increasingly tired of hot-headedness in politics and drawn instead to quiet competence and clear thinking.

I’ve never met Patrick Boamah in person. I simply paid attention.

My attention to his person started with a surprising conversation. A junior colleague, a cynical journalist who barely has good things to say about politicians, told me about Patrick Boamah, his MP.

He spoke about him with the kind of admiration that caught my attention, so I started following Boamah’s work.

Throughout this period of observation, I saw a man who, even at the risk of losing his seat in 2024, handled it with grace.

I watched his performance in Parliament, particularly at the appointments committee hearings and while others grandstanded for the cameras, Patrick stayed focused – calm, intelligent, and deeply prepared.

His line of questioning often brought clarity to otherwise muddled sessions. He wasn’t loud, but he was sharp. And that, in today’s politics, is rare.

Patrick is neither in the news for scandals nor does he ride the populist wave, but he consistently delivers substance.

So, why isn’t Patrick Boamah being mentioned when the NPP talks about leadership renewal?

Why isn’t his name on the list of those who must help rebuild the party’s image and reconnect with the electorate?

We live in a time where Ghanaian voters are smarter, more discerning, and increasingly intolerant of empty bravado.

Political ‘machoism’ no longer wins elections. Calm, capable, and visionary leadership does.

The NPP has a crisis, but it also has Patrick Boamah and his kind.

The question now is whether the party is ready to make room for the kind of leadership that can rebuild trust, not just cheerleaders for the old order.

So again, I ask: What about Patrick Boamah?

It’s time the NPP gave us an answer.

Editor’s note: The writer of this opinion piece, Joshua Tigo, is the Programmes Manager for Adom 106.3 FM and Editor, Adomonline.com.

Long transaction times, high fees, FX rate inconsistencies, and regulatory bottlenecks are just a few of the hurdles people face when trying to transfer funds across borders.

But that’s changing. Thanks to digital innovation, platforms like Mybitstore and Binance now offer faster, more affordable alternatives to traditional remittance systems.

Whether you’re supporting family, paying a vendor, or doing cross-border business, understanding how to send money from Ghana to Nigeria efficiently is more important than ever.

In this article, we explore why bank-based transfers are still problematic, how crypto makes a difference, and the easiest way to move funds between the two countries using modern tools.

Why It’s Still Hard to Send Money Between Ghana and Nigeria

Despite technological advancements, cross-border money transfers in West Africa remain a challenge. According to World Bank data, remittance fees in sub-Saharan Africa are among the highest globally, averaging around 8%. Moreover:

• Banking penetration remains low in some regions, making it harder for recipients to access funds.
• Transaction limits and bureaucratic red tape can delay transfers.
• Volatile FX rates between the Ghanaian cedi and the Nigerian naira often result in significant losses.
• Regulatory differences between countries affect the consistency and reliability of cross-border banking.

For the average person or small business, these challenges make everyday financial transactions unnecessarily complex.

Crypto to the Rescue — How Digital Assets Help

Cryptocurrency, especially stablecoins like USDT, has opened new pathways for sending money internationally without relying on banks. Here’s how:

• Faster transfers: With blockchain, money can move in minutes, not days.
• Bypassing banks: No need for account approvals, clearing times, or middlemen.
• Mobile-friendly: All you need is a smartphone to access a crypto wallet.
• Price predictability: Stablecoins maintain value and reduce the risk of currency depreciation.

Using crypto wallets, a sender in Ghana can transfer USDT, BTC, or another token directly to a recipient in Nigeria, who can then convert it to local currency using peer-to-peer (P2P) platforms. This makes it easier to transact even in areas with limited banking infrastructure.

Step-by-Step: How to Send Money from Ghana to Nigeria Using Mybitstore

If you’re wondering how to send money from Ghana to Nigeria using a secure crypto platform, here’s a simple guide with Mybitstore:

1. Create a free Mybitstore account on the website or mobile app.
2. Verify your account using a valid government-issued ID to enable transactions.
3. Buy Bitcoin or USDT directly into your wallet.
4. Send the crypto to the recipient’s wallet address in Nigeria through Mybitstore’s withdrawal process
5. The recipient can sell the crypto on a local P2P platform to receive naira directly to their bank or mobile wallet.

Buy crypto with mobile money and send funds easily across Africa in just a few minutes.

Costs, Time, and Safety

Compared to traditional banks or money transfer operators, crypto platforms offer:

• Lower transaction fees (often under 1%).
• Faster settlement times (usually within 10–30 minutes).
• No banking hours or delays.
• Transparent exchange rates, especially with stablecoins.

As long as users choose trusted platforms and double-check wallet addresses, these transfers are not only safe but more efficient than legacy systems.

Tips for First-Time Cross-Border Senders

If you’re new to crypto or P2P transfers, here are a few things to keep in mind:

• Use verified platforms with strong user reviews.
• Always confirm the recipient’s wallet address before sending.
• Start with a small test amount to confirm everything works.
• Choose platforms with mobile support, local payment methods, and active customer service.

The world of cross-border payments is changing fast. What used to be a frustrating experience with banks is now being redefined by digital platforms and crypto rails.

Whether you’re looking to send money from Ghana to Nigeria or the other way around, tools like Mybitstore make it faster, safer, and more affordable.

Crypto is not just about speculation, it’s becoming a practical solution for real financial needs in Africa.

And as adoption grows, it’s only going to get easier to move money across borders without the limitations of traditional banking.

Source: Ernest Pappoe

They were born in the dawn light of the millennium, eyes wide to a world that fit inside a screen. Not quite children of the soil, nor entirely of silicon, Ghana’s Generation Z are digital natives with ancestral roots.

They’re navigating life between abiba and algorithm, between kente cloth and code. Call them lazy, and you miss the nuance. Call them fragile, and you ignore the fire. Ghana’s Gen Z is not lost. They are locating themselves on Google Maps, on GitHub, and in global Zoom rooms.

This is the generation that grew up with their thumbs dancing faster than their tongues. They stream Afrobeats while mastering Python, tweet wisdom in Pidgin, and build businesses from a hostel room in Legon or a quiet kiosk in Takoradi.

The digital natives of the Gold Coast, born between the late 1990s and early 2010s, are walking a path no one else has. In Ghana, they are the first to hold smartphones before keys, to learn in hashtags, and speak in memes. But don’t let the filters fool you.

This is a generation raised on “ɔbra yɛ ko”  life is war but they are fighting different battles: mental health, purpose, inclusion, and climate justice.

They carry within them the ambition of Kwame Nkrumah’s dream, but updated with cloud storage. Their hustle is hybrid. Their minds are mobile.

Their character is a mosaic: tech-savvy but skeptical. They grew up side by side with technology and have an intuitive grasp of tools, yet they are discerning about its misuse. Independent but interconnected, they believe in personal branding but also ride waves of collective identity.

Emotionally literate, they are not shy about therapy, boundaries, or work-life balance taboo topics to older generations. Authentic, “fake life” doesn’t fly with them for long. They crave transparency, even from employers.

As an Akan proverb says, “Aboa a ɔnwono ne ho, na ne dua na ɛyɛ.”
The animal that does not admire itself is the one whose tail is ugly.
Gen Z knows its value, whether the world sees it or not.

They don’t wait for the world to open a door; they code the app, launch the page, and build the audience. For Ghana’s Gen Z, the internet is not just a tool, it’s terrain. It’s a second hometown with no boundaries, no visa queues, and no gatekeepers.

They are livestreaming from Labadi, designing from Dansoman, freelancing from Koforidua, while working for startups in San Francisco, editing reels for influencers in London, and managing dashboards for NGOs in Geneva.

For Ghanaian Gen Z, access to the internet isn’t a luxury; it’s their oxygen. They live in the cloud, learn on YouTube, and earn through PayPal. Many are self-taught, self-branded, and self-funded. They juggle freelancing gigs in Canada while sipping sobolo in Kumasi.

The trotro may be late, but their Upwork gigs are always on time.

According to the World Bank, Ghana has one of the fastest-growing digital economies in West Africa. And Gen Z is not just consuming content they’re creating it, monetizing it, and exporting it. They are vloggers, virtual assistants, product reviewers, data annotators, and TikTok educators. Their dreams don’t wear suits; they wear hoodies and headsets.

As the Ewe say, “Agbalẽ kple vovo nye viwo ƒe yevu.”
The hoe and the file are the white man of the children  meaning the modern tools of survival have changed.
For Gen Z, survival wears a screen.

To employers, local and international, understand this: If your onboarding feels like a 90s seminar, if your job description ignores flexibility, if your corporate culture is allergic to emojis and authenticity, you won’t keep them.

Not Just Job Seekers  Purpose Hunters
“Give me a reason, not just a role.”
That’s the unspoken anthem of this generation.

Unlike their forebears, Gen Z doesn’t just want a job; they want meaning. They ask, “What change will I make here?” before they ask, “What is the salary?” A Ghanaian proverb reminds us: “The one who climbs a good tree deserves a push.” Employers must learn to become that “push.”

They are creating Wi-Fi dreams in a land still struggling with erratic power. They aren’t waiting for permission. They are global by instinct and Ghanaian by heart.

Ghanaian Gen Z isn’t walking into the job market with just CVs; they come with values.
They are not hustling for jobs simply to survive; they are chasing opportunities to matter.

In their world, work is not a prison cell; it’s a platform.

They want to work for companies that care, not just companies that scale. They bring empathy to the boardroom, vulnerability to the Zoom call, and a hunger for impact in every spreadsheet. They are purpose hunters, mapping careers like pilgrimages—always chasing a calling, never just a paycheck.

They ask:
“Does this company align with my values?”
“Will I be seen and heard?”
“Can I grow here without losing myself?”

They want to build, not just obey. To collaborate, not conform. To work with you, not under you.

Leadership to Gen Z isn’t defined by title or age. They believe in collaboration over hierarchy, ideas over seniority. In their world, influence is earned, not inherited.

A junior developer can challenge the CEO, and a content creator can command a larger audience than a politician. This terrifies some employers. But it shouldn’t.

Gen Z is not disrespectful; they are democratic. They want flat structures, open doors, transparent KPIs, and a voice at the table. They value mental health breaks as much as team meetings. They lead with compassion. With creativity. With courage.

Leadership is no longer about being in charge; it’s about being in sync.

McKinsey calls them the “Wellness Generation” not because they’re soft, but because they understand that burnout is not a badge of honour. They are shifting the narrative from grind culture to growth culture.

In a Ghanaian context, this shift is bold. For decades, many were taught: “Get the job. Keep your head down. Don’t ask questions. Just be grateful.”
But Gen Z?

They say: “Gratitude is not silence. I can be thankful and still demand better.”

As the Fante proverb goes, “Obi nnim obrempon ahyease”  No one knows the beginning of a great man.
These young ones may start as interns, but don’t blink they’re planning empires.

Employers must unlearn the belief that obedience equals productivity. Gen Z thrives in spaces that prioritize meaning, feedback, innovation, and autonomy.

Hiring Gen Z requires more than posting job ads. It requires unlearning.
Unlearn rigid dress codes. They believe value doesn’t wear a tie.
Unlearn 9-to-5 dogma. They’re most productive at midnight with lo-fi music.
Unlearn micromanagement. Trust is their love language.
Unlearn silence around mental health. They expect check-ins, not just deadlines.

Instead, learn flexibility. Learn to give feedback like a coach, not a commander. Learn that their tattoos and tech skills can coexist. Learn that Slack emojis don’t mean unseriousness; they mean comfort.

Remember the proverb: “The dancing style of the youth may not please the elderly, but the drums must change for the dance to continue.”

Gen Z in Ghana is not lost. They are not lazy. They are not entitled. They are evolving. And with them, the workplace must evolve too.

To Ghanaian employers: Reimagine your structures, cultures, and policies. Mentor them, don’t muzzle them.
To global companies: Look to Ghana, a land where brilliance meets resilience. A land where the next design genius or tech trailblazer might just be coding from a porch in Ho or editing TikToks from a café in Labone.

The future is not waiting. It is already tweeting, designing, coding, and creating with Ghanaian fingers and global dreams.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Source: Shadrach Assan

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We are a country full of talent—brilliant minds and a youth population brimming with innovative ideas. Yet, we keep spinning in circles because everyone is building alone. Somewhere, five friends are working on the same idea separately, when they could pull their resources and expertise together to make that idea five times bigger.

Everyone wants to be the tree, but no one wants to be the soil. That is why nothing is growing. We need to connect the dots. We need to collaborate.

Even Jesus Christ—sent by God—didn’t walk alone. He chose disciples. You may argue that some betrayed him, but even that betrayal was part of the plan that led to his ultimate mission: to die for our sins.

Unfortunately, we have convinced ourselves that collaboration is a sign of weakness, or worse, irrelevance. That those who team up are people who are failing. I don’t blame you. Over the years, we’ve seen partnerships form only when collapse is near. And some people fear being labeled as someone who merely “played a part,” so they would rather build halfway alone than finish something powerful together.

Often, greed is the enemy. Why share the credit, the profit, and the perks in two—or worse, more—when you can have it all alone?

But what if we’ve gotten the whole concept of collaboration wrong?

Let me explain.

Collaboration is understanding that what you carry is only a piece of what’s needed—and what you lack, someone else has. Finding these missing pieces is not a limitation; it is a strategic move to unlock your full potential. Stay with me.

Collaboration is when people bring different strengths, ideas, and resources together—not to compete, but to complete something greater than any one person could build alone. And the maths is simple: the right additions create multiplied impact.

Yes, collaboration involves shared credit and split profits. But often, what you build together is far bigger than anything you could have done alone. So I ask: is owning a whole loaf of bread more fulfilling than having a share in an entire bakery?

Let’s take a lesson from the world’s blueprint: the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). After setting bold targets like No Poverty, Zero Hunger, and Climate Action, they added one more—Goal 17: Partnerships for the Goals. Not because it was the least important, but because no matter how urgent the issues, nothing gets done unless we work together.

If we truly want to move Ghana forward, then we need people who are not obsessed with being seen—but committed to seeing things done. We must outgrow the mindset of hoarding credit and hogging the spotlight. Ghana does not just need big minds—it needs open minds willing to share ideas. It’s not just the strong who can fix the country—we all must join hands.

Competition may take one person to the top. But collaboration will take all of us there. And trust me, there is enough space at the top for everyone.

Do not get me wrong. Individually, we can do something. But collectively, we can do so much more. Duplicated efforts waste time. Collective efforts deliver results.

Let us start collaborating. Let us do it right. And let us do it right away.

Because truly, Ghana can do better—if we work together.

Writer: Alogn Campbell Comey

The total budget could top $1 billion. Some people argue that with nearly $100m spent already (on accrual basis), the country might just as well complete it.

This is the famous “sunk costs fallacy”. I.e. “throwing good money after bad money.” But what if the Cathedral could make enough revenue to pay for itself, as its trustees say? I have addressed that issue extensively in the recent past. The short answer is that it cannot pay for itself. You just have to look at cathedrals around the world and their financial issues to benchmark.

Cologne Cathedral, for instance, has an impressive religious pedigree. Its museum (treasury) not only houses holy relics of several important saints, such as Ursula, and fragments of the True Cross, it also hosts the Shrine of the Maggi, the proverbial “wise men” who “came from the East to worship the infant Christ.” No matter how Ghana brands its Cathedral, it would simply not be able to compete with the 1000-year cathedrals dotted all over Christendom.

Cologne Cathedral receives 6 million visitors a year, more than 4x the annual number of visitors to Ghana. Many pay to enter the Museum. Yet, it is not financially self-sustaining. The Christian shrine most similar to what Ghana is attempting to build is the Basilica in Yamoussoukro in Côte d’Ivoire. It barely gets 30,000 visitors a year. It is entirely funded by donations from a Polish religious order. Obviously because it is a Catholic church. Ghana’s Cathedral, on the other hand, is non-denominational, probably why so few donations have come in so far.

Cologne Cathedral, for its part, needs €4.5 million from the Catholic Church in subsidies. Its annual maintenance costs alone exceed €10 million. The Church has had to implement cost-saving measures in recent years to keep the doors open. In fact, without the dedicated worldwide voluntary association that donates regularly to fund Cologne Cathedral, maintenance would be tough. All the evidence suggests, therefore, that the National Cathedral, if completed, would become another loss-making entity requiring permanent government subsidies.

Of course, any other project proposed to replace it must be subjected to the same rigorous cost-benefit analysis and assessed for financial sustainability. There are, admittedly, certain projects that have such a high social value that permanent subsidies make sense. But the way to determine is to enhance the cost-benefit analysis to capture social, and not only financial, benefits and then compare with alternative projects that also have a high social value. The total budget of a project must also always be a factor in such analyses.

******

Bright Simons is the Honorary Vice President of IMANI Ghana

Source: Bright Simons

Why is it that when the doctor prescribes antihypertensive, the first thing many ask is: “Will it kill my bedroom game?” But nobody asks, “Will high blood pressure kill me?”

Ghanaian men are dying, and too many are dying hard, literally, not from war, not from crime, but from poorly controlled blood pressure, strokes, heart attacks, and sudden cardiovascular collapse. This is a silent pandemic that is entirely avoidable.

And the most tragic part?

Many of these deaths could have been prevented if only we took our health seriously, especially when it comes to blood pressure.

Let’s face it:

We fear erectile dysfunction (ED) more than death. We avoid antihypertensive medications because someone whispered, “Ego kill your thing.”

Meanwhile, we secretly sip all sorts of “natural” mixtures, bitters, roots, powders, and “man power” drinks without knowing what’s in them or how they spike our blood pressure even higher.

But here’s the hard truth:

You’re more likely to die or suffer a stroke from poorly managed hypertension than from any BP medication affecting your performance.

Let the data speak:

• In Ghana, cardiovascular diseases are the leading cause of adult deaths in men over 40.

• Hypertension is behind nearly 1 in every 5 deaths in Ghanaian men

• Most victims didn’t even know they were hypertensive, or were not on treatment.

• Erectile dysfunction itself is often an early warning sign of blood vessel damage and not the fault of the drugs, but the damage done by years of silent high blood pressure.

The sad truth is majority of strokes in Ghana are hemorrhagic, characterised by excessive bleeding and not ischemic, a sign of poor cardiovascular disease management. This has led to the myth that there is a boil in the head that ruptures due to evil spirits or “efiefoƆ.” Need I say more?

And those so-called libido boosters?

* Many contain stimulants that raise blood pressure, strain the heart, and trigger arrhythmias or sudden cardiac arrest.

* Some interact dangerously with medications.

* And worst of all, they mask symptoms, giving a false sense of strength while the body is quietly breaking down.

The economic impact?

Each stroke admission costs families thousands of cedis. Long-term disability means job loss, caregiver burden, and children dropping out of school.

Untimely deaths leave widows, orphans, and businesses collapsing.

This isn’t just about health, it’s about the future of our families and economy.

So let’s ask ourselves:

1. Is it worth risking death for five minutes of pleasure?

2. Why do we trust a street herbalist more than a trained pharmacist or doctor?

3. Why are we quick to spend on sex enhancers but not on BP checks?

If you’re worried about your performance, check your pressure first. Erectile dysfunction may be your body’s way of screaming, “Your heart is in danger!”

Brothers, we must change this narrative.

Know your BP and concur with management if health professionals think you must be on medication.

Ask about medications with minimal sexual side effects.

Stop abusing unregulated concoctions.

Save your heart, protect your joy, and secure your future.

Because pleasure should never be a death sentence. Some deaths are too painful but silly. By our culture, when they do occur, we can’t call out the dead for the respect of the bereaved.

Source: Kwame Sarpong Asiedu

It was just past midnight when 8-year-old Afi and her grandmother Abla were jolted from sleep in their home in Fuveme, a small coastal village in Ghana’s Volta Region. By the time they stumbled outside, the tide had already swallowed half the compound.

Their ancestral house, built by their great-grandfather with clay, seashells, and palm wood, was torn apart by the waves.

“I grabbed her hand and ran,” Abla said, her voice trembling. “We left everything. Our history. Our life. The sea has taken it all.” This is not just a disaster story. This is a cultural funeral.

Along Ghana’s 560-kilometer coastline, from Keta to Ada, tidal waves are more than a force of nature; they are merciless intruders uprooting thousands, turning proud communities into ghost towns, and leaving behind a void where culture, memory, and tradition once thrived.

The rise of Ghana’s climate refugees. Over the last decade, tidal waves, locally called sea defense failures or coastal erosion, have displaced over 4,000 people in Ghana, according to the National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO).

Entire communities like Dzita, Agavedzi, and Salakope have been ravaged repeatedly, forcing families to flee inland with little more than the clothes on their backs. What’s unfolding on these shores is climate-induced displacement.

These Ghanaians, fisherfolk, traders, teachers, and elders are not fleeing war. They are fleeing the ocean. They are climate refugees, unprotected by international refugee laws, yet exiled from the only home they’ve ever known.

Ancestral homes, cultural graves. In the fishing town of Anloga, 74-year-old Efo Komla used to gather children around the village square under the baobab tree to tell Ananse stories. But now, he says, there are no children left to tell stories to.“When the water came, they moved the families inland.

The children now live in tents near Sogakope. They don’t speak Ewe anymore. They speak English and Twi,” he said, wiping his eyes with a frayed cloth. “Soon, no one will remember who we were.”

Houses built with native knowledge, crafted to withstand coastal winds, have been replaced with temporary shelters that leak when it rains. Traditional fishing rites, naming ceremonies, and clan dances are fading. Sacred sites, including ancestral graves, have been washed away.

Culture dies when people are forced to forget where they come from. What’s happening on Ghana’s coast is not just physical destruction; it’s cultural extinction.

Young, uprooted, and adrift for the children of these communities, displacement is not just about losing a home. It’s about losing a sense of identity.

Take Kwame, a 17-year-old whose family relocated from Kpoglu after a tidal wave collapsed their compound in 2022. Now living in a makeshift settlement outside Akatsi, Kwame struggles in school.“My friends laugh at my accent. They don’t understand our traditions. I feel like a stranger in my own country,” he says.

Disconnection breeds disillusionment. Without land to farm or a sea to fish, many youth in displaced communities are turning to urban migration, odd jobs, or even petty crime. Some fall prey to gambling and depression.

A generation is being raised without roots. They don’t know the songs of their ancestors. They’ve never danced the Agbadza. They don’t even know what they’ve lost.

The impact isn’t just emotional, it’s dangerously physical. Tidal waves have claimed lives and left villages in ruins.

In November 2021, over 3,000 people were rendered homeless in the Keta-Aflao stretch when tidal waves surged inland. Schools were shut. Markets collapsed. Boats and nets lifelines of fishermen were shredded and swept away.

That same year, in Agavedzi, a pregnant woman died after being trapped in her flooded house. In Salakope, a father drowned trying to rescue his son from rising waters.

These are not isolated events. According to Ghana’s Hydrological Services Department, tidal wave frequency and intensity are increasing due to rising sea levels and unpredictable weather patterns, direct consequences of climate change.

Despite the magnitude of the crisis, government response has been slow, sporadic, and insufficient. Communities have pleaded for sea defense walls only to see piecemeal projects delayed for years.

In Keta, a coastal protection project stalled in Phase 2 due to “funding constraints.” Meanwhile, lives are slipping into the ocean. “They come with cameras after each disaster, promise us help, and leave,” says Deborah Mensah, a market woman from Adina. “We are tired of being headlines. We want solutions.”

The $10 million needed to complete coastal protection in Keta could save thousands, but remains trapped in bureaucratic limbo. In the meantime, citizens are left with sandbags, prayers, and heartbreak.

This crisis demands not just compassion but comprehensive climate action. The government must urgently fund and complete the stalled Anloga-Keta coastal defense wall. Expand protection to Ada, Jomoro, and Nzema East, which are also at high risk.

If communities must be relocated, it must be done with cultural respect, sustainable housing, and livelihood support. Current relocation efforts often dump families in unfamiliar environments without jobs or social cohesion.

Support mangrove reforestation in degraded coastal areas. Mangroves are natural barriers against tidal waves and storm surges. Projects in Anlo and Ada East have shown promising results.

Install community-based flood early warning systems using mobile alerts, radio, and traditional town criers. Time can mean the difference between life and death. Fund programs that preserve and teach oral histories, traditional music, and coastal languages in schools and media. If the land is lost, the culture must not be.

The sea may be rising, but so must we. We must rise in empathy to feel the pain of displaced elders and the confusion of children. We must rise in solidarity to stand with coastal families who didn’t cause this crisis but are bearing its worst impacts.

We must rise in action to demand urgent intervention, policy reform, and climate justice. Because what’s being lost is not just land. It’s lineage. It’s language. It’s legacy.

The waves may return tomorrow. But if we act today, perhaps we can keep the songs alive.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Source: Shadrach Assan

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What was once a proud example of peaceful transitions is now shadowed by mounting electoral violence, political arrogance, and institutional silence. We are a heartbeat away from chaos unless something changes and fast.

Flashpoints of Violence: A Bloody Trail

Since 1992, Ghana’s elections though largely peaceful on the surface have repeatedly been marred by violence. Below is a timeline of key incidents that tell a troubling story:

Total Reported Deaths (1992–2025): 20+
Total Reported Injuries: Over 100

The 2020 election remains the darkest, with eight citizens killed. Yet, the silence from national leadership was deafening.

Ablekuma North: The Rerun That Nearly Broke the System

The July 2025 rerun in Ablekuma North descended into violence. Gunfire erupted near polling stations, ballot boxes were snatched in broad daylight, and an unarmed youth was beaten by alleged party thugs.

Security personnel responded late. Community leaders begged for calm. For many, it felt like the state had abandoned its duty.

How did a routine rerun descend into chaos? The answer lies in decades of political impunity, unregulated party militias, and selective justice.

The SOE Question: Are We Heading There?

Ghana has so far avoided declaring a State of Emergency (SOE) due to electoral unrest. But with dozens of flashpoints, tribal-political tension, and the weaponisation of online misinformation, we are closer to a constitutional crisis than we admit.

An SOE hands sweeping powers to the executive, suspends civil liberties, and risks erasing years of democratic progress.

To the Politicians: Step Up or Step Aside

This is not a game. People’s lives are not collateral for your ambitions.
Stop arming foot soldiers.
Stop using the youth as pawns.
Stop fanning tribal and religious divisions for votes.

Your selfishness is suffocating the republic. The power you wield was lent to you by the people. And it can be taken back.

We demand accountability.
We demand justice.
We demand leaders who value lives over votes.

To the People of Ghana: Our Peace Is Priceless

To the youth who are tired.
To the mothers who fear for their children.
To the elderly who’ve seen too much: Ghana belongs to you.

Do not let politicians weaponise your pain.
Refuse to be used as thugs.
Report threats.
Demand transparency peacefully, always.

Our ancestors dreamt of a free and peaceful Ghana.
We owe them and our children nothing less.

To the Security Agencies: Be Swift. Be Impartial. Be Brave.

The trust in our security institutions is waning and that’s dangerous.

Intervene before violence breaks out.
Protect every Ghanaian, not just political elites.
Act without fear or favour.

Silence emboldens criminals.
Indifference kills democracy.

We call on the Ghana Police Service, National Security, Ghana Armed Forces, and EC officials to rise above partisanship.
The future of the Republic depends on your vigilance.

The Bigger Picture: Reforms or Ruin

To survive this democratic cliffhanger, we must urgently pursue reforms:

• Independent oversight of electoral violence investigations

• Ban on party-affiliated vigilante groups

• Swift prosecution of political crimes

• Empowerment of electoral and judicial institutions

Ghana is bleeding not from war, but from wounds inflicted by silence, selfishness, and short-sightedness.

Let us not wait for a State of Emergency.
Let us not mourn another young voter gunned down at a ballot box.
Let us not bury democracy in its own birthplace.

We are at a crossroads.

And the direction we take now will define the next generation.

Let history remember that when Ghana stood on the edge, her people stood tall.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Source: Shadrach Assan

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This is according to a firebrand party leader, Issahaku K. Kotomah.

Mr. Kotomah, who has been an avid member of the NPP for decades, finds it abhorrent that the once grassroots party is being turned into a dictatorial machine to benefit just a few who have woefully failed the party and led it into the worst political defeat in the Fourth Republic.

“The creeping normalisation of a top-bottom approach to party governance, where a few elites at the apex dictate the direction of the party, is threatening to turn a once vibrant political party into a hollow machine of patronage and authoritarian control.

“This anti-democratic trajectory must be resisted with urgency. The recent wave of self-serving constitutional amendments being proposed or pushed within the party is not about reform or renewal. It is about consolidating power in the hands of a select few—those who have presided over years of disappointing leadership outcomes and now seek to entrench their influence beyond their expiration date. Let us call it what it is: a hostile takeover of the party from the grassroots upward,” he noted in an interview with the media.

Self-serving constitutional amendments

He posits that the NPP’s constitutional review processes are now increasingly becoming instruments of manipulation. “Hidden under the cloak of reform, they are being used to rewrite the party’s rules to favour certain factions, personalities, or interest groups. Proposals to centralise candidate selection, limit the autonomy of polling station executives, or extend the powers of the National Council are not about efficiency; they are about control.”

He further argues that “these amendments disempower the very base that built the party, turning loyal stakeholders at the very base into mere spectators. This brings to mind the words of former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, who famously urged Ghanaians during his 2017 inaugural address: ‘I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens building your communities and our nation. Let us work until the work is done.’

“On this note, I ask NPP grassroots members not to be spectators but citizens; active, bold, and responsible participants in the life of our great party. When decisions are made in Accra and imposed on constituencies without consultation, the party ceases to be a mass movement and becomes a top-heavy bureaucracy, more concerned with the whims of powerful men than the will of the people.”

A leadership that has failed—and yet seeks more power?

He said it would have been another matter if the centralised party leadership had delivered on its promises to the rank and file.

“But under the current NPP leadership, we have witnessed a disturbing failure within the party itself; neglected grassroots structures, sidelined loyal members, broken internal trust, and a growing sense of frustration among the very people who toiled to bring the party to power. The base feels abandoned, and the leadership has failed to inspire confidence or unity by failing to acknowledge its abysmal performance.

“And yet, the same architects of this national malaise now want to tighten their grip on the party machinery? It is an affront to the rank and file of the party who toiled to bring the NPP to power, only to be sidelined, betrayed, and insulted.”

Mr. Kotomah added that “a leadership that has failed so profoundly has no moral right to demand further loyalty from the grassroots. What is needed is introspection, humility, and accountability—not autocratic restructuring.”

Party control as a means of silencing dissent

The NPP firebrand said the top-bottom approach is not merely about organisational change, but it’s also about ideology and suppression, and that it seeks to mute internal debate, delegitimise critics, and create a climate of fear within the party.

“Already, there are growing concerns that alternative voices and reform-minded patriots are being blacklisted, starved of support, and intimidated for daring to question the status quo.

“This is not the party Danquah, Busia, and Dombo envisioned. It is a distortion—a perversion—of our founding values and tradition. If unchecked, this style of leadership will destroy the spirit of competition, dialogue, and democratic renewal that has long set the NPP apart from its rivals.”

A call to action: Reclaim the party from the top

“This is not a time for silence. This is not a time for passive observation. Every polling station executive, electoral area coordinator, every TESCON member, every constituency executive must stand up and say NO to top-down authoritarianism within the NPP,” he rallied party faithful to rescue the NPP.

He suggested that there should be an immediate halt to any constitutional amendment that centralises power, a full accountability report from the party’s current leadership, and a recommitment to grassroots decision-making and democratic practices.

“The future of the NPP—and indeed Ghana’s democratic stability—depends on rebuilding the party from the bottom up, not further disfiguring it with elitist engineering. Let the voices of ordinary patriots ring louder than the whispers of powerful men in closed rooms. If the soul of the NPP is to be saved, it must be saved from the bottom—where it all began,” he added.

Source: Issahaku K. Kotomah

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Before the turn of the millennium, Ghana’s retail sector was overwhelmingly informal, dominated by open-air markets, roadside vendors, and family-run kiosks, which formed the heart of commerce.

While these outlets provided affordable and accessible products to a broad segment of the population, they operated with limited structure, relying on cash-based transactions, unregulated pricing, and fragmented supply chains.

The absence of cold-chain logistics and an electronic inventory system constrained product variety, with >80% of Fast Moving Consumer Goods(FMCG) sales in open-air markets (GSS,1998).

Formal retail was sparse, with early attempts the Kingsway Stores (Ghana’s first department store) and the United African Company (UCA), launched in 1929.

Ghana National Trading Corporation (GNTC) and later entrants such as A.G. Leventis struggled to achieve scale.

Ventures by Patterson Zochonist (PZ) in the ‘70s and A-Life (in Accra, Kumasi, Takoradi) emerged in the ‘90s, offering air-conditioned environments and a curated product range.

However, these ventures were short-lived, and the likes of A-Life chain collapsing, underscoring the difficulties faced by indigenous formal retailers at the time.

Despite pockets of formality, over 95% of retail activity in Ghana remained informal as late as 2015, according to Brookings Institution analysis.

Traditional markets like Makola, Malata, Kotokuraba, and Kejetia continued to thrive, providing a mix of local produce, imported goods, and household items.

They catered especially to lower-income households through price haggling, plus the ability to purchase goods in small, daily quantities and also on credit terms (based on familiarity).

Post-2000: The Rise of Modern Trade and Hypermarkets

By 2000, Ghana’s retail sector was at a critical inflexion point; an underdeveloped formal trade space set against a rapidly urbanising and aspirational population, ushering in significant transformation.

A confluence of market forces and shifting consumer expectations catalysed the emergence of organised retail.

As consumers become more knowledgeable and want more, Ghana’s retail business has evolved into one of the country’s most dynamic and fast-paced. “Urbanization accelerated from 43.8% (2000) to 56.7% (2020) (GSS, 2021), directly correlating with a 23% rise in supermarket patronage (Nielsen, 2019).”

The key strategies adopted by the prominent players in the Ghana retail industry include new experiential-oriented facility expansions and convenience-minded investments to cater to the growing consumer demand for FMCG – general goods and services.

Multinational consumer goods companies such as Unilever, PZ Cussons, Danone – Fan Milk, and others increased investments and expanded their presence through local production and distribution.

New brands and franchisees (KFC, Burger King, Pinkberry, Pizza Hut, Domino’s, Pizza Man, etc.) with multiple locations started popping up.

These moves improved product variety, availability, and consistency, plus cost competitiveness. Compelling modern retailers to stock a wider, more consistent range of goods, an essential requirement for larger-format organized retail trends.

Organised retail, encompassing supermarkets, hypermarkets, shopping malls, and later e-commerce platforms, began to flourish.

South African chains like Shoprite entered Ghana, while local giants like Melcom rapidly expanded their footprint. Melcom, founded in 1989, became the country’s largest formal retailer by the early 2010s, with nationwide locations.

The introduction of Melcom Mini, a new convenience format and homegrown and international brands It’s e-commerce platform is currently ranked among the top three in Ghana, with +200,000 monthly active customers.

Other brands such as Maxmart, Koala, and Game entered to serve niche or upscale markets.

Crucially, this shift was not solely driven by retailers; it was a response to changing consumer habits, shaped by rising urbanisation, exposure to global trends, amid the growth of Ghana’s middle class.

Drivers of Modern Retail Growth

1. Urbanisation and Middle-Class Expansion

Between 2000 and 2020, Ghana’s urban population grew from 44% to nearly 58%. Cities like Accra, Kumasi, Takoradi, and Tamale experienced rapid population and infrastructure growth.

“Urbanization accelerated from 43.8% (2000) to 56.7% (2020) (GSS, 2021), directly correlating with a 23% rise in supermarket patronage (Nielsen, 2019).” With this came demand for accessible, secure, and structured shopping experiences.

A growing middle class, bolstered by higher incomes, returnees, education, and diaspora influence, seeks convenience, brand assurance, and quality offerings by formal retail outlets.

2. Foreign and Local Investment

Ghana’s stable business environment, political stability, and strategic location in West Africa attracted both domestic and foreign investors. “Ghana’s formal retail sector grew at a Compound Annual Growth Rate(CAGR) of 8.3% (2010–2020), driven by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows totaling $1.2B in retail infrastructure (UNCTAD, 2021).”

As per DMI analysis, the Ghana retail industry was about US$32 billion in 2023 and is expected to reach about US$54 billion in 2031, growing at a CAGR of about 7.5% during the forecasting period (2024-2031).

3. Improved Supply Chains

The development of robust supply chains, from warehousing to logistics, inclusive of Cold-Chain additions, enables supermarkets and hypermarkets to ensure consistency of stock, freshness of perishable goods, and a more predictable customer experience.

Manufacturers and Retailers are reshaping distribution with FMCG giants like Unilever Ghana, Melcom, Nestle Ghana, and others vertically integrating by establishing dedicated distribution hubs, reducing reliance on third-party wholesalers. Electroland, Kasapreko, Lesfam, etc., have also increased local investment in different channels.

Notable distribution partners like Kwatsons, Forewin, Distro, Lesfam, Berhill, Matcom, etc., are expanding with the development of roads and highways, combined with the implementation of the Rural Telephony and Digital Inclusion initiative, and ensuring greater market access outside of urban regions.

4. Urban Produce Farmers

Local produce farmers within and accessible to the urban region are growing adherence to global fresh standards, and the spring up of farmers’ markets in urban areas has also deepened the grocery offering, lessening the reliance on imports within (South Africa/Egypt), outside the continent(Europe).

These back-end efficiencies allowed retailers to compete more effectively with informal traders.

Shopping Malls: A New Retail Experience

Ghana’s first full-scale mall, Accra Mall, opened in 2008, signaling a new era of consumer experience. With 22,900 m² of retail space, it combined fashion, groceries, electronics, dining, and cinema in a single destination.

Its immediate success paved the way for more retail and experiential-oriented developments.

Between 2013 and 2019, several reputable malls launched: Marina Mall (Accra), West Hills Mall (27,000 m²), Achimota Retail Centre, Junction Mall, and Kumasi City Mall (the first major mall outside Accra).

These shopping centres, developed largely through private-public partnerships and commercial real estate investment, dramatically redefined urban retail culture.

By 2020, Ghana had approximately 138,000 m² of formal retail space, with additional standalone formats and more developments in the pipeline.

Despite this, demand often outstripped supply, particularly in Accra, where prime retail rents reached $40–$60 per m², creating a high fixed cost for tenants and with an elevated rate of business turnover, especially in recent years.

Retail development continues apace, with the Takoradi Mall opening its doors in 2018, Garden City Mall in Kumasi nears completion, while the ambitious Ghana International Mall (also called “World Mall”) on Spintex Road (the main area of commerce) in Accra promises to be among the largest in West Africa.

The Hybrid Marketplace: Formal Meets Informal

Despite the rise of organised retail, Ghana’s retail market remains fragmented. According to the USDA (2024), informal markets and small grocers still account for approximately 83% of food retail, while supermarkets and convenience stores make up only 17%.

This coexistence underscores the adaptability of Ghanaian consumers. Many shop across formats, purchasing packaged goods at supermarkets while sourcing fresh produce and staples from open-air markets.

The latter often offer lower prices, flexibility in quantity, and strong personal relationships with sellers.

Even within the formal sector, market segmentation is clear. Melcom is well-diversified into other hospitality businesses, whilst still dominating with its broad, mid-market appeal. Shoprite anchors most malls but maintains fewer outlets.

Palace Hypermarkets cater to bulk and value-conscious shoppers, while Koala and Max-mart attract upper-middle-class consumers.

Meanwhile, the “China Malls,” which feature large, warehouse-style outlets operated by Chinese merchants offering a vast range of low-cost goods, from electronics to groceries, have grown in popularity.

The result is a uniquely Ghanaian hybrid: a dynamic, multi-format ecosystem shaped by price sensitivity, convenience, and social norms.

Consumers as Catalysts: The Digital Influence

Consumer behaviour, particularly among younger generations, is rapidly transforming modern retail.

1. Convenience and Time Efficiency

Busy urban lifestyles have made one-stop shopping increasingly attractive. Supermarkets offer clean, air-conditioned environments, clear pricing, and extended operating hours. For many, this outweighs the hustle of traditional open-air markets.

2. Digital Adoption and E-Commerce

Internet penetration from 0.2% in 2000 reached +62.5% by 2020(Statista), and smartphone usage mirrored this growth. Platforms like Jumia, Zoobashop, Hubtel, Melcomonline, and Tonaton have established Ghana’s e-commerce footprint, driven by mobile-first strategies. Jumia, in particular, has emerged as a top-three national retailer by sales due to being one of the 1st. Movers into this space – a remarkable feat considering its online-only model.

3. Cashless Payments and Fintech

Digital transformation driven by Mobile money portability has revolutionized retail transactions. Platforms like MTN Mobile Money, Vodafone Cash, Slide Pay, and Zee Pay etc. have enabled even the unbanked population to engage in digital commerce.

By 2017, 67.5% of adults had already adopted digital payment channels—a number that has steadily climbed, reflecting the adoption of cashless solutions.

Supermarkets and other retail channels have responded with POS systems, QR payments, and WhatsApp ordering in the advent of COVID-19, accelerated digitisation across the board, and as such, stakeholders have had to respond with local organic and internationally imported delivery solutions to support this precipitous expansion.

4. On-Demand and Last-Mile Logistics

Startups and delivery services like Glovo, Hubtel, ShaQ Express, Eziban, NokNok, Menu finder, Bolt, and Uber delivery options are meeting consumer demands for convenience. With E-commerce industry bottlenecks, “Poor geo-coding systems and last-mile delivery costs (up to 15% of product value) hamper scalability (Jumia Ghana, 2022)”, limited formal address systems, these services have innovated through GPS, mobile tracking, and community-based delivery points.

The likes of Millennials and Gen Z, raised in the digital age, expect seamless, multi-channel shopping, fusing social media discovery with mobile payments and fast delivery. They show lower brand loyalty, forcing retailers to compete on shopping experience, customer service, and value.

Barriers and the Enduring Strength of Informal Trade

Ghana’s retail transformation has not been without challenges.

● Infrastructure: Poor roads, congestion, and inconsistent address systems complicate logistics and delivery.

● Affordability: A large segment of the population still depends on micro-purchasing, buying small quantities daily, which formal retail isn’t designed to serve.

● Cultural Familiarity: Informal markets remain deeply embedded in community life, offering trusted relationships and social engagement that supermarkets cannot replicate.

Government and regulatory agencies like the Ghana Standards Authority and the Food and Drugs Authority face the tough task of enforcing consistent standards across both formal and informal retail.

Initiatives like The Ghana Post-GPS addressing system and ongoing road upgrades are steps in the right direction, but more work is needed to support inclusive retail growth. “Despite modern trade growth, 60% of FMCG sales still occur through informal channels (Euro-monitor, 2023), creating a dual-system market.”

The Road Ahead: Balancing Innovation with Inclusion

Ghana’s retail terrain is a vivid example of how consumer behaviour drives structural change. The industry’s future lies not in a blanket shift from informal to formal, but in the continued evolution of a hybrid marketplace.

Retailers must innovate in experience, pricing, logistics, and digital presence to capture an increasingly informed, connected consumer base. Meanwhile, policymakers must balance enabling formal growth with supporting the informal networks that remain vital for livelihoods and food security of the majority.

Upgrading traditional Markets, incentivizing, formalisation, and expanding access to digital tools can help bridge the divide.  The continued regulatory clarity and infrastructure investment will be essential in making the retail sector more efficient, structured (security and safety), inclusive, whilst widening regulatory oversight and tax net.

Ghana is leading the Way in cybersecurity by implementing the Cybersecurity Services Licensing Regulation, which is being led by the Ghanaian Cyber Security Authority.

These procedures, which are supplemented by the Financial Industry Command Security Operations Centre (FISOC), safeguard data and protect against cyber threats, thereby ensuring the integrity of digital transactions and deepening public trust whilst providing the needed safeguards.

Conclusion:

The evolution of modern trade in Ghana tells a story of resilience, ambition, and adaptability.

From its informal roots to its digitised, one-stop shopping centres and mall-driven presence, the retail sector continues to transform under the weight of consumer awareness, demand, and entrepreneurial drive.

Regulators have equipped and educated themselves to support this transition with adherence to global norms and standards, keeping a watchful eye on the industry, compliance, and trajectory (with solutions) for all stakeholders to grow in this push.

The Ghanaian shopper (often young tech-savvy metropolitan consumers on digital platforms), pushing retail firms to reach beyond physical locations, allowing customers, informed, price-conscious, and convenience-seeking, who are not just passive participants but the engine behind this transformation.

As Ghana steps further into the globalised, digital economy, the future of retail will depend on how well businesses and government align with this emerging consumer class, will serve both tradition and innovation in equal measure, as a gradual demand shift in urban retail is behind modern trade.

Source: Francis Sam

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Most simply want a short visit — a chance to breathe new air and broaden their worldview. But for many, those dreams dissolve into rejection slips and silence.

What’s left behind is not just disappointment, but debt, despair, and a bitter realisation: someone is cashing out of their failure.

The Price of Hope

Let’s talk numbers. As of 2024–2025, a UK Standard Visitor visa application from Ghana costs £115 — approximately GH₵2,200, depending on the exchange rate. The US B1/B2 tourist visa fee is $185 — about GH₵2,400.

These are non-refundable fees. Whether your visa is approved or denied, the embassy keeps the money.

Estimates from immigration analysts and local travel consultants suggest that over 100,000 Ghanaians apply for US and UK visas combined each year, with denial rates hovering around 60–70%. That’s at least 60,000 people denied annually.

Do the math:

• UK Embassy: £115 × 30,000 denials = £3.45 million

• US Embassy: $185 × 30,000 denials = $5.55 million

Combined, that’s over GH₵138 million (~$11 million+) collected annually from people who received nothing in return — no visa, no refund, not even an explanation.

Stories That Hurt

Ama, 29, Nurse from Kumasi
Ama saved for two years. She wanted to attend a three-week nursing conference in Manchester. Her employer endorsed the trip. Her itinerary was solid. She paid for the visa, booked her flights, bought new clothes — and then came the email: “Your application has been refused.”

No reason. No refund. Just a dead-end PDF.

“I felt like I was scammed,” she whispers. “I used part of my rent money to pay for that visa.”

She now walks two hours to work because she can’t afford transport.

Kwesi, 41, Father of Three
After selling his only taxi, Kwesi applied for a US tourist visa to attend his cousin’s wedding in New York. His brother in the States sent an invitation letter, affidavit of support — everything. But at the interview, the consular officer asked just two questions before saying, “I’m sorry, your visa is denied.”

His voice cracks as he recounts it: “They didn’t even look at my documents.”

He left the embassy with nothing but shame. Today, he’s unemployed and owes friends over GH₵3,000 in loans taken to fund the trip.

A System That Profits from Pain

Let’s be clear: embassies have the sovereign right to determine who enters their borders. Security, immigration control, and fraud prevention are legitimate concerns.

But what’s hard to justify is a system that charges hundreds of cedis in a country where the average monthly salary is around GH₵1,200, and keeps the money even when no service is rendered.

There’s no refund policy. No appeal process.
No transparency. No dignity.

If you were denied a product at the supermarket, you’d get your money back. But not here.

Here, failure pays — and not for you.

This system appears less like due diligence and more like a billion-dollar machine that monetizes rejection.

It’s not just about money.
It’s about fairness. About the right to be treated as human beings, not faceless statistics in a rejection database.

A Call for Justice, Not Charity

This isn’t a rant. It’s a plea.

To the Government of Ghana:
You have the diplomatic power to negotiate better terms for your people. Visa application fees should be partially refundable, or at the very least, tied to transparent processing outcomes.

To the Ministry of Foreign Affairs:
Demand that embassies publish their refusal statistics. Advocate for fair treatment, clear feedback, and dignity for every Ghanaian applicant.

To citizens and civil society:
It’s time we push back. Petition. Organize. Demand accountability.
Our silence is subsidising a system built on suffering.

Whose Dream Is It Anyway?

When hope becomes a transaction,
and failure becomes profit,
we must ask:
Whose dream is it anyway?

For too many Ghanaians, the cost of ambition is unbearable.

It shouldn’t be this way.

Let this article be more than words.
Let it be the beginning of a movement — not for open borders, but for open justice.

Because nobody should have to pay to be denied.

Let me know if you’d like this formatted as a publishable op-ed or blog layout, or a call-to-action graphic to support it.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Source: Shadrach Assan

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I had renewed my insurance online just two days before, but when I showed the officer my proof of payment, the app showed “pending.” A delay between the transaction and the actual update. A technicality.

Still, she slipped my license into her uniform and calmly informed me that I’d need to “come with her to the station” — or pay a spot fine. Her superior just smiled and was suddenly preoccupied with a video on TikTok.

GHS250. No receipt. No written charge. Just “make it quick and go.”

I paid.

But it wasn’t just the money that unsettled me. It was her quiet admission: “I know you’ve done it… but this is how things are,” and her colleague’s indifference.

In that moment, it wasn’t just about me. It was about a system where right doesn’t always translate to relief, and rules serve as tools for roadside revenue.

Abuse of authority: When the enforcer becomes the judge

In theory, the police are tasked with maintaining law and order.

In practice, many drivers in Ghana experience them as mobile courts — judge, jury, and executioner rolled into one.

There’s rarely a conversation or caution, only commands. Rarely a ticket, only threats. And rarely a process, just payment.

This unchecked authority, especially in traffic enforcement, undermines public trust and creates fertile ground for abuse.

If a driver can be penalized without formal charge, then what separates enforcement from extortion?

Spot fines or spot shakedowns?

Let’s call it what it is: institutionalized bribery.

The moment a fine is paid without documentation, accountability is lost. Who’s keeping track? Who audits the cash flow from these “off-the-record” transactions? No one.

For the average driver, these payments are not acts of guilt — they’re acts of survival. A way to avoid delays, insults, or worse, impounding.

But these quiet payments cost more than money. They normalize corruption and punish people simply for trying to do the right thing — and worse, they strip the system of its moral authority.

Checkpoint nation: over-policing as policy

Drive from Accra to Kasoa and you’ll likely encounter 3–5 checkpoints. Some days, it’s more. At each stop, it’s the same routine: papers, license, fire extinguisher, insurance, triangle, first aid kit.

Sometimes you’re waved on. Other times, a minor flaw becomes a major crime — until “something small” changes the mood.

This over-policing isn’t about safety. It’s about power. And profit.

In a system where every stop feels like a transaction, even the law-abiding are made to feel criminal.

Outdated laws and selective enforcement

Why are drivers still being fined for missing first aid kits or fire extinguishers — in private cars — when these items are rarely, if ever, needed in such contexts?

The laws themselves may have made sense decades ago, but today, they’re often used more as traps than tools for safety.

Even worse, enforcement is wildly inconsistent. One officer demands a fire extinguisher. The next ignores it but complains about your tinted windows.

There’s no standard, no clarity, and no protection for the driver trying to comply.

Meanwhile, ride-hailing drivers and trotro operators navigate potholes big enough to swallow a wheel, but it’s your missing triangle that warrants a stop.

A broken system, with no safety net

Here’s the real kicker: there’s no grievance redress system that works. If you’re unfairly fined or harassed, where do you go? The station?

They’ll likely back their own. The DVLA? They’ll say it’s a police matter. The public complaints office? Try that and see.

And so, we remain trapped in a cycle of silence, where inconvenience becomes compliance, and injustice becomes routine.

Where do we go from here?

Driving in Ghana has become more than a means of transport — it’s a test of patience, privilege, and persistence. Until we address the structural issues:

• Reform traffic enforcement and police accountability
• Digitize all roadside fines for transparency
• Eliminate spot fines without official receipts
• Review and modernize outdated road laws
• Establish an independent motorist complaints platform

…then the road will remain a cashpoint for some, and a nightmare for others.

This isn’t just about driving. It’s about dignity. And until that becomes policy, we’ll keep paying the price — in cash, in silence, and in frustration.