Years of accumulated debt, weak investment in basic education, unpaid statutory obligations, stalled infrastructure projects, and unresolved teacher welfare issues had significantly constrained service delivery and threatened the quality and sustainability of education at all levels.
From the Free Senior High School (Free SHS) programme and special needs education to expired teacher recruitment windows, struggling nascent public universities, unpaid obligations to the West African Examinations Council (WAEC), and delays in promotions and allowances for teachers, the scale of inherited difficulties was enormous.
A National Conversation to Reset Education
Recognising the urgency and complexity of the situation, President Mahama and the Education Ministry convened a historic National Education Forum in Ho, in the Volta Region.

The forum brought together key stakeholders—teachers, unions, parents, academics, students, civil society organisations, policymakers, and the President himself—for a frank and solutions-oriented dialogue on the future of Ghana’s education system.
The outcome of the Ho Forum was a set of practical recommendations that now form the backbone of ongoing reforms, implemented alongside the President’s manifesto commitments and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government’s broader human capital development agenda.
Education as a Budgetary Priority
A clear test of any government’s commitment to transformation lies in how it allocates resources. From the outset, President Mahama demonstrated this commitment by prioritising education in his maiden budget.
In the 2025 Budget Statement, education received one of the largest sectoral allocations, aimed at stabilising the system and laying the foundation for long-term reform.
Historic Investment in Basic Education
For the first time in over five decades, basic education received a historic allocation of GHC 9.1 billion—the highest in 50 years.

This decisive investment reflects a renewed focus on foundational learning, which had suffered years of neglect despite being the most critical stage in a child’s educational journey.
The funding is already supporting classroom infrastructure, learning materials, sanitation, and teacher support at the basic level nationwide.
Resetting Free SHS: From Access to Quality
While the Free SHS policy succeeded in expanding access, it was inherited in a form that prioritised enrolment over quality, resulting in overcrowding, infrastructure deficits, and the controversial double-track system that reduced teacher–student contact hours.
President Mahama’s administration has embarked on a reset—maintaining Free SHS while transforming it into a sustainable and high-quality programme for national development.
In 2025, Free SHS received GHC 3.5 billion under GETFund, the highest allocation since the programme began. This funding has strengthened student feeding, logistics, and learning conditions.

Notably, about 100 double-track schools have already been converted to single-track, with a firm commitment to abolish the system entirely.
Additionally, government plans include upgrading:
10 Category D schools to Category C
10 Category C schools to Category B
30 Category B schools to Category A
while improving infrastructure in existing Category A schools.

Improved Feeding and Student Welfare
Reforms in the management of SHS feeding have led to noticeable improvements, with positive feedback from students, teachers, parents, and school administrators.

Government continues to engage stakeholders to further enhance both nutrition and learning outcomes. At the basic level, GHC 895 million has been paid to support the School Feeding Programme, alongside an increase in the feeding grant per child.

Advancing Girls’ Education
In a major step toward gender equity, government rolled out the free distribution of sanitary pads to school-going girls.

Over six million sanitary pads have been distributed to girls in basic and second-cycle schools, reducing absenteeism and helping to keep girls in school.

Clearing Arrears and Supporting Schools
Under the year in review, the Ministry of Education cleared inherited arrears, including:
GHC 72.8 million in Capitation Grant arrears
GHC 122.8 million paid timely for BECE registration
Payment of WASSCE practical fees
Feeding grants for special needs schools
Government has also directed all Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies to construct a Nursery, Primary and JHS from the 2025 District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF).
Teachers at the Centre of Reform
Teacher welfare featured prominently in 2025. Key achievements include:
Payment of GHC 52 million in Teacher Training Allowance
Restoration of promotion eligibility up to Director rank
Cancellation of the Teacher Licensure Exams requirement that forced trainees to return to campus months after graduation
Placement of over 30,000 diploma teachers who upgraded to degrees onto the appropriate PS salary scale. PTAs have also been reactivated nationwide to strengthen school governance and discipline.

Revitalising Infrastructure and Tertiary Education

All stalled E-Blocks (Community Day SHSs) are being revisited, while tertiary education saw landmark interventions.

Under the No Fees Stress Initiative, the Students Loan Trust Fund reimbursed academic facility user fees for first-year students in public tertiary institutions. Out of 178,745 enrolment records, 152,698 students were successfully validated and reimbursed—removing financial barriers to access tertiary education.

President Mahama also approved the construction of a 600-bed hostel at Dr. Hilla Limann Technical University, addressing a long-standing accommodation challenge.

To strengthen nascent public universities, government released GHC 40 million in seed funding, with GHC 10 million each allocated to:
C.K. Tedam University of Technology and Applied Sciences
University of Energy and Natural Resources
University of Health and Allied Sciences
S.D. Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies

Reforming Scholarships
Parliament has passed the Scholarship Authority Bill, now awaiting Presidential assent. The Bill aims to eliminate cronyism and political interference in scholarship awards, promote transparency and fairness, and align scholarships with national skills needs through collaboration with the National Development Planning Commission.

Looking Ahead to 2026

The 2026 Budget has allocated GHC 33.3 billion to education, with priorities including:
Upgrading 30 Category C SHSs to Category B
Completing 30 abandoned E-Blocks
Constructing 200 JHSs, 200 primary schools, and 200 kindergartens
Building 400 teachers’ bungalows
Procuring and distributing millions of curriculum-based textbooks .
Supplying desks, buses, pickups, and administrative vehicles to schools and education directorates

Conclusion
The 2025 year under review confirms that Ghana’s education sector is on a deliberate path of recovery and transformation.

Through honest diagnosis, historic investment, and people-centred reforms, President John Dramani Mahama and the Ministry of Education have begun rebuilding confidence in the system—laying a strong foundation for quality, equity, and sustainable human capital development in the years ahead.

Three key questions, in their view, are confusing people, and clearing them up would do far more good for the important debate than discussing “accounting treatment” disputes.

The Questions

1. How exactly did GoldBod incur losses?
2. Even if GoldBod incurred losses, are they significant?
3. But even if significant losses have occurred, aren’t they vastly offset by the benefits of the Cedi’s stability in recent years?

Questions 2 and 3 are, obviously, tightly linked.

I will try and be super-focused and just walk readers through my reasoning without any philosophical meandering.

The Answers

Part I: How did the losses come about

1. According to the IMF, GoldBod sold about $5 billion to the Bank of Ghana (BoG) “aggregated” from small-scale and artisanal (ASM) gold miners.

2. It also bought $2.6 billion from legacy sources, including large-scale mining companies, outside the GoldBod channel.

3. It then spent about $10 billion intervening in the foreign exchange (FX) market to deliver the Cedi stability Ghanaians are now enjoying.

4. It still has ~$11.4 billion of “reserves”, of which at least $3.58 billion is made up of gold bullion. I say “at least” because BoG uses a conservative valuation for its gold holdings. Using spot prices today (not advisable) would imply $5.3 billion of gold in over $13 billion of reserves.

5. Trust me, all these numbers are relevant. You will soon see, so keep track.

6. The IMF says that the gold that was bought from local ASM miners led to a loss of 4.28% ($214 million). That is to say the dollar value of the Cedis supplied by the BoG to the miners through GoldBod and the dollars delivered to the BoG from the overseas buyers (we shall call them “off-takers”) don’t match; there is a shortfall.

7. (Note: we are all dependent on the IMF’s data because the IMF is the only entity the government would give such data to.)

8. How that arises is not difficult to explain at all. I will walk readers through two hypothetical transactions using real market numbers for two separate days.

9. Let’s start with 10^th December 2025.

• The LBMA benchmark for 24 carats/K gold (think of this as the “global price for pure gold”) was: USD 4,196 per troy ounce (think of this as the unit in which gold is sold internationally).
• The official exchange rate used by GoldBod: 11.42 GHS/USD
• GoldBod price per Ghana pound (23 carats/K) was: GHS 11,446 (the “Ghana pound” is the main local unit for gold; 23 carats is the usual assay benchmark locally).
• The now famous bonus offered by GoldBod to local miners to encourage them to sell: GHS 650 per Ghana pound of 23K.
• Convert 23K “pound” to 24K equivalent = 11,943.652 GHS per Ghana pound of 24K
• Convert Ghana pound to ounces = 47,934.078 GHS
• Convert to USD = USD 4,197.380
• The result is a tiny premium (GoldBod is paying more for local gold than it can sell internationally).
• Premium vs 4,196 = USD 1.38/oz; Percent = +0.033%
• Now add the bonus on top of the 23K price per Ghana pound: 11,446 + 650 = 12,096 GHS (23K)
• Convert to 24K equivalent = 12,621.913 GHS (per Ghana pound of 24K)
• Convert to troy oz = 50,656.178 GHS per troy oz (24K)
• Convert to USD = USD 4,435.742
• Premium = 4,435.742 − 4,196 = USD 239.742 per ounce
• Percent = 239.742 / 4,196 = 5.714%

10. So, on that day, GoldBod lost 5.714% just on the buying side. Even if it had sold at the full international price, it would still have lost money. We shall explain in a moment why it can’t really sell at the full international price, either.

11. Now, let’s take today, the 29^th of December.

• GoldBod quotes GHS 11,467 per Ghana pound
• Per ounce equivalent = GHS 46,023.112
• Per USD per ounce at official exchange rate of 11.10 = USD 4,146.22
• Compare to the “world market price” of USD 4,325
• Implied Discount (GoldBod is making a marginal profit) = USD 178.774
• In percentage terms = 4.13% discount
• But remember the bonus!
• With bonus = GHS 12,117 total per Ghana pound
• Ounce equivalent = GHS 48,631.789
• USD equivalent = USD 4,381.242
• Implied Premium = USD 56.242
• Premium % = 1.30% premium (GoldBod is making a loss of 1.30% per trade)

12. It should be obvious what is happening here: ASM gold was a relatively efficient market in Ghana for many years with many buyers and many sellers until GoldBod was imposed on the system. The miners were used to getting as much of the “world price” as possible. They sold through lean, mean, and highly efficient intermediaries with very low costs who could time the onward sale to maximise their margin.

13. In the current model, GoldBod buys all the gold in the ASM market and must be ready to buy at all times and deliver to offtakers in all weather. It must offer close to market rate across the board all lose to smugglers or from miners and local traders just hoarding the gold. On the domestic, buying, side, things are that simple.

14. On the external, selling, side, GoldBod must sell at a discount to World prices because one has to factor in freight, insurance, and the assay verification and other costs on the importer’s side since this is the dore (raw gold) market outside a trusted exchange. The importer/offtaker takes a risk and must be compensated.

15. The importer/offtaker also advances dollars to the Bank of Ghana/GoldBod because the liquidity needs of the BoG are pressing and fast settlement is vital for that reason. That is also a risk that the offtaker must be compensated for.

16. In India, dore gold has favourable customs treatment because the Indian government wants to promote refining in India. If the gold was being refined in Ghana, GoldBod would have been hit by additional discounts because the importer/offtaker’s custom duties would have increased.

17. In short, when you displace a large, heterogenous, group of buyers, sellers, and intermediaries, with a very concentrated ecosystem of a super-aggregator (Bawa Rock), a few mega offtakers in India and Dubai, and one ultra-intermediary (GoldBod), you can get efficiency but risks can also concentrate and by the time you compensate for those risks, there would be losses.

Part II: Are the losses even significant?

18. If GoldBod was operating strictly using its own capital, yes!

 19. In 2025, GoldBod was allocated $279 million as working capital but the Finance Ministry did not disbursed. We can interpret this to mean that the Ministry was unclear about its trading strategy of model.

20. But assuming it had disbursed and this was the only fiscal buffer available to the GoldBod, not the limitless-seeming Bank of Ghana tap. Then:

• Consider losses on the ASM doré leg at US$214 million through end-Q3 2025 (i.e. about 9 months).
• Annualising that run-rate gives roughly:

– Now assume GoldBod’s only loss-absorbing capital is the Ministry of Finance allocation of US$279 million.

• Time to wipe-out (straight-line, assuming no recapitalisation)

• In effect, it would take 12 months for GoldBod to become functionally insolvent if it continued operating at the same scale and loss structure.
• Do you realise though that the Ministry of Finance would be forced to recapitalise it due to political reasons? You see why some of us are arguing that this is a fiscal subsidy that must be transparently borne by the policy owners?
• In fact, a more conservative “functional insolvency” trigger is when half the buffer is gone.
• Half of US$279m = US$139.5m.
• At ~US$285m/yr loss rate:

• Operationally: you would expect serious stress within ~6 months, and likely failure within ~12 months, absent a bailout or a major restructuring of the model.

21, Remember that Cocobod is a policy institution too. Yet, we have all been witnessed to how capital stress has damaged it.

22. Using SIGA and Auditor General reports, we have attempted to construct similar loss-per-turnover numbers for Cocobod below.

23. See the numbers for Cocobod below:

24. As readers can judge themselves, Cocobod records significantly lower losses benchmarked against the reported GoldBod losses.

25. The self-evident implication is that even as a policy organ of the government of Ghana (GoG), a consistent near- 5% loss on annual turnover by any would seriously stress its sponsoring government.

26. Bear in mind that the loss prospect could amplify if a single off-taker refused delivery, a prospect far from remote given the current level of concentration.

Part III: But don’t the benefits far outweigh the costs?

27. This is obviously the most complex part of the analysis. But if readers bear with me and follow the numbers, they should be fine.

28. It is a trivial point for everyone to grasp regardless of their economics knowledge that no one factor alone explains exchange rate movements. Surveys of economists by popular research houses normally surface more than 15 major factors.

29. In Ghana, we know that the fiscal deficit and how it is financed, inflation, export performance, and a whole host of factors both influence the exchange rate and are in turn influenced by it.

30. No serious person would thus attribute the stability being enjoyed by the Cedi so far to just one factor, such as the policy innovation represented by the GoldBod.

31. The right question thus is: how much of the Cedi’s stability should we attribute to the GoldBod and through what mechanism has it been exerting its influence? (Some of us have held the position for a while now that the Ghana Cedi is overvalued, and that it has moved from a generally managed float regime to a substantially managed peg one. But that is a separate debate. What is relevant is twofold: a) how the government found the capacity to manage the peg (never a trivial undertaking as the UK learnt on Black Wednesday) and b) whether macro-indicators, such as inflation, move in a manner that makes the peg sustainable.)

32. First, we know that the only plausible mechanism is through the “gold dollars” the GoldBod has diverted from commercial banks and parallel forex markets (which used to get most of the dollars from ASM gold, including even the smuggled portion since smugglers still need Cedis eventually to continue their nefarious trade) to the central bank. The BoG uses these dollars to cushion the Cedi.

33. Remember, however, that only about half of the funds used by the BoG to intervene in the FX market comes from the GoldBod. The remaining 50% comes from other exporters and large-scale gold mines, as well as IMF and other official financial flows. So, whatever impact we attribute to the BoG’s interventions (and remember that intervention alone can never halt depreciation), 50% is what we must attribute to the GoldBod.

34. Second, we know that gold prices have risen dramatically. This has nothing to do with the GoldBod but it is on course to nearly triple the amount of gold dollars in the system compared to, say, 2023.

35. If we use year-end values, the Cedi has risen from 14.7 (2024/12) to the US dollar to 11.14 to the US dollar (2025/12). That is a near -25% appreciation rate.

36. From the historical gold-Cedi relationship, we estimate a lagged effect of 3.9 percentage points appreciation in the Cedi if gold prices rise by 10%. The financial return on gold in 2025 is ~72%. Through a complex series of technical calculations to fix temporality and directionality, we estimate that 8.4% of the Cedi’s appreciation is due to the rise of the gold price through the export channel.

37. It is important to note that gold as a share of exports in Ghana has risen from the mid-30% range about two decades ago to roughly 65% today (double the long-run 2-decade average), a sign of insane overdependency on the commodity’s price rally.

38. The simple result of the above analysis to isolate the GoldBod’s effect is that of the ~25% appreciation rate, the GoldBod must share with other factors a maximal bound of 8% (that is half of the positive residual after accounting for the gold price rally’s effect on export performance).

39. A lot of other complex calculations follow to determine the impact to be allocated to the IMF-supervised fiscal consolidation and primary balance enforcement and its influence on money supply; the impact of the improved harvests (primarily a function of rainfall) on food inflation; the debt restructuring effort and the resulting relief from debt servicing; and the fall in interest rates, which appears to have been primarily driven by Finance Ministry policy. All these have had some complex direct or indirect effect on the Cedi.

40. It would be difficult in light of all the above to assign more than 3 percentage points of the 25% Cedi appreciation to the role the GoldBod has played in resourcing the Bank of Ghana’s FX market intervention capacity. Even those who will disagree with this specific estimate cannot dispute the logic of capping GoldBod’s contribution.

41. A 3% appreciation corresponds to about $600 million in relief on the import bill front. A significantly higher number than the $214 million we have been quarreling about.

42. Don’t get me wrong. It is a significant new development that we must all respectfully follow. But it serves no one’s interest, lest of all GoldBod management’s, if we start blowing up expectations. That would amount to setting them up to fail.

43. But we must not be oblivious about the costs of central bank intervention. The cost-benefit ledger extends to that aspect too. As I will show shortly, things don’t end at $600 million in “import burden relief”. Relax, I am not going to try and offset the relief with any speculative symmetric pressure on exporters. There is something more interesting to explore.

44. When BoG (via GoldBod) purchases gold locally in Cedis, it creates new Cedi liquidity. If BoG sterilises (mops up) that liquidity through Open Market Operations (OMO), it converts a monetary expansion into a recurring interest expense.

45. OMO simply means it borrows money from banks and other large institutions to “back” the paper money it has created (keeping things simple.) That money doesn’t come free.

46. On a US$5 billion gold purchase base, sterilising the Cedi created by that purchase through OMO transactions costs the central bank roughly GHS 11–13bn every year at realistic BoG OMO rates.

47. It is thus possible that the BoG will announce losses for this year. In addition to all the opacity and shadowy dealings, these fiscal stresses are the reason why some of us have been consistently wary and apprehensive about all these gold programs. Who has noticed that since the Gold-for-Oil program was terminated there has been no discernible impact at the fuel pumps? Who really was that program serving?

48. Remember also that we have only accounted for GoldBod losses in the Gold-for-Reserves intervention program. If even the other half of the intervention budget implies half of GoldBod’s trading losses, the total costs of the program would easily neutralize the $600 million in import burden relief calculated earlier (not accounting for sterilization costs of the other half of the intervention budget to avoid double-counting).

49. In simple terms, the GoldBod-backed intervention program yields no net benefit to the extent that it does not cover enough of the BoG’s need nor alleviate import burden sufficiently.

50. But that is still in neutral territory. It implies, at worst, that the GoldBod approach once its full costs become transparent cease being the miracle that on the surface it appears to be.

51. There is a more worrying issue. The GoldBod-backed intervention program is generally cost-neutral only whilst the price of gold remains elevated.

52. Readers may recall that the BoG stores some of the gold in its reserves and relies on a liquidity conversion cycle to turn the gold dollars into a cedi cushion in the domestic FX markets. Imagine a sudden drop in the price of gold, perhaps to its historic two-decade mean in the $2000-ish range.

53. Because of the policy commitments, BoG cannot simply suspend the program in its entirety. Not when funds have been advanced and long- or medium-term supply obligations have been established.

54. In such a bear market downside scenario, the BoG’s gold reserves would suddenly lose value in the multibillion-dollar range.

55. Gold bought at the height of the market could then only be liquidated for Cedi cushioning at less than half their value. That would imply printing even more Cedis to underwrite the effort. It is unbelievable how pro-cyclical the whole thing is until you work through all the risk-scenarios.

56. To repeat: the whole GoldBod thing can persist in a reasonably contained manner if the price of gold stays high and volatility continues to tilt upwards than downwards most of the time.

57. A significant drop in the price of gold would hit the program very hard. But then again the entire export channel will implode anyway.

58. Gold is now the real risk-driver for the economy. An important lesson in all of this is that the country should stop bifurcating its budget design into oil and non-oil and use gold and non-gold.

59. As for GoldBod, the more transparency there is, the better prepared this country would be when the markets turn and deft navigation is needed to prevent it from skidding off the tracks.

60. Hopefully, this tightly focused piece has done a better job in addressing the three questions on the minds of many readers.

As someone who has worked in Ghana’s media space since 1995, served as a legislator for eight years, and contributed across three terms on the National Media Commission (NMC), I have seen both the strengths and shortcomings of our current constitutional framework.

The Constitution Review Committee’s proposals for reform present a bold reimagining of the NMC – what I call the envisioned National Media Commission.

This vision is ambitious, but it is not without risks. While it promises a modern, empowered regulator, it also raises questions about inclusivity, independence, and balance.

From Protector to Regulator

The existing NMC has functioned largely as a protector of media freedom and a mediator in disputes.

However, the envisioned Commission is designed to be a proactive regulator- accrediting journalists, enforcing standards, and preventing monopolization.

This transformation is necessary in an era of digital disruption and misinformation. Yet, it must be approached with caution to avoid undermining the very freedoms it seeks to protect.

Streamlined Governance- Less Representation

The proposal reduces Commission membership from 18 to 7, introducing an Executive Secretary as Chief Executive Officer.

While this promises efficiency, it risks excluding diverse voices — civil society, academia, and other professional associations that have historically enriched the Commission’s deliberations.

A leaner Commission may be faster, but it could also be less representative of Ghana’s pluralistic society.

Expanded Mandate- Risks of Overreach

The envision NMC will:

• Accredit journalists and media houses.
• Issue and revoke broadcast authorizations.
• Sanction ethical breaches.
• Prevent monopolization and cross-media dominance.
• Define media broadly to include digital platforms.

These powers are impressive, but they raise concerns:

• Accreditation could be perceived as licensing journalists, potentially restricting free expression.
• Sanctions and enforcement may politicize the Commission if not carefully safeguarded.
• Anti-monopoly powers are laudable, but thresholds and enforcement mechanisms remain vague, risking inconsistent application.
• Overlap with other regulators like the National Communications Authority could create confusion and turf wars.

The Executive Secretary- Power and Accountability

The creation of a powerful Executive Secretary role professionalizes leadership, but it also concentrates authority. With part-time commissioners and a full-time CEO, the Commission risks becoming Executive Secretary–driven rather than Commission–driven.

The appointment process, involving the President and Parliament, may expose the role to political influence. Without strong oversight, the Executive Secretary’s wide powers could weaken the control of Commission members.

Funding Independence- Risks of Dependence

For decades, inadequate and inconsistent funding has weakened the effectiveness of the National Media Commission. The envision reforms seek to address this by guaranteeing resources and making the Commission eligible for grants from the Democracy Fund. Such financial independence is vital for ensuring impartial regulation and institutional resilience.

Yet, guaranteed funding alone does not eliminate risks. Because these resources remain government-controlled, the Commission could still be vulnerable to delays, manipulation, or political influence. True independence requires more than constitutional promises — it must be safeguarded in practice through transparent disbursement, predictable budgeting, and strong protections against interference.

The Importance of Realism

As someone who has lived the realities of Ghana’s media evolution – from the early liberalization years to today’s digital disruptions – I believe the envision National Media Commission represents a necessary leap forward.

It seeks to balance freedom with responsibility, diversity with regulation, and independence with accountability. This vision is not about curtailing media freedom, but about strengthening the integrity of the media space so that it continues to serve democracy, empower citizens, and reflect Ghanaian cultural values.

Yet, this promise will only be realized if its weaknesses are addressed. Without safeguards, the Commission risks becoming a regulator that is efficient yet less representative, powerful yet politically vulnerable.

The challenge, therefore, is to build an institution that is both strong and fair – capable of regulating a complex media environment while preserving the pluralism and independence that are the lifeblood of our democracy.

Conclusion

The Constitution Review Committee’s proposals should be embraced as a blueprint for reform, but with critical safeguards. The envisioned National Media Commission must be both strong and fair: strong enough to regulate a complex media environment, yet fair enough to protect media freedom, diversity, and independence.

As a practitioner, legislator, and Commission member, I believe this vision is achievable – but only if we confront its weaknesses head-on and build an institution that truly serves Ghana’s democracy.

Richard Quashigah – Media Practitioner since 1995, Legislator for 8 years, and three-term Member of the NMC

The case has officially moved from administrative posturing to an active battle in American federal courts following the formal transmission of the docket on December 10, 2025.

Evolution of the Extradition Timeline

The path to this standoff was marked by a strict adherence to procedural rigour.

The Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) initiated the request on November 19, 2025, after filing 78 charges in the High Court. Following a preliminary review, the Attorney-General’s International Cooperation Unit observed that aspects of the request required “clarification and enhancements.”

The AG’s office returned the docket on November 25. The OSP addressed these observations and provided supplementary documents on December 9.

On December 10, the completed documentation was formally transmitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This sequence reveals a technical approach designed to ensure the request survives the scrutiny of American judges.

How We Got Here: The SML and Cathedral Scandals

The current crisis follows a 10-month investigation into alleged financial misconduct. The 78 charges against Ofori-Atta and his accomplice, Ernest Darko Akore, centre on the Strategic Mobilisation Ghana Limited (SML) revenue assurance contract.

Prosecutors allege a “criminal enterprise” involving former GRA Commissioners, including Emmanuel Kofi Nti and Ammishaddai Owusu-Amoah, that bypassed statutory approvals.

This resulted in an estimated annual financial loss of over $100 million. Additionally, investigators are zeroing in on unapproved expenditures related to the National Cathedral project and irregular tax refund operations.

The ORAL Initiative: A Broader War on Corruption

The prosecution of Ofori-Atta serves as the centrepiece of President Mahama’s “Operation Recover All Loot” (ORAL).

This initiative, chaired by Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, recently presented a report identifying 36 high-profile cases with a combined estimated value of $20.49 billion in leakages.

By framing this case within ORAL, the government is signaling that this is a systemic effort to recover state resources.

President Mahama has emphasized that while the administration adheres to due process, “it will not grant economic saboteurs a permanent escape.”

U.S.-Ghana Relations and Legal Procedures

The case tests the 1931 Extradition Treaty between the United States and Ghana. Under U.S. law, a federal judge must find “probable cause” and “dual criminality.”

This means the acts must be punishable in both nations. While the U.S. has historically cooperated on cybercrime, a case involving a former minister carries greater diplomatic weight.

American authorities have reportedly signaled they do not view these charges as “political offenses,” which would otherwise provide a defense against extradition.

Rolf Olson, Chargé d’Affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Accra, recently clarified the American position: “The process is very well-established but it is typically not very quick.

The decision ultimately rests with U.S. courts, which have discretion to approve or deny requests.”

Strategic Defense and Challenges

Ken Ofori-Atta has moved beyond claims of medical necessity to a robust legal challenge. By retaining top-tier American counsel, he has signaled an intent to utilize every layer of the U.S. federal judiciary. His legal team in Ghana, led by Frank Davies, has consistently argued that the OSP has ignored legitimate medical records.

“The special prosecutor is not being sensitive to the issues at hand, especially knowing that Mr. Ofori-Atta is unwell and receiving treatment,” Frank Davies stated.

Attorney-General Dominic Ayine addressed the reality of a prolonged battle during the December 18 Government Accountability Series: “I’m not afraid at all.

But it means that there’s going to be a fight in the federal courts in the US. If the district court says no, he will go to the circuit court. If the circuit court says no, he’s entitled to go to the US Supreme Court.”

Accountability versus Political Vendetta

The governing National Democratic Congress (NDC) maintains that the prosecution is a matter of constitutional duty. Joyce Bawah Mogtari, Special Aide to the President, has framed the pursuit as a response to the debt levels incurred during Ofori-Atta’s tenure.

“Under your tenure, Ghana had huge debts… very high commercial rates. Sometimes you hear some of those coupon rates, and you marvel. Why would such an individual even want to refuse to come and respond to whatever investigations or questions are raised?” Joyce Bawah Mogtari remarked.

The Opposition’s Stance and Internal Friction

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) remains divided. While some acknowledge the economic toll of previous policies, the Office of Former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo issued forceful denials regarding attempts to secure “safe passage” for Ofori-Atta.

“Nana Akufo-Addo has neither contemplated such a consideration nor expressly or impliedly made any such request or representation to President John Dramani Mahama… his fidelity to the Rule of Law has never been in question,” the office clarified on December 16, 2025.

Public Sentiment and the Global Stage

Public discourse in Accra has become increasingly impatient. Many citizens draw parallels between the swift extradition of local cybercriminals and the perceived immunity of political elites.

In Cape Coast, local trader Ekow Botsio captured the frustration of many: “If a small-time fraudster can be sent to America in weeks, why is a minister walking free after a year?”

This sentiment is echoed by the Ghanaian diaspora in the United States. Activist Rodaline Imoru Ayarna issued a direct appeal to the community: “If you see Ken Ofori-Atta anywhere on the streets of the USA, effect a citizen’s arrest. He is a wanted man.”

A Turning Point for Sovereign Integrity

The Ofori-Atta case has evolved from a localized dispute into a profound test of the Ghanaian state’s ability to project its laws beyond its borders.

The outcome rests on the strength of the evidence presented in U.S. federal courts to establish Probable Cause. Plus, the resilience of Ghana’s judicial institutions.

For the international community, it serves as a measure of whether diplomatic treaties function as tools for genuine justice or merely as frameworks that favor the influential.

Whether Ofori-Atta returns to face a Ghanaian jury or remains shielded by the complexities of American law, the precedent set here will define the future of anti-corruption efforts across the African continent and the broader Global South.

Mr Qasimi is no small name. He is a Washington D.C.-based attorney, partner and co-chair of international practice at a respected American law firm, armed with decades of experience and a confident baritone for television interviews.

When Ken Ofori Atta needed a global defender to fight extradition, contest Red Notices, and lecture Ghana on due process, Mr Qasimi stepped forward like a man who knows the terrain well.

And he should. He has been there before.

Before the tailored suits and BBC soundbites, Enayatullah Qasimi was Afghanistan’s Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation and a legal adviser to President Hamid Karzai. A powerful office. Public money. Aircraft procurement. And then, allegations.

Afghan prosecutors accused him of misappropriation and abuse of authority over an aircraft deal said to be overpriced by millions.

He was detained. Released on bail. Restricted from travel. The case never resolved into public exoneration. Instead, geography intervened. Kabul faded. Washington emerged.

A man once accused of abusing public office now stands as the loudest voice insisting that another man accused of abusing public office is a victim of politics.

A former minister who once faced questions now demands that questions be treated as persecution when they approach his client.

Mr Qasimi insists that Ken Ofori-Atta is not evading justice. He is merely abroad. Recuperating. Misunderstood. That Red Notices are unnecessary.

That Ghana’s prosecutors are overreaching. That constitutional rights are being trampled. It is a familiar melody. Those who know the song often learned it when the chorus first came for them.

Ghana’s Gold-for-Reserves (G4R) and Domestic Gold Purchase Programme (DGPP) have been celebrated as innovative strategies to strengthen Ghana’s reserves, reduce reliance on foreign exchange borrowing, and curb illicit gold exports.

At the heart of these initiatives is the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod), established in 2025 to support the accumulation of gold reserves by the Bank of Ghana (BoG)—particularly from the artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector.

Through G4R and DGPP, the BoG achieved its 2028 international reserve coverage targets in 2025, three years ahead of schedule, signalling apparent operational success.

Yet this impressive achievement has come at a cost. Although GoldBod records profitability on its books, the Bank of Ghana has incurred significant financial losses—estimated at US$214 million in nine months—linked to the structure of GoldBod’s trading model. This raises the central question: Does GoldBod owe the BoG US$214 million, or has the BoG actually lost US$214 million?

Put simply, the Bank of Ghana has already recorded US$214 million in realised losses, while GoldBod also owes additional value for undelivered gold, according to GoldBod’s published December 2025 Trade Report. These realities coexist, creating a substantial financial sustainability challenge for Ghana’s central bank.

Operational Impact of GoldBod: Success Achieved at Structural Cost

GoldBod has undeniably delivered substantial operational gains. Its aggregation strategy enabled Ghana to rapidly build reserves, formalise gold-buying operations, license actors, channel financial flows through formal channels, and support currency stability. Gold now accounts for a significantly increased portion of Ghana’s reserves—an achievement unparalleled in recent history. GoldBod is profitable, primarily driven by service fees and operational charges associated with Bank of Ghana transactions. These include a 0.5% service fee, an assay charge of 0.258%, and price-setting authority, which at times includes seasonal bonuses designed to prevent smuggling or stimulate supply.

Industry stakeholders confirm that GoldBod offered price bonuses to its licensed aggregators ranging from GHs 50 per pound to GHs 200 for the supply of gold to GoldBod’s sole aggregator, Bawa-Rock Ltd. While the initial assumption was that the dip was driven by smuggling, the evidence suggests that seasonal factors played a significant role. This period coincided with Ghana’s minor rainy season, during which many Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining (ASM) operations reduce activity. As a result, gold output typically falls compared to the dry season.

However, this very structure that drives GoldBod’s profitability also shifts disproportionate financial risk directly onto the Bank of Ghana’s balance sheet.

Understanding the US$214 Million: Loss or Debt?

The much‑discussed US$214 million does not represent money GoldBod “owes” to BoG. Instead, it reflects losses already realised by the Bank of Ghana arising from pricing gaps, off‑taker charges, service fees, and market exposures incurred during gold trading. In other words, this money is gone; it is a sunk cost and a crystallised loss in the BoG’s financial statements.

Separately, GoldBod has underdelivered gold relative to BoG funding by over GH¢3.5 billion, according to the latest published trade report. This is not yet a realised loss, but it represents significant liquidity and delivery exposure. If gold prices fall before delivery, or if delivery fails altogether, BoG risks further losses. Thus, both realities coexist: the BoG has already incurred losses and remains exposed to additional risk.

Why BoG Is Absorbing Losses While GoldBod Profits

This paradox arises from structural flaws. GoldBod controls pricing (it sets prices it “desires” to buy gold) and has at times applied bonuses that increased BoG’s acquisition cost. GoldBod also charges an ad valorem tax of 0.5% in the form of service fees, despite being financed by the BoG. There are limited firm delivery timelines, and GoldBod effectively enjoys guaranteed margins while the central bank bears commodity price risk and operational exposure.

This creates a situation in which wealth is effectively transferred from the central bank to GoldBod, thereby undermining the BoG’s financial independence while strengthening GoldBod’s profitability.

Financial Sustainability Risks to BoG

GoldBod poses four principal risks to the Bank of Ghana:

a)Realised financial losses already incurred.
b)Liquidity risk arising from undelivered gold worth billions of cedis.
c)Commodity price exposure tied to the growing concentration of gold in reserves.
d)Governance and market distortion risks arising from BoG’s expanded operational role.

No central bank can sustainably absorb such risk without compromising its balance sheet resilience and policy independence. Should the Trade Continue? The answer is a BIG YES, but only under a radically restructured framework. GoldBod has proven valuable to Ghana’s reserve management strategy and macroeconomic stabilisation, but continuation must prioritise protecting the central bank from insolvency‑risk exposure.

Policy and Structural Solutions

One of the foremost priorities in addressing the financial risks associated with the Bank of Ghana’s involvement in gold trading should be to safeguard the central bank’s balance sheet. Under the 2025 national budget, the government explicitly allocated a cedi equivalent of US$279 million as a revolving fund for the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod) to enable it to purchase and export gold from small-scale miners, thereby enhancing foreign exchange reserves and formalising the gold sector (Graphic). However, these budgeted funds have not been released, and the Bank of Ghana has, in practice, stepped in to pre-finance GoldBod’s operations, exposing it to significant financial losses and monetary financing concerns (MyJoyOnline).

To protect the BoG’s financial integrity and its ability to conduct monetary policy independently, losses arising from national strategic programmes, such as GoldBod, should be transparently recognised and charged to the national budget rather than absorbed by the central bank’s books. Releasing the budgeted US$279 million directly to GoldBod through the national budget would align financing with legislative intent, reduce the need for BoG balance-sheet support, and ensure that strategic gold purchases are financed in a manner that complies with IMF programme conditions and global central-banking best practices.

Secondly, GoldBod’s pricing model and fee structure must be rebalanced. Fees charged to the central bank should be reviewed, discretionary bonuses replaced with rational, transparent policy mechanisms, and the risk of monopoly pricing reduced. At most, a 0.5% charge by GoldBod, which will also include the Assay fees, will be preferable. The current total fees of 0.758% incurred by BoG on trading via GoldBod are pretty steep and unfair to the national kitty. Why is that fee too steep? Let me explain this further. The BoG is providing funds to GoldBod to purchase gold for Ghana. However, GoldBod sets the price of gold in the domestic market and, at times, adds an arbitrary bonus. It then aggregates the gold for the BoG. By aggregating alone, GoldBod charges a 0.5% service fee. Subsequently, GoldBod will charge the BoG an additional 0.258% to confirm the purity and weight of the gold it aggregated for the BoG.  That’s the layman’s way to explain what is happening currently.

Third, strict delivery discipline must be enforced. Pre‑financing caps should be imposed on the central bank when the need arises to finance GoldBod’s operations due to delays in releasing budgetary allocations. Delivery timelines must be enforced, penalties applied, and independent audits mandated. Performance guarantees must become standard in the BoG and GoldBod’s operations.

Fourth, to minimise risk, the BoG should consider engaging other Self-Finance Aggregators for the G4R and DGPP programmes. The GoldBod’s website currently lists 51 Self-Finance Aggregators (SFAs). GoldBod has been silent on the performance of these aggregators. Do we need to scrap the SFA licensing regime? Why is the regulator, GoldBod, the only entity aggregating Gold for BoG? The BoG can consider a 50% pre-finance for high-performing SFAs. They receive 100% payment upon delivery of the requested volume. This model could also incentivise local banks to participate in domestic gold purchase initiatives.

Finally, strategic clarity is needed. GoldBod must function as an aggregator and policy instrument, not as a profit‑maximising entity at the expense of the central bank. The BoG should gradually reduce direct exposure and restore normal market functions.

Conclusion

GoldBod represents one of Ghana’s most significant recent successes in reserve accumulation and macroeconomic stabilisation.

However, its current operating structure imposes heavy and unsustainable financial burdens on the Bank of Ghana.

The Bank has already incurred US$214 million in losses while remaining exposed to billions in additional delivery risk.

With the right reforms, Ghana does not need to choose between strategic gold accumulation and central bank financial stability. Both are achievable.

GoldBod can continue to power Ghana’s reserve engine—but only if policy restructuring ensures that success is not purchased at the expense of the very institution responsible for monetary stability.

“GoldBod functions like a high-performance engine that has successfully accelerated Ghana’s reserve vehicle to its destination years early; however, the engine is currently running at a high financial cost to the car’s battery (the BoG), requiring a shift to a more sustainable power source (the national budget) to avoid a long-term breakdown.”

By Gabriel Nomotsu Teye-Ali
Finance and Natural Resource Analyst
+233-240-268-668
teyeali@gmail.com

The operation, executed on Christmas Day, targeted what the president described as “ISIS Terrorist Scum” responsible for the persecution of Christians.

Trump stated on Truth Social that he had previously warned these groups to “stop the slaughtering of Christians” or face “hell to pay.”

He characterised the mission as a series of “numerous perfect strikes” carried out by the “Department of War.” In his concluding remarks, Trump wrote: “Under my leadership, our Country will not allow Radical Islamic Terrorism to prosper.

May God Bless our Military, and MERRY CHRISTMAS to all, including the dead Terrorists, of which there will be many more if their slaughter of Christians continues.”

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) confirmed the strikes took place in Sokoto state, an area bordering Niger. “At the direction of the President of the United States and the Secretary of War, and in coordination with Nigerian authorities, U.S.

Africa Command conducted strikes against ISIS terrorists in Nigeria on Dec. 25, 2025,” the command stated. Initial assessments indicate that “multiple ISIS terrorists were killed in the ISIS camps.”

General Dagvin Anderson, commander of AFRICOM, added: “Our goal is to protect Americans and to disrupt violent extremist organisations wherever they are.” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth echoed this sentiment on X, stating: “The President was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end. The @DeptofWar is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight — on Christmas. More to come… Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigerian Government maintains stance on religious neutrality

The Nigerian Foreign Ministry confirmed the joint operation, noting that “precision hits on terrorist targets” were achieved through intelligence sharing.

Spokesperson Kimiebi Imomotimi Ebienfa clarified the partnership, stating: “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs… confirms that Nigerian authorities remain engaged in structured security cooperation with international partners, including the United States of America…

This has led to precision hits on terrorist targets in Nigeria by air strikes in the North West.” The ministry emphasized that “terrorist violence in any form, whether directed at Christians, Muslims, or other communities, remains an affront to Nigeria’s values.”

This aligns with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s November 1 post on X, where he argued that the “characterisation of Nigeria as religiously intolerant does not reflect our national reality” and that the nation “opposes religious persecution and does not encourage it.”

On Christmas Eve, President Tinubu shared a “Christmas Goodwill Message” vowing to protect all citizens regardless of faith. “I stand committed to doing everything within my power to enshrine religious freedom in Nigeria and to protect Christians, Muslims, and all Nigerians from violence,” Tinubu posted. His special adviser, Daniel Bwala, told CNN that “the US and Nigeria are on the same page in the fight against terrorism.” However, Bwala previously warned against unilateral intervention, stating there is “no need for US to come into Nigeria to intervene in our internal affairs” while maintaining that the government would welcome help that respects territorial integrity.

Escalating intelligence and surveillance operations

Recent flight-tracking data confirms the Christmas Day strike was supported by a month-long surge in U.S. intelligence gathering. Since late November, Tenax Aerospace, a Mississippi-based contractor, has operated a modified Gulfstream V business jet on almost daily missions over Nigeria. Liam Karr, the Africa Team Lead for the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute, noted: “In recent weeks, we’ve seen a resumption of intelligence and surveillance flights in Nigeria.” Karr observed that these missions, typically launching from Accra, Ghana, represent an early sign that “Washington was rebuilding its intelligence and surveillance capacity in the region” following the U.S. withdrawal from air bases in Niger earlier this year.

Beyond tracking ISIS and Boko Haram, these flights serve a dual humanitarian purpose. A former U.S. official noted the missions include efforts to locate Kevin Rideout, an American missionary pilot kidnapped in neighboring Niger in October. The State Department emphasized its commitment to the safe return of U.S. citizens, stating: “It is a top priority for the Trump Administration to look after the safety of every American.” This increased aerial presence underscores the “strategic security agreement” between U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Nigerian National Security Advisor Nuhu Ribadu, aimed at addressing what a separate administration official called the “destabilizing spread of terrorism.”

Parallel Atrocities: The mosque bombing and kidnapping crisis

The U.S. airstrike occurred against a backdrop of indiscriminate violence that has ravaged both religious communities. On the night of Wednesday, December 24, a suspected suicide bomber struck a mosque in Maiduguri, Borno State, during evening prayers. Local police confirmed the blast killed at least five worshippers and injured 35 others. This attack highlights that “liberal Muslims” remain a frequent target for groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP who view moderate practitioners as apostates.

Simultaneously, the country is grappling with a “kidnapping economy” that transcends faith. On December 21, authorities secured the release of the final 130 schoolchildren and teachers abducted from St. Mary’s Catholic School in Niger State, ending a month-long ordeal. This follows a broader report from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) which documented 570 killings and 278 kidnappings in April 2025 alone. Research by Aid to the Church in Need reveals that at least 212 Catholic priests have been kidnapped since 2015, with many targeted for their perceived value in ransom negotiations. This data underscores a national security emergency where both religious identity and economic profit drive the cycle of violence.

Regional Impacts: Ghana and the Sahelian shift

The use of Accra, Ghana, as a primary logistics hub marks a significant shift in West African security architecture. Following the expulsion of U.S. troops from Niger and that country’s subsequent pivot toward Russia, the U.S. has intensified its presence in coastal states like Ghana and Benin. This regional realignment provides the U.S. with “over-the-horizon” strike capabilities while avoiding the political volatility of the central Sahel. However, analysts warn that this increased visibility could put Ghana at higher risk of retaliatory attacks from groups like ISWAP or JNIM, which have sought to expand southward to the Gulf of Guinea.

For Africa as a whole, the Christmas Day strikes set a powerful precedent for high-intensity, targeted interventions. Regional blocs like ECOWAS and the African Union now face a new reality where U.S. military assets can be deployed rapidly based on specific humanitarian or religious criteria. While some neighboring governments welcome the decimation of ISIS cells, others remain wary of the potential for foreign military missions to override national sovereignty or unintentionally inflame local sectarian tensions.

Conflicting perspectives on persecution statistics

The strikes follow months of tension over Nigeria’s designation as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC). U.S. Representative Riley Moore, who introduced a resolution supporting this label, stated: “The systematic slaughter of Christians in Nigeria’s Middle Belt is a genocide met with years of shameful indifference.” Moore highlighted that at least 7,000 Christians have been killed in 2025 alone, referencing reports that average 35 deaths each day.

In contrast, Nigerian officials point to the 2025 Global Terrorism Index, which ranks Nigeria sixth globally. This data suggests that while Christians are heavily targeted, the majority of victims of armed groups in the north are Muslims. Analysts note that the Maiduguri mosque blast is consistent with the index’s findings that radical Islamists target anyone who rejects their specific interpretation of faith.

Legal and trade implications of the CPC designation

The CPC designation mandates that the U.S. President select from a menu of 15 “Presidential Actions” under the International Religious Freedom Act. These can include the withdrawal of development assistance or the imposition of trade sanctions. The rebranding of the Pentagon as the “Department of War” further signals a pivot toward offensive “lethality.”

For Nigeria, the most immediate risk involves restricted access to U.S. military hardware. Under Section 402(c)(5) of the Act, the administration could legally justify broad economic sanctions affecting petroleum exports. While previous administrations issued waivers for Nigeria, the current “guns-a-blazing” approach suggests these waivers may be withheld, potentially impacting Africa’s most populous economy.

A delicate balance of force and sovereignty

The Christmas Day strikes represent a turning point in U.S.-Nigeria relations, blending aggressive counter-terrorism with an explicit mandate to protect religious minorities.

While the technical precision of the strikes demonstrates the United States’ unique capabilities, the long-term success of this strategy remains tethered to the stability of the Nigerian state itself.

Washington’s willingness to act decisively provides a necessary check on extremist groups, but it also challenges the diplomatic norms of West African sovereignty.

Ultimately, the effectiveness of this intervention will be measured not just by neutralized targets, but by whether it fosters a sustainable peace that protects all Nigerians, regardless of their faith.

I write to you with deep respect, following a recent story attributed to you in which you reaffirmed the state’s commitment to protecting journalists, punishing perpetrators of attacks against them, and compensating those harmed in the line of duty.

Your words were reassuring and firmly rooted in the Constitution, which recognises the indispensable role journalists play in Ghana’s democracy.

As a journalist myself, your assurance immediately brought to mind one unresolved and deeply painful case — that of my colleague, Latif Iddrisu of JoyNews.

In March 2018, Latif was brutally assaulted by uniformed police officers at the CID Headquarters while carrying out his professional duty of reporting on the detention of Koku Anyidoho.

That assault left him with a fractured skull and a traumatic brain injury, the effects of which he continues to endure nearly eight years on.

This is not speculation. It is a lived reality.

Latif has spent no less than $50,000 on medical care in Ghana and in California, USA, where he continues to undergo therapy.

These costs have been covered through personal savings, the support of family, friends, benefactors, and the Multimedia Group.

Today, he remains indebted to the Loma Linda University Medical Center in excess of $26,000, with an additional ambulance bill of about $700, excluding the cost of ongoing treatment.

Legally, the matter remains unresolved. The suit against the Police was filed in 2019 and, seven years on, is still before the courts after passing through three judges. Even more concerning is that the Police Intelligence and Professional Standards (PIPS) recommended compensation, and the Police administration initially pledged to pay. Yet, to date, no compensation has been made.

Several petitions have been submitted to the Office of the Attorney General, including one from His Eminence the National Chief Imam, and others from Martin Luther Kpebu Esq, Dr Kenneth Ashigbey, Professor Audrey Gadzekpo, Anas Aremeyaw Anas, and other respected citizens. Professional bodies such as the Ghana Journalists Association have also consistently appealed for redress. Regrettably, these efforts have not yet yielded closure or relief.

Dr Srem-Sai, I raise this matter with humility and respect, not as a demand, but as an earnest appeal. If the state’s promise to journalists is to be demonstrated in practical terms, this case presents a clear and compelling opportunity to do so.

This is not about sympathy. It is about constitutional responsibility, press freedom, and state accountability. It is about assuring journalists that when they are harmed in service to the public, the state will not look away.

Latif Iddrisu survived a near-death experience in the line of duty. He seeks justice, compensation, and closure, not charity, but the fulfilment of a responsibility already acknowledged by the state.

As you rightly stated at the Ghana Journalists Association Dinner Night on December 23, 2025.

“We will not harm journalists. We will not allow anyone else to harm them. We will ensure perpetrators are punished, and we will compensate any journalist who suffers harm in the line of duty.”

Dr Justice Srem-Sai, this moment offers an opportunity to translate that promise into action, and to set a precedent that will strengthen press freedom and restore faith in the state’s commitment to protect journalists.

Respectfully,
A Ghanaian Journalist
Ebenezer Afanyi Dadzie

As environmental concerns take center stage, politicians are leveraging sustainability narratives to win over environmentally conscious citizens, marking a significant shift in the country’s political landscape.

The study, which applies Stakeholder Theory to understand the interplay between green politics and electoral outcomes, suggests that sustainability is becoming a decisive factor in Ghana’s presidential elections.

Notably, the research surveyed 359 Ghanaian voters and found that a strong party brand image and personality can positively impact voting decisions, underscoring the importance of effective political marketing.

Eco-Votes Matter: What’s Driving Ghana’s Green Shift

The study’s findings are telling. Green political marketing enhances voter engagement and shapes public perception, positioning sustainability as a key factor in presidential elections.

Furthermore, sustainability initiatives, including environmental policies, stakeholder engagement, and marketing strategies, influence voter behavior and electoral outcomes.

In fact, economic, social, and environmental sustainability dimensions collectively impact presidential voting behavior, highlighting the multifaceted nature of sustainability in Ghana’s politics.

According to the study, 70% of Ghanaian voters consider environmental issues when making electoral decisions, while 60% of voters believe that sustainability initiatives are crucial for the country’s development.

Additionally, 80% of politicians surveyed reported using green political marketing strategies to appeal to environmentally conscious voters, indicating a growing recognition of sustainability’s importance in Ghana’s politics.

The Sustainability Game-Changer: What It Means for Ghana

The study’s findings suggest a significant shift in Ghana’s political landscape, with voters increasingly prioritizing long-term environmental sustainability over short-term economic gains.

This shift is driven by growing public awareness of environmental issues and the perceived effectiveness of green political marketing strategies.

Experts say Ghana’s politicians are recognizing sustainability’s vote-winning potential, and as environmental concerns grow, more are likely to incorporate green policies into their campaigns.

Winning Strategies for Politicians: Go Green or Get Left Behind

To capitalize on the green wave, politicians should integrate sustainability into their campaign platforms and prioritize environmental stewardship.

This can be achieved by developing and enforcing stringent environmental laws and regulations and fostering stakeholder engagement through regular consultations and policy dialogues.

The government can also play a pivotal role by supporting sustainable infrastructure development, including renewable energy and low-emission transportation systems, and encouraging public-private partnerships for sustainable growth.

The EC’s Role: Ensuring a Green and Fair Election

The Electoral Commission should ensure that sustainability is a key consideration in the electoral process, and that politicians are held accountable for their environmental promises.

This can be achieved by incorporating sustainability criteria into the electoral framework and promoting transparency and accountability in campaign financing.

Policymakers’ Guide: Greening Ghana’s Future

Policymakers should prioritize sustainability in national development plans and promote environmental accountability and transparency.

This can be achieved by developing and implementing effective sustainability policies and engaging with stakeholders to ensure that sustainability initiatives are effective and sustainable.

Civil Society’s Role: Holding Leaders Accountable

Civil society organizations should participate in governance processes and promote environmental accountability, supporting community-led green initiatives and sustainable development projects.

By working together, Ghana’s stakeholders can promote sustainable development and ensure that the country’s politics is guided by a commitment to environmental sustainability.

Ghana’s Green Future: What’s Next?

As Ghana approaches future elections, sustainability is likely to remain a key factor in shaping electoral outcomes.

By prioritizing sustainability and incorporating green politics into their platforms, politicians can win over environmentally conscious voters and promote sustainable development in the country. The future of Ghana’s politics is green, and stakeholders must take note.

The writer is a lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department

Authors in the Journal Publication

Samuel Affran, Benedicta Quao, Ebenezer Arthur Duncan

Growing up in rural Ekumfi Obidan, I was captivated by Sunday School stories of Jerusalem and King Solomon’s ancient Temple while at Akweesi Memorial Methodist Church as a Sunday School boy.

The lives of Jewish prophets like Elijah, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, as well as Jesus Christ – and even Judas Iscariot – who walked the same land, left a lasting impression on me.

The Israelites’ pilgrimage to Jerusalem was a tale etched in my heart.

For years, I yearned to visit this sacred land, to reconnect with my childhood teachings and authenticate them personally.

That opportunity finally arose in December 2025, when I received a call from the Israeli Embassy in Ghana.

The caller asked about my passport, and I hesitantly replied, “Yes,” unsure if it was still valid.

I obtained my first Ghanaian passport in 2000, renewing it over the years despite never traveling.

The caller told me the embassy had invited me to join a global delegation attending Planetech Week, a programme in Israel focused on climate technology and innovation. I felt a surge of excitement, sensing my time to explore this part of the world had arrived.

Two days later, an official letter arrived with programme details, and I was scheduled for an interview the following Thursday at 9:00 am.

To avoid the usual traffic on the Kasoa – Accra road, I left home at 5:30 am and arrived at the embassy by 7:30 am. I was well-prepared, thanks to my daughter Amanda’s encouragement, as anxiety had started to set in.

After passing through security checks, I was ushered in for the interview, I mean, my first visa interview.

The process was smooth, and the lady who interviewed me wished me good luck with a smile, providing a return ticket with every detail of the trip, and I returned the gesture and left.

On the appointed Saturday, I boarded an Ethiopian Airlines flight to Israel, transiting in Addis Ababa. The plane departed Accra at 12 noon, arriving in Addis Ababa at 9:00 pm.

The next flight to Tel Aviv took off some minutes after 12 midnight, and I arrived in Tel Aviv at 4:00 am, ready to begin my journey to ancient Jerusalem.

 As I stepped off the plane in Tel Aviv, I was greeted with a blissfully cold air, and a mix of excitement and curiosity filled my heart.

Here I was, finally, face-to-face with reality- the ancient city of Jerusalem, a place where history, faith, and culture converge; thanks to the invitation from the Israeli Embassy and  Planetech Week organisers, for me to join a global delegation for the week-long climate technology programme.

I was hardly prepared for what this trip had in store for me- a life-changing experience, blending spiritual exploration with cutting-edge innovation and warm Jewish hospitality. There were visits to cutting-edge startup businesses, government agencies, restaurants, shopping centres and what have you.

We also embarked on a sightseeing tour on the last day of our visit.

In the evening, we arrived in Jerusalem, the eternal city, with its labyrinthine streets and towering walls.

My first stop was the revered Western Wall, a sacred site in Judaism, where I felt the weight of history and spirituality.

I also had an opportunity to pray and connect with God.  

The stone carvings seemed to whisper stories of the past, and I couldn’t help but feel a sense of awe and reverence.

As I placed my hand on the wall, I felt a deep connection to the generations of people who had stood there before me, their prayers and hopes echoing through the ages.

We had earlier visited the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, a site of immense significance in Christianity, believed to be the tomb of Jesus Christ.

The atmosphere was hushed, with pilgrims from around the world gathered in prayer and contemplation.

I was struck by the intricate mosaics and ornate decorations, a testament to the enduring power of faith.

At the Western Wall, I witnessed soldiers patrolling the area with heightened alertness, their eagles eyes scanning the surroundings.

Known for their reputation in close-quarters combat and reserved demeanour towards foreigners, I hesitated to approach one. Yet, curiosity got the better of me, and I greeted the soldier with a simple “hello.” To my surprise, he responded with a warm smile, defying my preconceptions.

Am I with a real Israeli soldier? I asked myself. When I revealed I was from Ghana, he asked, “Africa?” I nodded, and with his permission, we took a photo together – a heartwarming display of Jewish hospitality.

From the Western Wall, our delegation headed to Jerusalem’s vibrant Machane Yehuda Market, affectionately known as “the Shuk”.

This bustling marketplace is a sensory overload in the best possible way, especially on Thursday afternoons and Friday mornings when locals prepare for the Jewish holiday, Shabbat.

The air is filled with the aromas of fresh produce, spices, and street food, while colorful stalls and energetic crowds create a truly immersive experience.

Our licensed tour guide, Shuki Haidu, immersed us in Jewish hospitality, leading us through shops and eateries to sample local delights.

The Shuk’s streets were a flurry of activity, with shoppers hurriedly gathering goods, creating an infectious atmosphere of community and tradition.

Beyond the ancient walls, I explored the vibrant city of Tel Aviv, with its stunning beachfront, modern architecture, and bustling supermarkets.

The contrast between old and new was striking, with sleek skyscrapers standing alongside historic buildings.

I strolled along the Mediterranean coast to my first story on the promised land, feeling the sea breeze and soaking up the sun, as I marvelled at the city’s unique blend of Bauhaus and Mediterranean Revival styles.

But it wasn’t all sightseeing – our delegation was in Israel for a purpose.

The Planetech Week programme brought together global leaders, innovators, and entrepreneurs to tackle the pressing issue of climate change.

I was blown away by Israel’s cutting-edge tech and innovative solutions, from water conservation to renewable energy.

It was clear why the country’s startup scene is the envy of many – it’s a hotbed of creativity and problem-solving

The enthusiasm and passion of the Israeli people were palpable, and I was struck by the country’s commitment to using technology to create a better future.

And then, of course, there was the food.

I had heard about the exceptional Jewish hospitality, and I was not disappointed.

From traditional falafel and shawarma to fine dining at upscale restaurants, I indulged in the rich flavors and aromas of Israeli cuisine, and of course, the plush Jewel Hotel in Tel Aviv. You people are amazing.

Each meal was a celebration of community, friendship, and generosity, with warm hosts and warm hearts.

Every restaurant and office you visit has free brands of coffee and tea.

As I took a stroll with my camera on the magnificent Tel Aviv Waterfront beach, watching the sun set over the Mediterranean, I reflected on the profound impact of my journey.

I had come to Israel to immerse myself in its complex historical narratives and spiritual essence, and I had found that, but I’d also discovered something more. In Israel’s cities, every restaurant offered Wi-Fi, and even buses were equipped with internet connectivity.

It was a striking blend of ancient tradition and cutting-edge tech, a testament to the country’s innovative spirit, but I had also discovered something more.

 I had experienced the power of innovation, the warmth of Jewish hospitality, and the enduring spirit of a people and a city that have shaped the course of history.

This journey had been a transformative experience, one that would stay with me for a lifetime.

As I departed, I knew that I would carry the memories, lessons, and connections of this incredible trip with me, and I looked forward to sharing them with the world.

The trip was a thrilling adventure, albeit with a dash of anxiety as a first-time international traveller.

My worries began in Addis Ababa when I couldn’t find my luggage, fearing it had been left behind in Accra.

 My heart raced at the thought of the hassle ahead, but thankfully, someone clarified that I’d collect it at my final destination.

The flight itself had its ups and downs – literally. Turbulence hit, accompanied by lightning flashes, making for a nail-biting experience.

Despite this, I’d say Ethiopian Airlines is a top-notch African carrier.

The airhostess noticed my love for coffee and kept me fuelled with hot Ethiopian coffee, even ensuring I didn’t miss my favorite Fortune Coffee brand in Ghana.

One highlight was the cockpit announcements, particularly the Arabic phrases and the pilots’ warm tone. It added a touch of local flavor to the experience.

I thank H. E. Roey Gilad, Israeli  Ambassador to Ghana, Ran Natanzon, Noa Beck, and Dana Honen.

Our December Burghers are seen on the street, but locals have mastered the ability to ignore them. After all, the cedi is not as scared of foreign competition as it used to be. As for side-chicks and other side-personalities, it is another season of reckoning on how to become… The Luckiest.

Markets hum with activity. But the Ghanaian myth is that half the crowd are our ghost relatives who add to the hustle.  Disappointed by another disappointing, copy-catted Black Friday concept, folks hurry through shopping aisles in that familiar December dance – calculating budgets, scanning possible gifts, and questioning why prices have the confidence of bye-election promises. Office parties are being finalised. Schools, too, are hosting their end-of-year shows, complete with exuberant choreography and shepherds who know all the lyrics to King Paluta’s hits.

And the children – oh, the children. (My 9-year-old is playing Mary, can you imagine?) Their anticipation is so intense you could plug an extension cord into it and power a small fridge. They wait for Santa, never mind that the last time they saw him, his beard was held in place by a Ghana cedi elastic band. Plus, he smelled strongly of FanYogo and bofrot.

Church choirs, and workplace choirs too, are warming up. (Too hell with Unions; what with bonuses that never came). No one takes rehearsals more seriously than a Ghanaian choir in December. Banana-inspired sopranos reach for notes that were not part of the original score.

But beyond the glitter and bustle, something quieter is at work.

Christmas, for many cultures across centuries, is a season for reflection. By this time of the year, the cash is all gone while January’s school fees beckon. It is also a time to gauge how far the rent payment is from the next advance. By design, Harmattan mornings encourage introspection. End-of-year fatigue demands a pause. People start asking themselves: Who do I need to reconnect with? Who do I owe a phone call, a visit, perhaps even an apology? The season becomes less about the day itself and more about the human instinct to gather, remember, and renew.

Nothing beats Christmas. Historically, the festival achieved its global reach through a rather impressive marketing campaign. Missionaries travelled far and wide, spreading Christianity, yes – but also blending their holy day with existing winter festivals. European traditions of feasting, singing, gift-giving and storytelling all found a home under the Christmas umbrella. And because it absorbed instead of replaced, Christmas became unusually inclusive for a religious celebration.

Then came commerce. If nature placed Christmas near a time of reflection, business placed it near the end of the fiscal year. A genius move. Suddenly, December became the perfect opportunity to move merchandise, daring us to call it Detty. Gift-giving traditions sharpened. Advertising grew louder. The colours red and green began to generate revenue. Today, you cannot walk ten metres in a mall without being serenaded by donkomi speakers insisting you buy something urgently for someone special. And yet, even as businesses ring their bells, people still find ways to locate the heart of the season.

Because what truly makes Bronya memorable has very little to do with shopping aspirations.

It is the emotional connection – those bursts of joy, gratitude, or even the bittersweet moments that anchor one year in the mind. It’s the laughter around a jollof dinner table or the reconciliation with that Ochokobila you haven’t spoken to since “that incident.” It’s a small act of generosity that lands exactly when someone most needs it.

There is also the sensory magic. A song played once a year. The smell of well- gingered goat-light soup drifting from a kitchen. These details lodge themselves in memory, ready to be replayed decades later with startling clarity.

And then, novelty. Every memorable Christmas contains one twist. A surprise visitor. A newly purchased home gadget. An unexpected dumsor that forces the whole family outside, laughing, sharing stories under the stars. These deviations from routine create the stories we retell: “That was the year Daavi taught us how to prepare dzemklpe.” “The year the car broke down but we still pushed it to church.” “The year Santa Claus arrived on Okada.”

Tradition, of course, is the backbone. Repeated rituals give Christmas its frame. Attending church. Calling relatives. Preparing the same dishes. Hanging the same lights. These rituals give each year its context, so that the small differences stand out. At a point it was Bronya Apata, Knock-out Crackers or  Kakamotobi. At another point, it was that catchy ‘24th’ song by Kaakyire Kwame Appiah. For some, the Christmas trigger was Picadilly biscuits, for others it was Danish cookies.

But perhaps the most essential ingredient is presence. Being mentally available, not just physically there. When that call ends, when work breaks, when people put aside the hustle and attention finally settles, moments begin to take root. These become the Decembers that linger long after the calendar flips.

So yes, Christmas is commercial, historical, cultural, spiritual, noisy, busy, sometimes overblown and yet, remarkably, it remains deeply human. A season stitched together from memory, meaning, and shared ritual. A time when people try- sometimes clumsily, sometimes beautifully – to make space for one another.

In our hearts.

Afehyia pa!

*******

The writer can be reached via email at kofi.akpabli@gmail.com

How does currency appreciation cause debt to go up? Indirectly, yes, I can understand through capital flows, etc., but not directly. Still struggling to understand.

You came to meet a foreign currency-denominated debt level that had been assessed with the exchange rate at 14.3 to the dollar at the end of 2024.

Now the exchange rate is around 11.4 to the dollar, and the debt stock has gone up, and you attribute that to exchange rate pressures. The depreciation of the currency in the last three months alone (from about 10.4 to about 11.4, on average) cannot explain the high stock increase in debt of over GH₵71 billion.

This clearly shows a complete lack of understanding of the debt dynamics. The Minister for Finance should please come again.

As a women’s and child rights advocate, she participated in Working Group 6, which focused on cultural diversity, recognition, and inclusion. The summit aimed to promote a just, inclusive, and equitable international order under the theme “Equality, Solidarity, and Sustainability.”

Queen Boresah engaged in consultations on cultural diversity, economic inclusion, and gender equality, contributing to discussions that culminated in a draft report for the G20.

She interacted with experts, dignitaries, and leaders, including South Africa’s Vice President, government ministers, indigenous leaders, and representatives from the United Nations and African Union. She was the only Ghanaian delegate in her working group.

She also gave interviews on building momentum toward the SDGs and Agenda 2063, emphasizing the importance of context-specific development plans.

Queen Boresah met with officials from the African Union, the G20 Interfaith Forum, and delegates from other countries to explore cooperation and partnership opportunities.

Expressing gratitude for the warm hospitality and excellent organisation, she said she looks forward to returning to South Africa soon.

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After years of impressive pass rates under the Free Senior High School (Free SHS) policy, this year’s results show a sharp decline.

Passes in Core Mathematics dropped from 66.86% in 2024 to 48.73%, while Social Studies fell from 71.53% to 55.82%. English Language and Integrated Science recorded marginal declines but remained relatively stable.

For many observers, this downturn raises a critical question: Is this a sign of falling quality in our schools, or the result of a deliberate crackdown on examination malpractice?
To me, this decline is not a failure — it is a necessary correction.

A historic surge in infractions

Between 2017 and 2024, WASSCE results were plagued by systemic malpractice, with West African Examinations Council (WAEC) data showing disturbing trends. From 2021 to 2024 alone, 146,309 candidates were implicated in cheating schemes. Cheating cases increased more than sixfold — from 10,386 in 2021 to 62,046 in 2024.

In 2024, 13.6% of all candidates were involved in exam malpractices.

The most common infractions included collusion, smuggling of foreign materials, impersonation, and widespread digital leaks through WhatsApp and Telegram.

WAEC’s five-year statistics further show that over 532,000 subject results were withheld, and nearly 39,000 cancelled in 2024 alone. Dozens of entire results were annulled each year.

Despite these alarming numbers, prosecutions were rare — until recently.

A renewed push for integrity

Ahead of this year’s exams, the Ghana Education Service (GES) and Ministry of Education announced a strict zero-tolerance stance on cheating. Invigilators and supervisors were warned that aiding malpractice would lead to instant dismissal. Candidates were urged to rely on their own preparation rather than leaked materials.

This time, WAEC followed through.

The 2025 results show that subject results for 6,295 candidates were cancelled, entire results for 653 candidates annulled, and hundreds more withheld.

Investigations into alleged collusion in 185 schools are ongoing. So far, 35 people — including 19 teachers — have been prosecuted, with 19 convicted.

This level of enforcement is unprecedented and stands in sharp contrast to previous years when civil society groups like Africa Education Watch (Eduwatch) repeatedly raised concerns with little consequence.

For too long, we allowed a culture of shortcuts to thrive just to project a certain image of success.

Eduwatch’s Executive Director, Mr. Kofi Asare, has often argued that unrealistic performance targets for schools and political pressure to portray Free SHS as overwhelmingly successful fuelled widespread cheating. He urged the use of technology — such as CCTV in exam halls — to restore credibility.

Free SHS and the quality debate

The Free SHS policy significantly expanded access and removed financial barriers for thousands of families. As someone who understands the impact of poverty on education, I fully appreciate this progress. It is partly why I have supported many brilliant but needy students to further their education.

However, critics argue that the rush for quantity under Free SHS — and the pressure to always defend the programme — has prevented honest conversations about quality.

University lecturers have raised concerns about foundational gaps among some Free SHS graduates. In September 2024, Professor Martin Oteng-Ababio lamented that universities were “sacrificing quality for quantity” due to overcrowded lecture halls and underprepared students.

This year’s WASSCE results may reflect a system adjusting from inflated grades to genuine merit — a view echoed by both GES and the Ministry of Education.

That is why the 2025 results are not a failure but a painful and necessary correction.

Why academic integrity matters

Education is the bedrock of national development. When certificates lose credibility, employers question competence, universities lower standards, and the entire workforce suffers.

Ghana cannot afford to produce what the nonprofit LEADIF once described as “excellent grades but hollow minds.”

Integrity in assessment ensures that success is earned. It builds confidence, rewards hard work, and produces graduates capable of innovation and leadership.

For businesspeople and education advocates like some of us, this is the moment to prioritise quality over quantity and invest in teacher training, smaller class sizes, and technology that supports fair learning.

The way forward

While it is important to identify the root causes of the 2025 WASSCE performance, we must detach politics from the conversation and focus on rebuilding an education system that earns the trust of Ghanaians and global stakeholders.

Going forward, Ghana must:

• Maintain a strong crackdown on malpractice with transparent sanctions
• Invest in high-quality teaching through training and better resources
• Reduce class sizes for improved learning outcomes
• Strengthen supervision and adopt technology to curb cheating
• Remove partisan influence from education policy

At this turning point, one truth remains clear: discipline and integrity are non-negotiable if we seek to raise a generation capable of driving national progress.

The real question is not whether the drop in performance is embarrassing — but whether we have the courage to embrace it as the price of restoring credibility to our education system.

The writer is a philanthropist and businessman.

This most recent visit carried a deeper spiritual weight. I was travelling to Ouagadougou for the ADDI Pan African Conversations: All Roads Lead to Ouagadougou, a Diaspora gathering created to strengthen unity, reconnection, and collective purpose across the global African family. This remarkable convening was made possible through the efforts of Ambassador Coulibaly, Burkina Faso’s Ambassador to the United States, whose work opened the door for more than 700 African descendants, many visiting the continent for the first time, to set foot in Burkina Faso. The gathering was led under the visionary guidance of Dr Arikana Chihombori Quao, whose decades of advocacy for African dignity and Diaspora reconnection shaped the spirit of the event.

Those who arrived came not only for heritage tourism, but also for investment pathways, business opportunities, and a renewed connection to the continent. They journeyed from Toronto, Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Belzoni, Memphis, Oakland, Baltimore, Brooklyn, St. Kitts, St. Thomas, Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, Haiti, and the British Virgin Islands, a diverse sea of returnees answering a shared ancestral call.

Long before stepping into that hall, I had been following Captain Ibrahim Traoré. At first, through tense news reports and social media fragments, and later through speeches that carried rare clarity and conviction. When he expelled France, when reports emerged of French forces burning their abandoned vehicles rather than leave them behind, and when Burkina Faso announced their withdrawal from the West African regional bloc Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), he voiced aloud the questions many Africans had carried silently for decades:  Who benefits from the ECOWAS silence? Why does the African Union remain silent in the face of internal African crises, terrorism, and foreign interference?  His fearlessness awakened something across Africa and the Diaspora, especially among the youth.

So when I learned he would attend the ADDI gathering, a quiet anticipation rose within me. How had my steps, from Mississippi to Africa, through grassroots work, Pan African service, classroom teaching, traditional leadership, and Zetaland, led me here? A softer question followed: Why me, and why now?

Then came the unmistakable voice of Mukasa Willie Ricks, the legendary leader of the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party, who helped popularise the rallying cry Black Power. He moved through the room, stirring a powerful call and response:

“Black Power!”

“Black Power!”

Soldiers stood in their red berets with disciplined calm. Elders and revolutionaries lined the front rows. A low hum of anticipation rippled through the room as we waited for his arrival. When Captain Traoré finally entered, the hall erupted again. But this time, people cried, shouted, stood on chairs, and waved flags. The energy felt like being in the presence of Garvey, Nkrumah, Sankara, Lumumba,  Malcolm X,  Fannie Lou Hamer, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr., Mandela, and Jerry Rawlings all at once, except this time the leader stood among us, alive and unmistakably of our time.

After the applause settled, he delivered an announcement that changed everything. All fees for Permanent Residency, the first step toward Burkinabè citizenship, would be waived for every participant. All 700 of them. The room gasped. Tears flowed. People embraced.

Ghana has long been the trailblazer in Diaspora reconnection, from the Right of Abode, to the Right of Return, and the global impact of the Year of Return. Yet Burkina Faso’s gesture offered a different message. The first step home would cost nothing, because the Diaspora already belongs. This marked a clear shift from the rising citizenship by investment trend across the continent, a reminder that the spiritual return of Afro Descendants is neither a transaction nor a transactional relationship that can ever be priced or purchased.

As the program moved toward the official group photo, I lingered at the edge of the crowd, unsure whether to step forward. Something whispered: Wait.

Then it happened. He turned. Our eyes met.

I stepped forward and said softly, my voice trembling, “Thank you… thank you. We are proud of you.”

He nodded and replied, “Thank you. Thank you.”

Then he extended his hand first. A deliberate gesture. A firm grip. And in that instant, something moved between us. The handshake felt ancestral, like an echo from another time carried through memory and bloodlines. It was steady and grounding, a moment of recognition that made the room fade until it felt as if only two spirits stood there.

Then the soldiers guided him forward, and I stood there with tears in my eyes, not from sadness, but from belonging and clarity.

We came to Ouagadougou with a purpose. We left determined to build stronger initiatives across agriculture, animal husbandry, and Faso Mabo, a national initiative where every citizen offers free physical labour to build roads, schools, and community infrastructure. It is an extraordinary sight to witness, a living expression of patriotism where the entire nation works with its hands. It is the African way.

And for me, the path ahead became unmistakably clear: to work with educators in Burkina Faso to expand STEM summer camps and training programs, nurturing young innovators who will shape Africa’s future.

The Land of the Upright People gave me more than a handshake. It gave me clarity. It gave me alignment. It gave me purpose. It gave me a mission I did not know I was waiting for. And it returned to me a piece of my future I did not yet know belonged to me.

Among them stood a young woman whose presence radiated conviction and purpose: Kuukuwa Boateng, the national representative of the University Students Chapter of IET-Ghana.

As she walked toward the podium, a quiet hush fell across the room. She was not merely a student leader; she carried with her the hopes of thousands of engineering students from campuses scattered across Ghana.

And when she began to speak, her voice echoed with the fire of a generation determined to shape the nation’s future.

Ms. Kuukuwa spoke of a student body that refused to give up, students who pushed through overcrowded lecture halls, fought for space in congested labs, and rode in trotro after trotro just to make it to class.

She described young engineers who stayed up at 2 a.m., sketching designs on the back of old lecture notes, powered by little more than dreams and determination.

To her, these students were not just learners, they were builders of tomorrow.

They were the ones who saw “no light” not as an inconvenience, but as a challenge they were destined to solve. They were the generation raised on the chorus of “Ghana is broke,” yet they rejected the idea of a future limited by the past. They dreamed of a nation where every problem was an opportunity for innovation.

When they sang “Arise! Arise! for IET,” Kuukuwa said, it was never just an anthem.
It was a promise:
A promise that they would not wait for permission to innovate.
A promise that they would use their knowledge to uplift their motherland.
A promise that one day, the world would look at Ghana and acknowledge the brilliance of its young engineers.

She looked into the crowd and spoke directly to her peers:
To the final-year student struggling with an overwhelming project, she urged them not to give up.
To the first-year student uncertain about the path ahead, she assured them the journey was worthwhile.
And to the female engineering student standing alone in a male-dominated classroom, she reminded her that she was seen, valued, and essential to the future of engineering in Ghana.

As she spoke, something powerful stirred in the room. Her words transformed the AGM from a formal gathering into a symbolic relay. She described the moment as a passing of the baton—one generation of engineers entrusting Ghana’s future to the next.
In that moment, the young engineers of Ghana stood a little taller.

With passion ringing in her voice, Kuukuwa declared:
“We are ready.
We are hungry.
We are grateful for the giants whose shoulders we stand on.
And we will not let you down.”
The hall erupted in applause.

Her story, their story, was no longer just a speech. It had become a declaration of purpose, a celebration of possibility, and a promise to carry Ghana forward on the strength of innovation, resilience, and engineering excellence.

Long live IET-Ghana.
Long live the spirit of engineering.
Long live Mother Ghana.
And with that, the next chapter of Ghana’s engineering story truly began.

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For generations, countless women and girls have been pressured into silence, forced to hide their pain behind closed doors and behind a society that often urges them to “endure,” “stay quiet,” or “protect the family name.”

Yet silence has never offered protection. It has only strengthened the cycle of violence.
Today, more than ever, we must call on individuals, families, communities, and institutions to Break the Silence. Speak Up.

The Reality Many Women Live With
For many women and girls, abuse is not an occasional tragedy, it is their daily life. They endure emotional manipulation, physical assaults, sexual exploitation, and economic control. These acts are not isolated incidents; they are symptoms of a deeper cultural tolerance for gender-based harm.

Too often, victims are met with doubt, stigma, or blame. Fear of losing a job, fear of ridicule, fear of retaliation, and fear of being dismissed push many women into silence. This silence is not a lack of courage—it is a desperate attempt to survive.

In workplaces, schools, homes, and public institutions, gender-based violence appears in many forms:
• “Compliments” that cross personal boundaries
• Unwanted touching masked as friendliness
• Threats linked to promotions, grades, or opportunities
• Intimidation from authority figures
• Words deliberately used to belittle or weaken self-worth
These behaviours create unsafe environments where women are expected to tolerate what they should never accept.

The Power and Courage to Speak Up
Speaking up is more than reporting abuse—it is reclaiming dignity, autonomy, and hope. When survivors share their stories, they become a source of strength not only for themselves but also for others who may be suffering quietly.
Every voice raised against gender-based violence sends a powerful message:
You are not alone.
Abuse is not normal.
Your life and safety matter.
And beyond the present moment, speaking up shapes a better future. It teaches young girls and boys that respect, equality, and safety are non-negotiable values for any society aspiring toward justice.

Our Shared Responsibility
Ending gender-based violence is not the responsibility of survivors alone. It requires a united and persistent effort from all sectors of society—families, traditional authorities, religious institutions, community groups, workplaces, and government agencies.
We must commit to:
• Creating safe, accessible avenues for reporting abuse
• Guaranteeing confidentiality and protection for survivors
• Training leaders, teachers, and workers to identify and respond to abuse
• Establishing and enforcing strong workplace and institutional policies
• Holding perpetrators accountable, regardless of status or influence
When institutions stay silent, they reinforce the problem. Ghana cannot afford such silence.

Where to Seek Help
Anyone experiencing abuse—or anyone who knows someone in danger—can reach out to national support systems:
Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU)
055 083 3322 / 0302 662 822
Ghana National Commission on Children (GNCC)
0302 662 473 / 0302 662 474
Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ)
0302 663 710 / 0302 663 711
These services exist to protect, support, and empower.

A Call to Action
We all have a role to play in the fight against gender-based violence. When we speak up, when we believe survivors, and when we challenge harmful norms, we move closer to building a Ghana where every woman and every girl can live without fear.
Let us choose courage over silence.
Let us choose justice over shame.
Let us choose protection over neglect.
Break the Silence. Speak Up.
Together, we can end gender-based violence and build a safer, more compassionate society for all.

By Hon. Constance Baaba Boateng (Mrs.)
Assemblywoman, Essaman Electoral Area – Ajumako-Enyan-Essiam District, Central Regional Women Caucus Representative (NALAG)

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But our situation in Ghana is worse. The opposition becomes holier-than-thou. It is always from opposition parties that we hear the expression, “profligate expenditure”.

On October 2, 2021, the National Democratic Congress, through its Communications Officer, Sammy Gyamfi, said as follows: “I want to submit very forcefully that the decision by the Akufo-Addo-Bawumia NPP government to buy a new presidential jet is a misplaced priority and will amount to a waste of the public purse if allowed.”

He was reacting to the NPP government’s decision to procure a new presidential jet.        

But Mr Sammy Gyamfi would hear none of this. “If President Akufo-Addo and Bawumia cared about the sufferings of Ghanaians, they would not even think of buying a presidential jet at this time.”

Fast forward to November 13, 2025. The NDC is in power. Its Finance Minister, Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, in presenting the 2026 Budget in Parliament, announced that the government “will, beginning in 2026, commence procurement processes for the acquisition of four modern helicopters, one long-range aircraft and one medium-range aircraft to strengthen the operational efficiency of the Ghana Air Force. “

In reaction, hear the language of the NPP Minority. Through Reverend John Ntim Fourdjour, MP for Assin South, the NPP described it “as a misplaced priority at a time of economic hardship.” The NPP said the decision “reflects insensitivity to the prevailing economic challenges.”

Back to September 2021. To a disclosure by the then MP for North Tongu, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, that the President’s travel to Germany with a private jet cost $14,000 per hour, the then NPP Defence Minister, Dominic Nitiwul, said the existing jet was not fit for purpose.

“NO PRESIDENT CAN SHOWER IN THIS AIRCRAFT,” he said, adding, HE CANNOT MOVE FROM THIS AIRCRAFT STRAIGHT INTO A MEETING”

A worse insult was to come. Even as the then Defence Minister spoke of the presidential jet not being in functional use, news broke that the Falcon jet had been lent to Liberian President George Oppong Weah for his trips outside Liberia.

As a journalist, Yours Truly sincerely hoped that this disclosure would be denied. It wasn’t. All that the then NPP government said was that “it is a normal practice for countries to lend their aircraft to other Heads of State”.

In 2008, Kufuor bought the Falcon 900, which was delivered in 2010 when he was no longer the President. In 2021, NDC’s President Mills inaugurated the new aircraft and flew in it. In justification, the Deputy Information Minister, Samuel Okudzeto-Ablakwa explained that the NDC did not oppose the purchase of the aircraft but did not support the idea of buying two aircraft at a time.

Sounds familiar? Sounds like an expression you heard from NPP Parliamentarians this week?

Away from Presidential jets and all their hoo-haws, I have other worries. In tough times, African nations are at their most vulnerable because coup plotters are on the prowl. Every unguarded utterance seems to be an invitation to groups of desperadoes with access to arms to begin plotting.

That is why I want to plead with our civilian politicians, especially Parliamentarians, to pipe down on some of their rhetoric.

A case in point is the reaction of Minority Leader Afenyo Markin to the ruling by a Tamale High Court, which this week ordered a rerun of the Kpandai parliamentary election.

To slam the “kangaroo judicial system Ghana now has” shows an adult who could not control his emotions.  

The Tamale High Court on Monday, November 24, 2025, ordered a complete rerun of the December 7, 2024, Kpandai parliamentary election within 30 days. The ruling followed a petition by an NDC candidate challenging the victory of the NPP candidate.

Afenyo Markin criticised the judiciary for what he described as “actions and inactions that serve the interests of their paymasters”. My question to him is: can judges, as humans, not err? Must every error amount to “serving the interests of paymasters”?

I remind Afenyo that there are seniors of his who were confronted with worse legal provocations but remained calm. One is Akufo-Addo. The former President, in his reaction to the ruling of the Supreme Court in the 2012 election petition, which he lost, simply said, “While I disagree with the court’s decision, I accept it” That was statesmanship. That was maturity.

If that example is too far off to be recalled, Afenyo Markin should listen to a playback of the reaction of Speaker Bagbin in his (Afenyo’s) suit at the Supreme Court in 2014.

Afenyo describes the Tamale judge as doing the bidding of a “paymaster”. The question is, was Justice Torkonoo doing the bidding of a “paymaster” when she empanelled the Supreme Court within two hours to hear his (Afenyo Markin’s) suit? All Alban Bagbin did was file an application asking the Supreme Court to overturn its decision.

Meanwhile, on October 18, 2024, hear the words of Afenyo-Markin (then the Majority Leader) after the Supreme Court ruling against the Speaker. He challenged the Minority in Parliament to “pursue a legal course if they believe they have a solid case regarding the recent parliamentary dispute.”

Easier said.

Few stories capture this paradox better than that of Alex Apau Dadey, the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, a man whose vision, enterprise, and philanthropic spirit have reshaped parts of Ghana’s economic and social landscape, yet whose journey mirrors the silent betrayal of the very builders driving the nation forward.

“In Ghana, the cost of building often exceeds the profit of dreaming.”

The Story—The Man Behind the Vision

Alex Apau Dadey is not your conventional tycoon. His story is not written in political privilege but in persistence, purpose, and patriotism.

As the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, he has built one of Ghana’s most dynamic technology-driven conglomerates, touching sectors from fintech and gaming to logistics, e-commerce, and social development.

It is not his business acumen that sets him apart, but his belief that Ghana can progress on the strength of its own innovation.

Under his stewardship, KGL Group has become a central player in Ghana’s digitalized economy, revolutionizing systems that have enhanced transparency, accountability, and financial inclusion.

Those who know him speak of a man both visionary and vulnerable, human in his flaws, yet unwavering in his pursuit of progress.

One can only say that his quiet strength lies in seeing opportunity where others see obstacles and in building solutions that serve both profit and purpose.

“For Alex Apau Dadey, enterprise is not about power; it’s about people. Not about profit, but progress.”

The Impact—Transforming Vision into Tangible Change

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL Group has transformed itself into more than a business; it has become a national development engine.

Technology & Economic Transformation

The Group’s KGL Technology Limited has digitized key activities within the National Lottery Authority (NLA), resulting in increased efficiency, accountability, and state revenue collection.

The company’s digital technologies have greatly increased government revenue from gaming operations, directing hundreds of millions of cedis into the Consolidated Fund to support public initiatives.

Beyond gaming, KGL’s investments in fintech, mobile payments, and digital distribution, through businesses such as KGL Payments and Digital Distribution Hub, have increased thousands of Ghanaians’ access to financial services.

The company’s position in modernizing payment systems directly helps Ghana’s digital economy strategy, which is championed by initiatives such as Digital Ghana.

Corporate Social Responsibility & Human Development

But Mr. Dadey’s vision stretches far beyond boardrooms and servers. Through the KGL Foundation, he has redefined corporate social responsibility as a moral and national duty.

In education, KGL funds scholarships for brilliant but underprivileged students, builds ICT centers, and supports school feeding initiatives while partnering with hospitals and NGOs to improve maternal and child healthcare through the group’s foundation, especially in rural communities in health.

In sports, KGL is a major sponsor of the Ghana Football Association (GFA) and grassroots sporting activities, ensuring the next generation of athletes have both opportunity and hope.

These interventions align directly with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), promoting education, health, employment, and innovation.

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL is not only generating revenue but also building social infrastructure for Ghana’s future.

“He builds in silence, gives without cameras, and transforms without applause.”

The Challenges—When Vision Meets Resistance

Yet behind the glow of progress lies a darker truth: vision in Ghana often attracts suspicion.

Despite KGL Group’s undeniable contributions to revenue mobilization and social development, the company has not been spared the murky undercurrents of politics and institutional hostility.

In recent years, the Group has found itself navigating a maze of regulatory hurdles, delayed approvals, and bureaucratic resistance from state agencies that once praised its work.

What should be partnerships for progress have too often become contests of power and perception. Within business circles, this phenomenon has earned a name, “Economic Witch-Hunting.” It

is a quiet but corrosive culture where successful enterprises are viewed not as allies in development but as rivals in influence.

From stalled policy approvals to strategic attempts to curtail KGL’s dominance in digital operations, it is seen by industry players and many others as evidence of a broader pattern, what some call “Strategic Crippling.” In such an environment, success becomes a liability.

The irony is glaring. The same digital initiatives that improved government revenue and employment opportunities are now being met with skepticism, fueled by political insecurities rather than economic logic.

Instead of applauding homegrown innovation, certain public actors have chosen to distrust and dismantle it, all in the name of “regulation.”

For Alex Apau Daddy, these challenges have been both personal and institutional. Navigating through the maze of unspoken political allegiances and administrative sabotage, he has had to balance corporate diplomacy with moral conviction.

Yet, through it all, he remains steadfast, believing that time, truth, and tangible impact will outlive propaganda.

The implications for Ghana’s economy are chilling. When institutions turn innovation into intimidation, investors, both local and foreign, lose confidence, and progress grinds to a halt.

It is a self-inflicted wound, a betrayal not of one man or company, but of Ghana’s own development aspirations.

The greater tragedy, however, lies not in his trials but in what they say about Ghana’s development climate. How can a nation claim to seek economic transformation while sabotaging the very visionaries driving it?

“We cannot build a digital nation while digitally disabling our visionaries.”

Reflective Thoughts—When Greatness Goes Uncelebrated

At its core, the story of Alex Apau Dadey is not just about business; it is a mirror reflecting Ghana’s uneasy relationship with success.

We praise visionaries until their light shines too brightly. We celebrate entrepreneurs until they start changing systems.

Then we see them as a threat and call them dangerous. His journey mirrors this national paradox.

We glorify politics and ignore production; we exalt rhetoric and silence results. And yet, Mr. Dadey’s journey stands as a reminder that true patriotism is not spoken; it is built.

He continues to invest, to employ, to empower, and to believe in a Ghana that sometimes fails to believe in him.

Here is a man who has generated employment, supported national revenue, and contributed to social development, yet remains more scrutinized than celebrated.

His story raises uncomfortable questions about Ghana’s relationship with success: Why do we treat excellence as suspicion? Why do we measure patriotism by politics, not productivity? And why do we allow institutional pettiness to cripple innovation?

If Ghana truly wants sustainable development, it must start by protecting, not persecuting, its visionaries.

Because nations don’t rise by accident. They rise because men and women like Alex Apau Dadey dare to build when others are busy tearing down.

“When history is written, it will not remember those who spoke the loudest; it will remember those who built the longest.”

Sidebar: The KGL Footprint in National Development

• Revenue Mobilization: Digitization partnership with NLA generating hundreds of millions in state revenue.
• Employment Creation: Thousands of direct and indirect jobs across technology, finance, logistics, and customer support sectors.
• Education Support: Scholarships and ICT training through KGL Foundation.
• Sports Development: Key sponsor of GFA and youth football programs.
• Health Initiatives: Rural clinic support and health campaigns under SDG alignment.

Final Reflection

So here lies the irony: A man whose vision modernized systems, funded education, and supported communities is still viewed with suspicion by the very state that benefits from his success.

How many more visionaries like Alex Apau Dadey must Ghana quietly crucify before realizing they are its greatest national treasures?

Schools reveal a nation’s instincts with remarkable honesty. They are the small republics where rules operate without ceremony, where power is exercised without speeches, and where children discover whether authority intends to empower them, or simply contain them.

It is in one of these republics, Wesley Girls’ High School, that Ghana now faces a constitutional test with wide implications: can a school that is publicly supported require every student to live as though they belong to one faith?

Wesley Girls has, for generations, maintained a firm Methodist character. Chapel is compulsory. Islamic prayer is not allowed. Hijabs are barred. Fasting during Ramadan is prohibited. These are not vestiges of a bygone tradition; they are the living structure of school life.

The Supreme Court must now determine whether these practices are compatible with the Constitution.

This case is not a quarrel about where to put prayer mats. It is a confrontation between two visions of what the Constitution protects: the individual dignity that Jack Donnelly describes as the foundation of human rights, and the communitarian belief that institutions may enforce a shared identity for the sake of discipline and unity. When these ideas collide, the courtroom becomes the arena where a society decides how it treats those who stand in the minority.

The Claim:

The challenge to Wesley Girls is grounded in a straightforward principle: human rights belong to people because they are human, not because they belong to a particular school, religion, or institution. They do not evaporate when a student crosses a compound. They travel with her.

A Muslim student walking onto campus does not become a blank page waiting to be rewritten. She arrives as a person entitled to manifest her religion, in dress, prayer, and observance. The Constitution says so plainly. It protects not only belief but the expression of belief. A right that exists only in private is not a right at all.

Stopping a student from praying, wearing a hijab, or fasting during Ramadan is not a matter of school management. It strikes at what Donnelly calls the minimum conditions for a dignified life. When a student must hide her faith to fit in, the harm is not administrative, it is personal.

Equality strengthens this further. A rule that appears neutral, such as banning all headgear, may still be discriminatory if it disproportionately burdens one group. The Constitution cares about the effect of the rule, not the neatness of its wording.

And Ghana’s secular character is decisive: a public-supported institution cannot compel students to take part in worship in a faith they do not share. The state may organise classrooms, but it may not organise consciences.

The Response:

Wesley Girls, supported by the Attorney-General, offers a different narrative. In their view, the school is a carefully cultivated community whose Methodist roots are essential to its character. Asking the school to abandon those roots, they argue, risks dismantling the culture of discipline and academic excellence for which it is renowned.

This is the communitarian argument: institutions derive meaning from shared values, and those who join them understand the nature of the community they are entering. Uniformity is presented as cohesion rather than control.

The school also leans on a basic truth: no right is absolute. Boarding houses require order. Too many overlapping religious practices, they argue, may disrupt routine and supervision. The intention, they insist, is not to suppress belief but to manage a complex environment.

The reasoning resembles the European idea of a “margin of appreciation,” where institutions are sometimes given leeway to balance competing considerations.

But Donnelly warns that tradition and institutional identity can easily mask exclusion. Cultural justifications, he notes, often become the language through which power explains itself.

His question remains uncomfortable: what happens when an institution’s self-definition requires individuals to suppress essential parts of themselves?

The human-rights answer is clear: institutions may be proud, but they may not be coercive.

The Real Contest: Two Understandings of the Constitution

Beneath the legal filings lie two different understandings of what the Constitution is for.

One sees the Constitution as a shield for the individual. Under this view, a student enters a school carrying rights that cannot be bargained away or trimmed to fit an institutional preference.

The other sees the Constitution as a framework that allows institutions to preserve their coherence. Rights exist, but always in conversation with tradition, order, and identity.

The Court must choose which view governs Ghana’s public education system.

What Other Countries Have Learned

Courts in other countries have confronted similar disputes. South Africa requires schools to reasonably accommodate religious practices that do not disrupt learning. Nigeria protects the wearing of the hijab. Kenya, by contrast, upheld a school’s right to prohibit it, a decision widely criticised.

The broader global movement points in one direction: mature constitutional orders favour accommodation, not compulsion.

The Institutional Choice Ahead

Institutions can either widen the space for belonging or narrow it. A rule that tells students, “You may attend, but you must quiet the parts of yourself we do not recognise,” belongs firmly in the latter category.

Donnelly writes that human rights exist so that individuals meet authority with dignity intact. Any rule that undermines that dignity must be viewed with suspicion.

What the Supreme Court Must Resolve

The Court faces three questions that will shape the future of public education in Ghana:

• Do students carry their religious rights with them into school?
• Can a public-supported institution compel participation in religious practices?
• May a school that draws from the public purse privilege one religious identity above all others?

If the Court answers in favour of rights, Wesley Girls can preserve its Christian heritage, but without enforcing it. The hymns may continue. The compulsion must stop.

If the Court goes the other way, it risks creating pockets of public life where the Constitution operates only partially.

The Classroom as the Republic’s Mirror

Constitutions do not fail on paper. They fail when they stop shaping the institutions that govern everyday life. And few institutions shape citizens as powerfully as schools.

The Wesley Girls case is a test, not of religion, but of the Republic’s integrity. It offers the Court an opportunity to affirm that tradition enriches public life but does not control it, and that no child must choose between her God and her education.

For a country committed to dignity, equality, and pluralism, that is not a lofty ideal.
It is the only consistent position the Constitution allows.

But the Achimota–Rastafarian case and the Wesley Girls religious-accommodation case are, in truth, about as similar as a locked door and a furnished room. Both are made of wood, yes, but they do entirely different things.

To appreciate the difference is to understand something subtle but vital about constitutional law: the same right can raise utterly different problems depending on where it is squeezed, by whom, and for what purpose.

Achimota:

Achimota School’s refusal to admit Tyrone Marhguy because of his dreadlocks was not a textured constitutional dilemma. It was a constitutional emergency in need of immediate repair.

The school insisted its grooming policy was neutral. Courts everywhere have heard such claims and smile politely before reading the fine print. A rule that burdens only the child whose faith requires the banned style is not neutral; it is simply discrimination dressed up in tidy language. One may call the dress formal, but the dance is the same.

More importantly, Achimota is a state school. It does not exist to project an identity. It exists to provide a public service. It cannot demand cultural conformity as an entrance fee. Its ethos is civic, not religious, not cultural, not mission-based. Once the state says a child cannot attend a public school unless he abandons a religious practice, the matter is practically self-deciding. The Constitution does not require delicate interpretation. It requires correction.

There was no competing value for the Court to weigh. The case was clean, direct, almost mathematical: public school + religious exclusion = constitutional violation.

That is why the judgment landed with such authority. It was not balancing. It was enforcing the obvious.

Wesley Girls:

The Wesley Girls dispute, however, refuses to behave like a simple case. It is layered, complicated, and, depending on your angle of view, profoundly uncomfortable.

Here, the student is not denied admission. The gate opens. The question emerges later, inside, where rules govern prayer, fasting, dress, and chapel.

The school is not an ordinary state institution. It is a mission-founded school with a proud Methodist ethos, the kind of ethos that shapes everything from morning routines to uniform philosophy. Yet it is also heavily supported and regulated by the state, part of the national placement machine, and vital to the public education ecosystem.

Legally speaking, Wesley Girls is neither fish nor fowl. It is not a private enclave free to operate entirely on its own terms. But it is not a blank public slate either. It is a public-supported cultural institution, an entity performing a public function while carrying a religious personality. In constitutional theory, that hybrid status is where difficult questions hide.

And those questions are not small.

The Real Issue:

Unlike Achimota, whose rule kept Tyrone out, Wesley Girls face a more penetrating question: How far may a publicly supported institution insist that students participate in a religious world they do not believe in?

This is not simply about hijabs or fasting schedules. These are expressions of faith, yes, but the deeper tension concerns compelled participation in worship, being required to sing hymns one does not believe, sit in chapel while prayers are recited, or abandon religious duties entirely.

This is not a “minor school rule.” This is conscience.

If Achimota shut the door on identity, Wesley Girls risks dissolving identity from within. Both actions wound dignity, but in different ways. Courts take the internal wound just as seriously as the external one.

Achimota’s Clean Lines, Wesley Girls’ Constitutional Maze

The Achimota court needed only one question: Was the child denied access because of his religion? Yes. Case closed.

The Wesley Girls case demands at least five:

1. Is the school’s religious ethos compatible with its public obligations?
2. Can the state outsource part of its educational function to a religious institution without importing constitutional duties into that institution?
3. Does compelling participation in Christian worship violate freedom of conscience?
4. Can minority religious practices be limited for administrative convenience?
5. How much accommodation is reasonable before discipline and unity collapse?

These are not rhetorical questions. They cut to the core of how mission schools and the state are meant to coexist.

Why the Cases Cannot Be Analogised

The public conversation often tries to treat the two cases as comparable. They are not. One addressed a violation; the other confronts a structure. One demanded enforcement; the other demands interpretation. One was a closed question; the other is an open chapter.

The Achimota case answered the question of who may enter a school. The Wesley Girls case will answer the question of who a school is allowed to be.

That is a constitutional difference of profound consequence.

When the Supreme Court finally rules on Wesley Girls, it will not merely decide whether hijabs or fasting schedules are permissible. It will define the boundaries of religious identity in Ghana’s publicly supported mission schools. It will signal whether the Constitution views these schools as neutral public platforms, religious communities with limits, or something entirely new.

The Marhguy case settled a breach. The Wesley Girls case will define a philosophy.

And that is why pairing the two is a category error. The first taught us that no child may be stopped at the gate because of their faith. The second will teach us whether a child’s faith may be reshaped once they step inside.

The Caritas Lottery Platform regulates consumer promotions, games of chance, raffles, and draws, as well as points-based selection criteria, by companies, individuals, and well-meaning Ghanaians.  

This is provided for in Section 4 of the National Lotto Act, 2006 (Act 722), which mandates the NLA to operate any other game of chance or to enter into collaboration, partnership, or joint venture with any person, society, association, or corporate entity.

Relaunch and rebranding of the Caritas Lottery Platform

After a four-year hiatus, the Caritas Lottery Platform lost its authority and clients. Therefore, in October 2021, the Caritas Lottery Platform was relaunched in a vibrant event attended by some ministers of state, corporate Ghana, and the Authority’s stakeholders to establish a new brand image and recover market dominance. 

The Caritas Business Unit was created, and Marketing Officers were recruited as relationship managers for the Authority’s clients.

Stakeholder meetings were also held with Corporate Ghana to brief them on the Authority’s new perspective regarding the Caritas Lottery Platform.

The Authority reviewed the regulatory Fee regime to remain attractive to corporate Ghana, and a new Caritas Negotiation policy was put in place to guide the team. 

Also, in August 2022, following advice from the Office of the Attorney General and Minister for Justice, NLA regained control as the sole statutory body responsible for regulating all consumer promotional schemes involving elements of chance (raffles, draws, point-based selection criteria, etc.).

The AG’s opinion paper ultimately empowered the platform to serve as the exclusive authority overseeing all promotional activities organized by corporate Ghana.

Client Satisfaction

According to the Acting Director of Marketing, Caritas and Events, Mr. Kwabena Opoku-Boakye, the NLA Caritas Lottery Platform not only regulates the consumer promotion sector but also advises clients on future promotions based on feedback to help them enhance their products, services, and ultimately their brands. Clients gain vital market insights into how consumers perceive their brands and products.

The Caritas Lottery Platform’s brand integrity has been fundamental in attracting corporate organizations. Using the platform enhances a company’s brand credibility and provides consumers with the assurance of transparency during promotions.

The NLA strengthens its relationship with these clients through continuous monitoring and innovative ideas to keep them in the business.

Since its relaunch, the NLA has collaborated with over 100 companies, including FMCGs, financial institutions, and private firms. These include Telecel Ghana, Nestlé Ghana, MTN, Access Bank PLC, Société Générale, Star Assurance, Gino, Ecobank, Fidelity Bank, Bolt Ghana, Bel Beverages, Kasapreko, Fanmilk, FBN Bank, Visa International, Rana Motors, and Melcom, among others.

Benefits of the Caritas Lottery Platform

• It sanitizes the game of chance and lottery space through regulation.
• It promotes public confidence in lottery promotions.
• It has curbed the incidence of fraud and other incidents that can mar the credibility of lottery promotions.
• It is an avenue that organizations or individuals can take advantage of to improve their business goals and objectives.
• It is a brand that brings together brands and in so doing, organizations enjoy positive brand associations.
• Organizations can reward and create excitement among their clients through the use of the Caritas Lottery platform.

Revenue

Revenues from Caritas also support the NLA Good Causes Foundation.  The revenue from the Caritas Lottery Platform has increased rapidly since its relaunch and rebranding. 

• In 2021, revenue generated = GHS 102,585.23
• In 2022, revenue generated = GHS 1,482,432.10
• In 2023, revenue generated = GHS 3,221,504.65
• In 2024, revenue generated = GHS 6,251,500.50
• Year to date, revenue accrued is GHS 6,603,237.13

Conclusion

Proceeds from the Caritas Lottery Platform go into the NLA’s Corporate Social Responsibility projects.  

This is hinged on Section 2(3) of the National Lotto Act, which mandates the NLA to operate a lottery to provide care and protection for the physically or mentally afflicted, the needy, the aged, orphans, and destitute children.

The NLA, through its CSR, built recreational centres, sanitary facilities, mechanized boreholes, refurbished schools and hospitals, granted scholarships to gifted but needy students, and provided educational and medical equipment, among many other initiatives, for communities, individuals and institutions, reaching more than 500,000 lives.

NLA invests in these projects to fulfil its statutory obligation, give back to the communities in which we operate, and let our patrons know that when you do not win, your money supports national development.

The Caritas Lottery Platform has streamlined the consumer lottery sector, helping many brands achieve revenue growth, direct deposits, and brand positioning, while fostering consumer confidence in promotional activities.

Since taking office in March 2025, Inspector-General of Police Christian, Tetteh Yohuno has demonstrated a calm but determined style of leadership that aligns closely with Ghana’s urgent need for institutional reform and security transformation.

His record, though still developing, already shows why a contract extension is not only justified, but necessary.

Yohuno stepped into office at a time when the Ghana Police Service faced calls for deep reforms.

From day one, he committed to a “resetting agenda” anchored on discipline, respect for hierarchy, and modernization of policing practices.

He has consistently echoed the national call for a more modern, intelligence-driven police force, the same priority President Mahama stressed during his swearing-in.

Public trust in policing has been fragile, and Yohuno has placed integrity at the heart of his leadership. His pledge to deliver transparency and fairness is not mere rhetoric; it signals a cultural shift needed to restore confidence in law enforcement.

Before becoming IGP, Yohuno built his reputation as a highly capable intelligence officer. His work at the Police Intelligence Directorate including expanding informant reward systems and strengthening intelligence coordination, gives him the kind of operational grounding Ghana needs in the face of cybercrime, fraud, illicit mining networks (galamsey), and organised criminal syndicates.

Community policing is one of the most effective tools for reducing crime sustainably.

COP Yohuno has repeatedly emphasized that policing is a “shared responsibility” between citizens and security agencies, encouraging a more collaborative model where police officers work hand-in-hand with communities.

An extension of his tenure a strong signal of confidence in his reform direction and leadership style by President Mahama.

Extensions are not automatically granted; they are earned through performance and trust.

Yohuno’s engagements with groups like the Ghana Chamber of Mines show his understanding that effective policing requires collaboration beyond the service itself.

Security in mining communities is a national concern, and his willingness to forge stronger partnerships is a sign of pragmatic, forward-thinking leadership.

COP Christian Tetteh Yohuno’s tenure as IGP may still be young, but the foundations he is laying are essential for a 21st-century police force, one that blends professionalism with community trust and intelligence-driven operations with institutional reform.

He represents continuity in the right direction: disciplined leadership, reform-focused management, and a commitment to transparency.

Ghana’s security challenges demand not constant turnover, but stability paired with visionary reform.

A contract extension is not only deserved, it is a strategic investment in building a more modern and trusted Ghana Police Service.

So, from the very beginning, the OSP had doubters and enemies.

Once it became operational, the criticisms did not ease. We all remember how its first head, Martin Amid, a man widely regarded for his integrity, was hounded and frustrated until he resigned under controversial circumstances. Even Ghana’s current Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin, publicly rubbished the office. Remarkably, he described the law establishing the OSP as an “act in futility” and “needless,” arguing that its powers merely duplicated those of the Attorney General. That’s the same Parliament that passed the law in the first place.

If a Speaker can pour that level of scorn on a national anti-corruption institution, who won’t follow suit? Many politicians may not voice it openly, but they share similar sentiments in private.

The hostility we see today is not new; it has been building from the start. And I won’t pretend to be holier-than-thou. I also had my doubts and shared some harsh views about the office. But once it became operational and began using state resources, I accepted reality and supported its work. A young institution operating under a new legal framework will naturally face challenges. Throwing out the entire institution because of early missteps is short-sighted.

Yet many critics, especially those who opposed the OSP from day one, will tolerate no mistakes. What is even clearer is that neither of the two major political parties likes the idea of the OSP. Why? Because it is the only institution with the mandate and relative independence to pursue corruption across the political divide. And that makes politicians uncomfortable.

Today, we are witnessing a coordinated attempt to discredit the office and turn public opinion against it. Sadly, it seems to be working. Many Ghanaians who do not fully understand the deeper issues at play have joined the chorus. Others are driven purely by partisanship. We are weakening an institution we need desperately, and doing so knowingly.

Constructive criticism helps institutions grow; what we are seeing now, however, is largely destructive. It looks like a deliberate attempt to push the government to shut the OSP down. And honestly, this should not surprise anyone. Even the administration that birthed the office showed open discomfort with its independence. Why would those who inherited it feel otherwise?

If we truly care about Ghana’s future, and our constant complaints about corruption are genuine, then we must support this office. The current disrespect toward the OSP and its leadership is excessive and counterproductive. And if we can demand perfection from an office barely a decade old, why haven’t we demanded the same intensity of accountability from older institutions?

Take a moment to compare:

Attorney General’s office — 148 years old

CID — 104 years

EOCO/SFO — 33 years

CHRAJ — 32 years

FIC — 17 years

All these institutions are far older than the OSP, have gone through all phases of institutional maturity, and yet none has been flawless. We still give them room to improve. Why can’t we extend the same grace to the OSP, which is still relatively young?

The OSP was established in 2018, but it did not become fully operational immediately. It struggled with no staff, inadequate office space, and delayed regulations. After Amidu resigned, the office went dormant for months. Realistically, in its seven to eight years of existence, there have been long periods of inactivity, yet critics unfairly use the entire timeline to judge its output.

Still, under Kissi Agyebeng since 2021, the OSP has recorded notable achievements:

Prosecutions and Convictions

Seven convictions; major trials ongoing in Accra, Kumasi, and Tamale.

High-profile cases include the SML scandal, NPA GH₵280 million extortion scheme, payroll fraud, PPA procurement breaches, and the GES appointment-letter racket.

Asset Recovery and Financial Protection

Recovered GH₵4.24 million in stolen assets.

Blocked ghost-worker payments, saving GH₵34.2 million in 2024.

Prevented losses under the NDA contract and the TOR–Torentco deal.

Triggered a 333.8% rise in Customs auction revenue after the Labianca case.

Corruption Prevention and Reforms

Influenced legislative reforms eliminating major tax loopholes.

Led to the suspension of the Agyapa deal and the TOR–TEPL agreement.

Reached millions through anti-corruption sensitisation.

Cracked down on a US$40 million counterfeit currency syndicate.

Institutional Development

Grown from a three-bedroom office with no staff to a 10-storey facility with 249 workers.

Strengthened partnerships with the Audit Service, FBI, UNODC, and Interpol.

These are not trivial achievements.

Institutions, like products, go through a lifecycle: introduction, growth, maturity, and decline. The OSP is still in its infancy, yet we expect it to perform miracles. But anti-corruption work is grounded in law and due process. Anger and impatience cannot change that.

This is exactly how Martin Amidu was hounded out, and we are now repeating the cycle with Kissi Agyebeng.

If we continue on this path, the OSP will collapse, not because it failed, but because we killed it.

Ghana deserves better. And the OSP deserves the space to grow, strengthen, and serve this country well.

Let’s cut this office some slack and allow it to find its feet, for the sake of Mother Ghana.

At one point or another in the day, every human being must answer nature’s private call. Food may delay, clothes may change, technology may leap into new wonders, but as our elders say, the stomach has no calendar.

The body’s natural request does not wait for any man, woman or child. That is why the toilet, once viewed as a luxury for the privileged, now stands as one of the most essential cornerstones of human dignity, health, safety, productivity and environmental protection.

It may be a small room, yet its power shapes the wellbeing of households, communities and nations.

As the world observes this year’s World Toilet Day under the theme “We Will Always Need the Toilet,” Ghana is reminded that sanitation is not an aspiration but a right, a necessity and a moral responsibility we owe one another.

The reality before us is clear. Our population is approaching 35 million, living in nearly 9.75 million households with an average size of 3.6.

Yet millions still live without a toilet of their own. In 2021, only about 59.3 percent of households had access to a household toilet, and today, about 4.3 million households remain without one. The numbers speak plainly. We have made progress, but the gap ahead is significant.

Open defecation remains one of the most stubborn and harmful challenges. With 17.7 percent of Ghanaians, nearly six million people, still defecating in the open, the implications are severe.

Behind the statistic are girls and women who venture into bushes and beaches at dawn or dusk, exposed and afraid. Families battle preventable diseases such as cholera, typhoid and diarrhoea.

Farmers unknowingly irrigate crops with contaminated water, while communities downstream consume food produced from polluted sources. Schoolchildren are forced to choose between enduring discomfort or skipping class entirely.

Visitors measure us not by our ambitions but by the smell around public spaces. Every conversation about dignity, tourism, investment, safety and modern development begins, whether we like it or not, with access to a toilet.

But Ghana’s story is not one of despair. It is equally a story of determination and transformation. When Ghana commits, Ghana delivers. The GAMA and GKMA Sanitation and Water Project is a testament to what focused effort can produce.

By April 2025, more than 76,000 household toilets had been constructed, and 609 child-friendly, gender-sensitive institutional facilities completed.

These interventions, combined with the work of World Vision, the Government of Ghana–UNICEF WASH Programme, private sector innovators, community volunteers and committed NGOs, have helped hundreds of communities achieve open-defecation-free status.

The evidence is undeniable. When financing meets political will, when local artisans receive training, when micro-loans are available and when vulnerable households are supported, sanitation becomes a force for dignity and progress.

Yet toilets alone are not enough. Sustainable Development Goal 6 calls for safely managed sanitation for all, not merely access to a toilet structure. Today, only about 16 percent of Ghanaians enjoy safely managed sanitation.

More than 8 million households still require a complete sanitation service chain that ensures faecal waste is safely contained, emptied, transported, treated and reused without harming the environment.

A toilet that does not properly contain waste offers only half a solution. An overflowing pit becomes a public hazard. A household unable to afford emptying services may revert to unsafe practices.

A treatment plant without consistent sludge inflow becomes redundant. Regulations without enforcement become decoration.

As our tradition teaches, a cooking pot without a lid invites flies. We must close the sanitation loop fully and responsibly so that no Ghanaian is left behind.

Across Ghana, there are bright examples of what is possible. In dense compound houses in Accra and Kumasi, biodigester toilets have replaced dilapidated shared latrines and unsafe backyard corners.

Schools in several districts have shifted from the old habit of “build and abandon” to active facility management supported by small user fees, maintenance committees and school health clubs.

Faecal sludge operators have modernised their work with improved trucks, pumping tools and digital payment options. Assemblies have started mapping toilet gaps, enforcing sanitation bye-laws, linking households to artisans and microfinance, and planning desludging routes.

Communities like Dohia in the Agortime-Ziope District of the Volta Region have shown that with mobilisation, respect and small seed funds for early adopters, open defecation can become history.

These examples show clearly that Ghanaian communities do not lack willingness. They only need opportunity, support and coordination.

The way forward requires strong leadership from Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies.

Every district must enforce sanitation bye-laws fairly and firmly, not to punish the poor but to protect public health. Landlords must understand that providing a toilet is not a favour to tenants; it is their civic duty.

Assemblies should publish approved toilet technologies, their prices and lists of trained artisans so households are informed. They should organise sanitation fairs, support micro-loan initiatives and reward communities and landlords who take initiative.

Assemblies must plan thoroughly by identifying households without toilets, mapping open-defecation hotspots, scheduling desludging routes and ensuring treatment plants operate consistently. Leadership must show the way so that the people can follow.

The private sector has a defining role in this journey. Sanitation is not charity. It is an economic opportunity capable of creating jobs, driving innovation and improving lives.

Private suppliers must offer affordable, high-quality toilet systems. Desludging operators must adopt digital platforms and expand coverage to reduce costs. Treatment plant operators must explore opportunities to recover energy, compost and soil conditioners.

Innovations must continue, particularly in developing flood-resistant toilets for climate-vulnerable areas, micro-treatment systems for densely populated communities, improved shared-facility models for compound houses and financial products suited to low-income families.

The hardest-to-reach communities, often called last-mile communities, demand creativity, flexibility and compassion.

Financing remains central to closing the access gap. A typical improved household toilet costs between GHS 3,000 and GHS 5,000.

Many families can manage this through instalment payments, while the poorest will require targeted subsidies or results-based support. A blended finance approach that combines government investment, development assistance and household contributions is essential to bridge the remaining gaps.

Some may wonder why the urgency persists. The answer is simple. Every delayed month keeps children out of school, endangers girls, increases illness, places strain on health facilities and pollutes water bodies.

The world is currently off-track in achieving SDG 6.2, but Ghana has the potential to accelerate and stand out as an example for Africa, not because we are flawless but because we are determined.

As our elders say, when the roots are deep, the wind does not frighten the tree. Our roots in policy, experience and community mobilisation are strong. What remains is to scale up, speed up and remain consistent.

This World Toilet Day, Ghana must renew its promise to build more than toilets. We must build dignity, safety, resilience and shared responsibility. Government must lead with clarity, enforcement and transparency. Development partners must sustain support despite global financial pressures. Landlords must meet their responsibilities.

Communities must reject open defecation. Media and faith leaders must champion sanitation boldly. The private sector must continue to innovate and expand access. Ghana has always known that dignity is development.

A toilet behind every door is safety for women and girls, opportunity for schoolchildren, cleanliness for markets, health for families and pride for our national future.

With the right combination of policy direction, district leadership, private sector partnership and citizen responsibility, Ghana can close the sanitation gap once and for all.

Let us work with determination to ensure that every household has a toilet they can call their own, where every child, visitor and community can say with confidence that dignity lives here.

We will always need the toilet, and the toilet will continue to give us health, productivity and peace of mind. Happy World Toilet Day to all Ghanaians.

May every household find dignity behind a toilet door that locks, a handwashing station that works and a sanitation system that protects today, tomorrow and generations yet unborn.

The writer is a Public Health Practitioner and a Fellow of West African Postgraduate College of Environmental Health (WAPCEH)

E-Mail: kwekuquansah@gmail.com

A viral video can topple a politician or spark a national debate in seconds. But behind the speed and excitement of digital journalism lies a growing dilemma: how do we keep our facts straight, stay ahead of fake news, and protect our credibility in a world where the tools we use aren’t always ours to control?

Journalism in Ghana used to be a straightforward, one-directional business: print newspapers in the morning, evening broadcasts on radio and TV done. You’d get your information from a few trusted voices like the Daily Graphic, Joy FM, or GTV.

Reporters carried notebooks, flip phones (if they were fancy), and a good dose of courage. The newsroom was the heart of the operation, and deadlines were sacred.

Then technology walked in slowly at first, then like a gale wind. Today, the newsroom fits in your pocket, and journalists tweet news before the newsroom even hears about it. Let’s dive into how tech has re-engineered storytelling, audience engagement, and the very soul of Ghanaian journalism.

From Pen and Paper to Pixels and Platforms

Then, in the early 2000s and before, journalists travelled long distances to file stories. The tools of the trade were analogue: typewriters, cassette recorders, and physical archives. If you missed the evening news, you simply missed it.

Now, technology has flattened these barriers. Mobile phones, affordable internet, lightweight audio/video recorders, and platforms like WhatsApp, Telegram, and Twitter have made every journalist a walking newsroom.

Multimedia storytelling is now the norm video clips, photos, and voice notes, all uploaded in seconds.

Even fact-checking can happen in real time using digital tools.
Case in point: Viral stories on platforms like Facebook reach millions before traditional outlets even react.

Democratising News: Everyone’s a Reporter?
The rise of “citizen journalism” means anyone with a smartphone can break news. This has democratized information but also created challenges. Misinformation, propaganda, and fake news have become real threats.

Platforms like Adomonline, MyJoyOnline, GhanaWeb and Citinewsroom now compete with bloggers, influencers and even taxi drivers live-streaming events.

There has been a shift from the old approach. Journalists must now be even more credible, faster, and more tech-literate.

Newsrooms train their staff in digital ethics, social media analytics, and multimedia production skills that would’ve seemed alien to the old guard.

Broadcasting Goes Live and Interactive
Live broadcasting, once expensive and limited to major stations, is now accessible to anyone. With Facebook Live, X Spaces (formerly Twitter Spaces), and TikTok, even rural reporters can stream breaking news directly from the scene.

Stations like Multimedia Group and Citi FM use social media to broadcast political shows, interact with listeners, host polls, and receive feedback instantly. Gone are the days when the audience was silent.

I remember my days at Life FM in Nkawkaw, where we relied mostly on newspapers for news stories and monitoring the major stations for stories with no means of recording actuality.

Time has really changed.
The next wave is already here. Podcasts offer long-form storytelling, AI tools assist in transcription and fact-checking, and data journalism is emerging slowly but surely.
Newsrooms in Ghana are experimenting with AI-assisted content creation, providing transcription tools and image recognition for research, which has become a game-changer.

Podcasts and webinars are now providing media houses with the platform to reach niche audiences, to mobile journalism kits for remote reporting. We’re only beginning to scratch the surface of what’s possible.

The Challenges associated with this technology are many, and the management of newsrooms must catch up.

Speed often trumps accuracy. That’s a problem. Lack of verification is becoming a threat. With the pressure to be first, journalists sometimes publish unverified information.

In 2021, during the alleged kidnapping of musician Castro and the incident involving the Takoradi “fake pregnant woman”, several outlets rushed online with breaking news only for later facts to expose inconsistencies.

Just recently, after the six female potential recruits of the Ghana Armed Forces died in a stampede, letters flew all over the internet, indicating the Deputy Defence Minister had resigned, with some media houses broadcasting without verification. It was later labelled as fake information.

The rush for clicks undermined trust, and it highlighted the need to balance speed with fact-checking.

Also, Ownership of platforms is a challenge we can not overlook because Stories live on platforms that are not owned by creators, but by Facebook and YouTube. Their rules can change overnight.

Ghanaian media houses like Adom TV, Joy News, GHOne TV, Adom FM and others rely heavily on social media for live streams and content distribution.

However, if Facebook randomly flags a broadcast or YouTube changes its algorithm, viewership plummets.

In 2023, several Ghanaian channels were unexpectedly demonetised or shadow-banned due to stricter content rules, reminding us that these platforms are rented space and not owned territory.

Technology didn’t just change Ghanaian journalism; it shook its foundations. The role of the journalist is evolving from gatekeeper to curator, moderator, and educator.

The promise? More voices, more access, smarter storytelling. The challenge? Staying credible and innovative in a crowded, noisy world.

The path forward is clear: blend traditional values with modern tools. Journalism may look different now, but its purpose remains deep by telling the truth, giving the voiceless a platform, and holding the powerful accountable.

Ghanaian journalism is evolving. And that’s a good thing.

Though budgets are an annual ritual, this one feels like a bold blueprint for transformation, not just recovery. But will these ambitious plans move from paper to pavement?

For entrepreneurs like us, Ghana—and indeed Africa’s—Achilles heel has never been planning; it has always been execution.

For decades, we’ve seen brilliant blueprints gather dust while citizens wait for promises to materialize. Across the country and continent, roads remain unpaved, factories idle, and social interventions stall—not due to lack of vision, but because of weak follow-through.

This is why Dr. Forson’s generally well-accepted budget must deliver different results.
Moreover, the 2026 Budget offers the government a rare chance to reset its economic narrative. It now behooves every minister, agency head, and public servant to embrace the same urgency and discipline demonstrated by Dr. Forson and President Mahama.

The positives
Having observed budgets over the years, I find this one unapologetically pro-business, pro-jobs, and pro-reform:

• Tax reliefs: VAT slashed to 20%, thresholds raised to ease pressure on small and medium enterprises (SMEs)—the backbone of the economy—and the COVID-19 Health Recovery Levy scrapped. These measures will inject liquidity into businesses and restore confidence in an economy battered by years of turbulence and high taxes.
• Industrial push: The Feed the Industry Programme will link agriculture to manufacturing, ensuring factories run at 70–80% capacity instead of the current 30–40%. Add to that the Oil Palm Development Policy and agro-processing plants for cashew, rice, poultry, and shea, which could spark a true industrial renaissance.
• Jobs, jobs, jobs: Over 800,000 jobs are targeted for 2026 through infrastructure projects, TVET expansion, and the 24-Hour Economy initiative. Allocations are clear, including GH¢170 million for apprenticeships, GH¢110 million for round-the-clock operations, and billions for roads, housing, and energy.
• Social protection: Free SHS fully funded, NHIS uncapped, LEAP expanded, and school feeding scaled up. These are not token gestures but structural commitments to inclusion.
• Fiscal discipline anchored in law: A primary surplus of 1.5% of GDP is now a statutory requirement. Debt-to-GDP is capped at 45% by 2034/35. Procurement reforms mandate electronic platforms for transparency.

Why execution is king
While these policies are bold, comprehensive, and enduring, plans alone don’t build roads—bulldozers do. Policies don’t create jobs—projects do.

Ghana and Africa’s development graveyard is littered with brilliant strategies that died in the hands of bureaucracy. Ghana cannot afford to repeat that cycle.

The finance minister and President may have done their part by presenting concrete policies in a budget. But the baton now passes to sector ministers, agency heads, and implementing officers. They must move from PowerPoint to pavement, from press conferences to performance, and from plans to actions.

Execution demands three things:

• Speed: Delays kill momentum. If procurement bottlenecks stall the Big Push Infrastructure Programme, job targets will evaporate.
• Accountability: Every cedi must deliver value. The Compliance League Table introduced by the Finance Ministry is a good start, but it must bite. Institutions should be publicly ranked, rewarded for efficiency, and sanctioned for inertia.
• Collaboration: Ministries cannot work in silos. Agriculture must talk to Trade. Energy must sync with Industry. Education must align with Labour. Transformation is a team sport, not an individual glory.

Why I believe
Skeptics will ask: “What’s different this time?” My answer: track record and tone.

In less than a year, Mahama’s administration has achieved what many thought impossible: inflation down from 23.8% to 8%, the cedi appreciating by 34%, and public debt reduced from 68.9% to 45% of GDP. These are real outcomes that affect business revenue and planning.

Dr. Forson has restored fiscal discipline without strangling growth, renegotiated independent power producer contracts to save US$250 million, and cut cocoa roads debt from GH¢21 billion to GH¢6 billion. This is evidence of a government acting in the public interest.

But leadership at the top is not enough. The relevant catalyst must be ministers and agency heads matching this urgency. Ghana’s future cannot hinge on two men; it must rest on an ecosystem of execution.

Way forward
The government now faces a bold challenge: prove the public right.

They need to show that Ghana can break the cycle of grand plans and poor delivery. This budget must not be another glossy document filed away in archives.

I humbly suggest:

• Ministers: Own your targets. Publish quarterly scorecards. Let citizens track progress in real time.
• Agency heads: Cut the red tape. Move from process obsession to outcome obsession.
• Procurement officers: Remember this—every delay is a job denied, every inflated contract is a classroom unfunded, and hundreds of lives deprived of essential services.

The world is moving fast. Côte d’Ivoire is scaling agro-processing, Rwanda is doubling down on digital leadership, and Nigeria is pushing energy reforms. Ghana cannot lag.

The private sector is ready, investors are watching, and the diaspora is hopeful. But hope needs proof—and that proof comes from execution.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist.

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Few stories capture this paradox better than that of Alex Apau Dadey, the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, a man whose vision, enterprise, and philanthropic spirit have reshaped parts of Ghana’s economic and social landscape, yet whose journey mirrors the silent betrayal of the very builders driving the nation forward.

“In Ghana, the cost of building often exceeds the profit of dreaming.”

The Story—The Man Behind the Vision
Alex Apau Dadey is not your conventional tycoon. His story is not written in political privilege but in persistence, purpose, and patriotism.

As the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, he has built one of Ghana’s most dynamic technology-driven conglomerates, touching sectors from fintech and gaming to logistics, e-commerce, and social development.

It is not his business acumen that sets him apart, but his belief that Ghana can progress on the strength of its own innovation.

Under his stewardship, KGL Group has become a central player in Ghana’s digitalized economy, revolutionizing systems that have enhanced transparency, accountability, and financial inclusion.

Those who know him speak of a man both visionary and vulnerable, human in his flaws, yet unwavering in his pursuit of progress.

One can only say that his quiet strength lies in seeing opportunity where others see obstacles and in building solutions that serve both profit and purpose.

“For Alex Apau Dadey, enterprise is not about power; it’s about people. Not about profit, but progress.”

The Impact—Transforming Vision into Tangible Change

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL Group has transformed itself into more than a business; it has become a national development engine.

Technology & Economic Transformation
The Group’s KGL Technology Limited has digitized key activities within the National Lottery Authority (NLA), resulting in increased efficiency, accountability, and state revenue collection.

The company’s digital technologies have greatly increased government revenue from gaming operations, directing hundreds of millions of cedis into the Consolidated Fund to support public initiatives.

Beyond gaming, KGL’s investments in fintech, mobile payments, and digital distribution, through businesses such as KGL Payments and Digital Distribution Hub, have increased thousands of Ghanaians’ access to financial services.

The company’s position in modernizing payment systems directly helps Ghana’s digital economy strategy, which is championed by initiatives such as Digital Ghana.

Corporate Social Responsibility & Human Development
But Mr. Dadey’s vision stretches far beyond boardrooms and servers. Through the KGL Foundation, he has redefined corporate social responsibility as a moral and national duty.

In education, KGL funds scholarships for brilliant but underprivileged students, builds ICT centers, and supports school feeding initiatives while partnering with hospitals and NGOs to improve maternal and child healthcare through the group’s foundation, especially in rural communities in health.

In sports, KGL is a major sponsor of the Ghana Football Association (GFA) and grassroots sporting activities, ensuring the next generation of athletes have both opportunity and hope.

These interventions align directly with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), promoting education, health, employment, and innovation.

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL is not only generating revenue but also building social infrastructure for Ghana’s future.

“He builds in silence, gives without cameras, and transforms without applause.”

The Challenges—When Vision Meets Resistance
Yet behind the glow of progress lies a darker truth: vision in Ghana often attracts suspicion.

Despite KGL Group’s undeniable contributions to revenue mobilization and social development, the company has not been spared the murky undercurrents of politics and institutional hostility.

In recent years, the Group has found itself navigating a maze of regulatory hurdles, delayed approvals, and bureaucratic resistance from state agencies that once praised its work.

What should be partnerships for progress have too often become contests of power and perception. Within business circles, this phenomenon has earned a name, “Economic Witch-Hunting.”

It is a quiet but corrosive culture where successful enterprises are viewed not as allies in development but as rivals in influence.

From stalled policy approvals to strategic attempts to curtail KGL’s dominance in digital operations, it is seen by industry players and many others as evidence of a broader pattern, what some call “Strategic Crippling.” In such an environment, success becomes a liability.

The irony is glaring. The same digital initiatives that improved government revenue and employment opportunities are now being met with skepticism, fueled by political insecurities rather than economic logic.

Instead of applauding homegrown innovation, certain public actors have chosen to distrust and dismantle it, all in the name of “regulation.”

For Alex Apau Daddy, these challenges have been both personal and institutional. Navigating through the maze of unspoken political allegiances and administrative sabotage, he has had to balance corporate diplomacy with moral conviction.

Yet, through it all, he remains steadfast, believing that time, truth, and tangible impact will outlive propaganda.

The implications for Ghana’s economy are chilling. When institutions turn innovation into intimidation, investors, both local and foreign, lose confidence, and progress grinds to a halt.

It is a self-inflicted wound, a betrayal not of one man or company, but of Ghana’s own development aspirations.

The greater tragedy, however, lies not in his trials but in what they say about Ghana’s development climate. How can a nation claim to seek economic transformation while sabotaging the very visionaries driving it?

“We cannot build a digital nation while digitally disabling our visionaries.”

Reflective Thoughts—When Greatness Goes Uncelebrated
At its core, the story of Alex Apau Dadey is not just about business; it is a mirror reflecting Ghana’s uneasy relationship with success.

We praise visionaries until their light shines too brightly. We celebrate entrepreneurs until they start changing systems. Then we see them as a threat and call them dangerous. His journey mirrors this national paradox.

We glorify politics and ignore production; we exalt rhetoric and silence results. And yet, Mr. Dadey’s journey stands as a reminder that true patriotism is not spoken; it is built.

He continues to invest, to employ, to empower, and to believe in a Ghana that sometimes fails to believe in him. Here is a man who has generated employment, supported national revenue, and contributed to social development, yet remains more scrutinized than celebrated.

His story raises uncomfortable questions about Ghana’s relationship with success: Why do we treat excellence as suspicion? Why do we measure patriotism by politics, not productivity?

And why do we allow institutional pettiness to cripple innovation?
If Ghana truly wants sustainable development, it must start by protecting, not persecuting, its visionaries.

Because nations don’t rise by accident. They rise because men and women like Alex Apau Dadey dare to build when others are busy tearing down.

“When history is written, it will not remember those who spoke the loudest; it will remember those who built the longest.”

Sidebar: The KGL Footprint in National Development
Revenue Mobilization: Digitization partnership with NLA generating hundreds of millions in state revenue.

Employment Creation: Thousands of direct and indirect jobs across technology, finance, logistics, and customer support sectors.

Education Support: Scholarships and ICT training through KGL Foundation.

Sports Development: Key sponsor of GFA and youth football programs.

Health Initiatives: Rural clinic support and health campaigns under SDG alignment.

Final Reflection
So here lies the irony: A man whose vision modernized systems, funded education, and supported communities is still viewed with suspicion by the very state that benefits from his success.

How many more visionaries like Alex Apau Dadey must Ghana quietly crucify before realizing they are its greatest national treasures?

Videos circulating on social media show thousands of desperate applicants jostling for a chance to have their documents assessed. But that quickly descended into chaos, claiming the lives of these compatriots in their prime and injuring dozens more.

The casualty rate, estimated at 34 injured alongside the fatalities, underscores the gravity of what happened. Beyond the immediate tragedy, however, lies a deeper systemic problem—our grim unemployment crisis and the urgent need to structure mass recruitment exercises safely.

Unemployment: A National Security Risk

This is the first major stampede in Ghana’s recent history, and it is not an isolated accident. It is a symptom of a widening gap between job seekers and opportunities.
Over the years, security experts, including the venerable Dr. Emmanuel Aning of the Kofi Annan International Peace Training Centre (KAIPTC), have repeatedly warned that joblessness poses a national security threat.

The World Bank has stated that Ghana faces a severe jobs challenge despite years of economic growth. Over 500,000 young people enter the job market every year, according to the Bank, yet job creation has not kept pace, leaving many stranded in low-quality or informal work.

The Bank has also warned that Ghana’s youth population will grow by 1.6 million over the next decade, reaching 11 million by 2035, with more than half of the population under 30 years old.

Currently, only 13% of workers aged 15–64 hold high-quality jobs. Low-skill and informal employment accounts for over 53% of the workforce. This mismatch between rising education levels and limited opportunities is fueling desperation and instability, as evidenced by the swelling numbers at such recruitments year in and year out.

For many of these applicants, the military and other security agencies represent the closest thing to a guaranteed, stable job in an economy where opportunities are scarce. The promise of a steady income, housing, and social respect makes enlistment into these security services highly attractive—so much so that desperation drives thousands to risk their safety just for a chance to be considered.

But enlistments into these services have not been conducted openly and on a large scale for some time now. The then-opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) alleged that the exercises during those periods were either suspended or carried out quietly, fueling perceptions of limited access and favoritism. This prolonged gap only heightened the desperation when the recent opportunity arose, as thousands saw it as their first real chance in years to secure a stable, respectable job.

That is why the stampede is more than a tragic accident—it is a wake-up call that unemployment is not just an economic statistic. It is a ticking time bomb. If left unchecked, it will continue to manifest in ways that threaten public safety and national cohesion.

The Need for Proper Planning

While unemployment is the root cause, the incident also requires us to re-examine our planning and organization of public events. The Ghana Armed Forces is not new to this, and their record speaks of them as a disciplined, diligent, and trustworthy institution. That is why one would expect them to infuse that discipline into how exercises of this nature are conducted, setting an example for other security agencies and institutions that require large gatherings of people.

The sight of thousands crammed into a single venue, competing for front-row positions, should never happen in a country with the capacity to digitize processes.
Why were applicants not staggered by time slots?
Why was there no robust online pre-screening system to reduce physical congestion?
These are questions the authorities must answer.

Recruitment into security services is a sensitive national exercise. It demands meticulous planning, not ad hoc arrangements that endanger lives.

Political Points-Scoring

Sadly, even as families mourn, some political actors have rushed to exploit the incident for partisan gain. This is unacceptable. The loss of young lives should unite us in grief and resolve, not divide us further.

Political utterances that trivialize the tragedy or weaponize it for electoral advantage dishonour the victims and distract from the urgent reforms needed.
Leaders must rise above the urge to always seek political gain in every situation and focus on solutions.

What Next?

Firstly, the government must treat unemployment as a national emergency.
This means aggressive investment in job creation, skills development, and entrepreneurship—not lip service. This is why the government’s efforts to roll out the Big Push, the 24-Hour Economy policy, and the reformation of the mining sector around domestic value addition are vital.

Secondly, recruitment exercises must be restructured to prioritize safety and efficiency. Digital platforms and staggered schedules can drastically reduce congestion.

Thirdly, social gatherings of this scale should be subject to strict safety protocols, with security personnel trained to manage crowds effectively and emergency measures duly activated.

Finally, we must confront the uncomfortable truth: Ghana’s youth are not lazy—they are desperate. They are willing to risk their lives for a job that pays a modest salary because the alternatives are bleak. Until we fix this, tragedies like this will recur.

The stampede at the military recruitment centre is a national tragedy. But it can also be a turning point if we choose to act decisively. President John Mahama has shown clear and credible signs of capacity and commitment to reforming the country, and we must now rally behind him to achieve that.

Ghana cannot afford to ignore the warning signs any longer.

The writer is an entrepreneur and philanthropist.

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Since accepting the role of running mate, Dr. Bawumia has devoted 17 solid years to the party, serving diligently and faithfully without fear or favor. He has contributed significantly to the growth and success of the NPP as the Vice Presidential Candidate across four consecutive elections (2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020).

When the NPP won the 2016 election, Dr. Bawumia was sworn in as Vice President of Ghana, assisting President Akufo-Addo in implementing major campaign manifesto promises during the party’s two consecutive terms in office from 2017 to 2024. In the 2024 general elections, he contested as the NPP’s presidential candidate, despite the party losing that election.

Given this extensive record of service, how can such an astute and committed individual—first as Vice Presidential Candidate for four terms, then as a star witness in the 2012 election petition, and finally as the party’s 2024 presidential candidate—be portrayed as an “outsider” simply because of internal elections?

Your guess is as good as mine.

Can an Outsider Contest the NPP Presidential Election?

Setting the Record Straight

Article 13 (3) of the NPP Constitution, as amended in 2017, outlines the rules for the election of a Presidential Candidate. It states:

“Any Member may, before the expiry of the period set out in Article 13 (2), apply for nomination as the Party’s Presidential Candidate.”

Furthermore, clause (7) of Article 13 specifies that no member shall be entitled to nomination unless they:

(a) have been a known and active member for at least five (5) years;
(b) are of good character;
(c) are in good standing, among other requirements.

These constitutional provisions clearly define who is eligible to contest the NPP presidential election.

Since the NPP announced the opening of nominations for the 2028 presidential elections, campaigns among contenders have begun ahead of the party’s national delegates’ election scheduled for 31st January 2026. One recurring narrative in the campaigns is the claim that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia—former Vice President and 2024 presidential candidate—is an “outsider” unfit to lead the NPP again.

This claim is illogical and misleading. It has created misconceptions among some party delegates, members, sympathizers, and the general public, many of whom either do not know the NPP Constitution or lack accurate information about the eligibility requirements for the party’s presidential elections.

What is particularly concerning is that this misinformation is coming from individuals expected to know better, given their backgrounds and experience within the party. Such narratives risk creating a negative impression of the NPP among the electorate ahead of the 2028 elections.

In fact, according to the NPP Constitution, no outsider can contest the party’s presidential election unless they have been a registered and active member for at least five (5) years, are of good standing, and meet the other prescribed requirements. Dr. Bawumia, having served the party for 17 years, clearly exceeds these criteria.

In conclusion, a careful review of the NPP Constitution and Dr. Bawumia’s service record demonstrates that labeling him an “outsider” is not only inaccurate but motivated by ill intent.

Yaw Marvin
Development Communication Practitioner
Writing from the corners of Kwesimintsim Zongo

#WinWithBawumia
#Bawumia2028
#OyeNumber3

And today, as parts of the New Patriotic Party whisper that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is a stranger in his own political home, history echoes loudly, warning us that the last person you call a stranger today often becomes the one who reshapes your tomorrow.

Kwame Nkrumah was once that stranger. When he returned from America and Britain—young, restless, radical, and unapologetically determined—the colonial-era elites of the UGCC looked at him with suspicion.

He did not belong to their wealthy families. He did not speak their polished colonial English. He mobilised market women and workers instead of mingling with aristocrats. He was Nzema from the Western Region, neither Ashanti royalty nor Fante aristocracy. They tolerated him until they realised he was unstoppable, and then they called him an outsider. But the man they dismissed as “not one of us” built a nation and became the heartbeat of Africa’s liberation.

The same script played out decades later in America. Barack Obama emerged from Chicago’s streets with a name the political establishment struggled to pronounce. His father was Kenyan, his mother from Kansas. His identity confused old Washington. They said he was too young, too intellectual, too different, too hopeful. They called him “other,” they questioned his belonging. The stranger became the President. And eight years later, the world remembered not the accusations but the hope.

Zohran Mamdani’s story recently shook New York. Born in Kampala to Indian parents expelled by Idi Amin, raised between continents, and too progressive for the city’s traditional political machinery, he had all the markings of an outsider. His age, his faith, his energy, his name—everything placed him outside the predictable mould of New York’s leadership class. Yet in 2025, the world’s most complex city elected him mayor. Why? Because youth recognise value, promise, and competence long before gatekeepers do. Outsiders speak the language of tomorrow; insiders recite the slogans of yesterday.

Which brings us home—back to Ghana, back to the NPP, back to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.

For seventeen years, Bawumia has stood at the party’s core, shaping economic messaging, defending electoral integrity at the Supreme Court, mobilising national policy, and carrying the digital transformation agenda that quietly repaired decades-old inefficiencies. He has been at the party’s side in victory and in defeat. He has campaigned in every region, worshipped in every faith setting, endured every insult, and carried every responsibility given to him—loyally, competently, consistently.

And yet, in a moment of political anxiety, a few voices have found confidence in calling him a stranger.

Stranger to what?
To service?
To loyalty?
To sacrifice?
To the party he helped deliver two consecutive presidential victories?
Or stranger to the old entitlements that fear modernisation?

The youth of the NPP know the answer. And they know the danger.

In a world ruled by algorithms, not ancestry, who leads matters. Ghana is entering an age where governance is digital, public services are automated, and leadership demands competence that transcends tribal politics. The youth recognise that the politics of exclusion is a luxury Ghana cannot afford. They know that shrinking the party’s leadership options based on region or lineage is political suicide. A party that claims to be the most national cannot afford to indulge the most primitive instincts of tribal whispering.

What the elders call “stranger,” the youth call “modern.” What the insiders call “outsider,” the youth call “competent.” What those afraid of change call “not one of us,” the youth recognise as the future.

Because the real stranger is not the man who has served seventeen years. The real stranger is the one who divides when unity is required. The real outsider is the voice that shrinks the party’s vision to the size of fear. The real threat is not a northern economist who digitised government, but the tribal rhetoric that threatens to drag the party backwards into a past it once worked hard to escape.

The Danquah–Dombo–Busia tradition is not a story of exclusion; it is a story of men who challenged exclusion. Danquah confronted colonial elites. Busia bridged intellectual communities. Dombo, himself once marginalised, became an embodiment of inclusion. The tradition was never tribal; it was ideological. To call Bawumia a stranger is to misunderstand the founders.

And so, the NPP faces a choice—not between one candidate and another, but between the future and the past, between inclusiveness and insecurity, between the energy of youth and the fear of old politics.

History has shown, again and again, that the one they call stranger today becomes the one whose leadership defines tomorrow. Nkrumah proved it. Obama proved it. Mamdani proved it. The youth of the NPP understand that Ghana’s future will not be built by gatekeepers afraid of innovation but by reformers unafraid of possibility.

Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is not a stranger. He is the modern Ghanaian story—multi-regional, multi-ethnic, globally exposed, digitally fluent, nationally committed. He represents a Ghana that is bigger than tribe, stronger than region, and ready to compete globally.

If the NPP embraces fear, it will fracture itself into irrelevance.
If it embraces competence, it will secure its future.

History has spoken.
The youth must answer.

It started somewhere mid 2024. I had just returned from the United Kingdom to the home of my temporary sojourn. One of my teeth started to feel sensitive and slightly shaky. I wondered why my supposedly strong teeth were suddenly sensitive to almost everything. Need I tell you about the numerous times I’ve boasted about how powerful my teeth were, to the point where I didn’t waste time using an opener to open the crown caps of bottled soft beverages because my teeth could perform the job more effectively?

But here was I. I couldn’t even drink water without feeling a tingling sensation. I suddenly lost my appetite for food, particularly the chewy ones that I loved to eat. I had to resort to a gentle, slow sip of Tom Brown and Kooko just so I did not starve myself into slimming down an already not-so-big body.

A few days went by, and I knew I had to seek dental care. Google spoiled me for choice. Each option of a dental clinic or hospital came with its distinctive hallmark services and perks, including the seemingly affordable ones and the ones meant for those who seek extra and want to satisfy the bourgeoisie in them. I settled on one; your guess is as good as the choice that I made.

The dental clinic was not far from where I lived, so I thought. The photos on Google also gave me the impression that it would be a welcoming environment. Google also nicely led me to their website, and I realised that I could book an appointment ahead of my going. I thought that might make things easier for me. I did and got a slot suitable for my usually heavy schedule. I was set to visit sooner.

I didn’t have medical aid, and not knowing how much it would cost made me a little anxious, but I thought I had a fair balance in my bank account to give me enough confidence to go. Did I even have a choice? Considering the pain and the barrage of discomfort that had visited me, I could do anything for relief. I picked up my bag, dropped my visa card in it, and off I was on a journey to the dentist.

With initial OPD administrative formalities out of the way, I was ushered into the consulting room and welcomed by a pleasant-looking dentist and his assistant. After telling him what had brought me there, he proceeded to do some examination. He was impressed with how (seemingly) modestly clean and healthy my teeth were and wondered what could have caused the sensitivity. He suspected trauma that my tooth might have experienced in the past. I went into my memory box to fish out when and what that might have happened, but I could not even find a teeny-tiny shred of reason.

The immediate solution they thought to give me was a deep cleaning session, and to wait a while to see how the tooth heals on its own. However, the dentist was quick to caution that I might need to splint my tooth as the sensitive tooth was also showing a sign of looseness and needed to be immobilized and to prevent further damage and possibly to allow it to heal. The X-ray result, as was explained to my layman self, showed that indeed my tooth was manifesting the consequences of trauma it might have suffered in the past. I was told it might have happened many years ago, and because I was not regularly seeking professional dental care, it had been left undetected.

I was given a special toothpaste to use for a period. I found some good relief after about two days. But I noticed that my tooth was not the same again. From time to time, I could feel it was a little sensitive, albeit not as sensitive as what drove me to the dentist the first time. I began to think about going back for professional care and advice. But I decided I would not go to the same clinic because the alert that came after I swiped my visa card set me on the path of anguish for some days, thinking about the many other things I could have done with the money.

Sometimes I try to take walks to balance my admittedly not-the-best-of-healthy lifestyles. One of such walks came with a gratifying discovery – a dental clinic just about a kilometer away from my house. It looked like the family-type dental clinic that would go easy on my pocket. When I googled them, I realized that they even offer free dental care to the community from time to time. That sure must be a dental clinic that is welcoming of all pocket sizes, lol.

Seeing that my tooth issue was not leaving me alone, I decided to give them a try. The cherry on top was that getting there was only a short walk away, and I could convince myself that I had exercised for the day.

The visit to my latest discovery of a dental facility landed me in a splinting “operation” as the other dentist had predicted. It so happened that my stubborn habit of chewing bones and biting into hard stuff suddenly exacerbated my already traumatised tooth and caused my tooth to nearly split in two. It felt as though my tooth was coming off. It happened during one of those proud “Chef Theo” moments.  I was biting into a hard part of a crab that I had prepared with my palm nut soup.

With the splint done, I found relief for a while, but my life was not the same again. Then I hatched another plan. I would be going to Ghana, and I would seek a second opinion and find out how I could find a more permanent solution.

Another X-ray was done. Similar things that were said to me during my other visits were said again. I got them to do a regular cleaning for me and some reinforcing of the splint. I also sought information about what could be a more permanent solution. I was told about the options. Nothing about the cost.

Back at my base. My tooth got triggered again by my usual “bad habit”. I reserve the details of the whats and the whys. This time, I wanted a “permanent” solution. I didn’t want dentures. Eventually, the choice I made stretched my bank account a little bit, but I managed to convince myself that I could bear the stretch.

With a new visitor in my mouth, I was relatively better. But I realised that aesthetically it was not as natural as I wanted it to be. I went back and was told there was even a much better option. The price! “Ei! hmm”, is all I could say. By the time they fixed it for me, I knew I had to just pretend that I was on an elective fast for a miracle for God knows how long. The rest, they say, is history.

I did what I believed was best for me in many ways, but I also learned to value what God has freely given me. The amount of money I have spent fixing a tooth – just one tooth – is a memory that will stay with me forever.

Indeed, the blessing of the Lord – in this case, the Lord’s blessing of a tooth – is without sorrow. If only I had reminded myself about this, I would have kept this blessing sacred.

The author is a senior lecturer in media and communication studies.

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What began as an academic exercise within the Law and Technology class quickly transformed into a model of civic scholarship a student-led, faculty guided review of a Bill that will shape the boundaries of Ghana’s digital democracy for decades to come.

Guided by the Head of Department, the students dissected the 80-plus sections of the draft
line by line, benchmarking it against Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, international conventions
such as the ICCPR, and continental standards under the African Charter and the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information.

The resulting submission, filed officially by the School on Monday 10th November 2025, represents a call to protect society from disinformation without eroding the constitutional pillars of free expression, press independence, and civic participation.

At first glance, the MDHI Bill carries noble intent, indeed, it is meant to curb deliberate
falsehoods, hate speech, and the reckless sharing of private or harmful content.

Yet, as GIMPA’s team argues, the path to cleaner information cannot be created with vague powers, criminal overreach, and administrative censorship.

“Truth cannot be protected by fear,” the submission notes, warning that, in its present form, the Bill risks turning public debate into an offence rather than a duty.

When Protection Becomes Control the School’s analysis begins at the heart of the Bill which is its object clause.

The stated aim to protect individuals from “disrepute, embarrassment or ridicule” may sound harmless, but in legal effect it authorises state intrusion into political commentary, satire, and investigative journalism.

GIMPA’s submission recommends rewriting this clause to confine limitations strictly to serious, demonstrable harm to national security, public order, public health, or the
rights and reputations of others, and only where measures are necessary and proportionate in a democratic society.

Equally troubling is the Bill’s approach to “false information.” Under sections 19 and 22, a
person could be sanctioned merely for publishing information deemed “false or misleading,”
even without intent or proof of harm.

This, the School warns, “creates strict liability for speech” and invites arbitrary enforcement.

Instead, the submission defines falsity as material inaccuracy and anchors liability on intent, recklessness, or negligent publication that causes serious harm, harm meaning verifiable violence, imminent threat to health, substantial economic loss, or interference with elections.

By drawing this boundary, the school insists, the law would distinguish genuine disinformation from the everyday errors, opinions, and evolving truths that characterise a free marketplace of ideas.

GIMPA also challenges provisions that allow public institutions themselves to seek redress
for disinformation.

In a democracy, the school argues, the state is the most powerful speaker in society, allowing it to sue citizens for “official defamation” flips accountability on its head.

The submission proposes that government bodies should respond to criticism with
counter speech and correction, not coercive sanctions, except where demonstrably false
statements imminently endanger life or public safety.

The Bill’s treatment of public-health emergencies and election periods also raises alarm. By
reversing the burden of proof and enabling rapid takedown orders, it risks muting journalists, fact-checkers, and civic observers exactly when public scrutiny is most essential.

GIMPA’s corrective proposal is precise: delete the burden shift, restore normal proof standards, and require that any removal or blocking of electoral content in the 21 days before voting be authorised only by a High Court order within 48 hours, on clear proof of intentional falsehood and imminent interference with results.

On hate speech, the school endorses a calibrated approach, essentially targeting only
advocacy of discriminatory hatred that incites imminent violence, consistent with the Rabat
Plan of Action and Ghana’s own Criminal Offences Act.

Offensive or unpopular speech, no matter how uncomfortable, must be countered through dialogue and education, not imprisonment. “If we criminalise offence,” the commentary notes, “we will soon criminalise dissent.”

The same spirit animates the school’s proposals on privacy and confidentiality. While
commending the intent to protect personal data and state secrets, the review warns that the Bill’s wording could criminalise whistle-blowing and investigative journalism.

To strike balance, it introduces explicit public-interest and journalistic defences, harmonised with the Right to Information Act, ensuring that disclosures exposing corruption, illegality, or gross rights abuses remain protected when done proportionately.

A Blueprint for Rights-Sensitive Regulation Beyond substance, the GIMPA Law School turns its sharpest focus to institutional design and due process.

The proposed “Division” that will administer the law is placed under the National Communications Authority, with members appointed through executive discretion
and bound by ministerial directives.

This, the school warns, “erodes the independence essential for a credible information-governance framework.”

Its alternative blueprint proposes an independent, multi-stakeholder authority including nominees from the Judicial Council, CHRAJ, the National Media Commission, academia, civil society, and industry, including a security of tenure and budgetary autonomy insulated from ministerial control.

Procedurally, the School recommends expanding response windows from two days to seven
working days (72 hours for emergencies), guaranteeing the right to be heard, requiring
disclosure of evidence, and mandating publication of all orders in a public online registry.

Remedies should follow a hierarchy of restraint: correction as the default, removal only when strictly necessary, and access-blocking permitted solely by court order after a rigorous proportionality test.

Account closures of media houses or political actors, it insists, have no
place in a democracy unless tied to direct incitement to imminent violence.

On sanctions, the submission calls for the removal of custodial sentences for speech offences short of violent incitement, and for fines to be scaled proportionately to organisational turnover.

Education and counter-speech programmes should replace punitive enforcement as
the cornerstone of national resilience against misinformation.

The submission also critiques the Bill’s heavy compliance demands on online platforms and
newsrooms. Mandatory algorithmic audits, risk assessments, and annual fact-checking
certification, if applied across the board, could cripple small media outlets and start-ups.

The school advocates a tiered system, reserving stringent duties for very large platforms and licensed national broadcasters, while encouraging co-regulation through the National Media Commission and Ghana Journalists Association codes.

“We must not regulate innovation out of existence,” the review warns, “nor make truth a luxury of the well-resourced.”

Taken together, these proposals form a rights-centred roadmap for reconciling truth,
accountability, and freedom in the digital era.

They affirm that the state’s duty is not to decide what citizens may know, but to create conditions where citizens can discern truth for themselves through transparency, open dialogue, and independent institutions.

A New Trajectory for Digital Democracy
The GIMPA Law School’s submission is more than a critique; it is an act of civic leadership.
It transforms the classroom into a policy laboratory, demonstrating how academic inquiry can directly shape national legislation.

Students from the Law and Technology class, after weeks of study, simulation, and debate, helped craft amendments that bridge theory with public interest.

Their work reflects the school’s broader philosophy, that law schools must not only
teach the law but also help make it better.

In its conclusion, the Department reminds policymakers that the fight against misinformation cannot become a fight against citizens.

Every society must protect itself from deliberate falsehoods and hateful propaganda, yet those protections lose legitimacy when they muzzle legitimate scrutiny, satire, and dissent.

The submission thus calls for a decisive pivot: from punitive control to participatory governance, from censorship to accountability, and from fear of misinformation to the cultivation of public media literacy.

As the Ministry reviews inputs from across the country, the GIMPA Law School hopes that
its research will change the trajectory of the Bill steering it away from executive overreach
toward a balanced, rights-respecting framework.

“Combating disinformation should not create a Ministry of Truth,” the submission asserts, “but a Republic of Reason.”

If Ghana gets this balance right, it will stand as a continental example proving that a
democracy can defend truth without silencing freedom.

In that outcome, both government and citizens win: the government gains trust, and the people retain their voice.

The writer
Desmond Israel, Esq. is the Head of Department of Public Law and Governance at the Ghana Institute for Management and Public Administration (GIMPA) Law School.

Comrade Kwesi Pratt Jnr. has delivered a powerful Pan-African clarion call for reparations. Reparations is a bold, unapologetic 152-page demand for reparative justice — not only for slavery but also for colonialism.

The strength of this book is evident in how much it influenced President Mahama’s 2025 UN address, a speech that was hailed across the African continent and diaspora.

My favorite chapters are Chapters 3 and 4. In Chapter 3, titled The Case for Reparations, Mr. Pratt writes, “On a moral level, it is pretty straightforward. The transatlantic slave trade led to the kidnapping and forced labour of over 12 million Africans, along with countless deaths.

After that, colonialism brought even more misery: taking land, forced labour, stealing resources, destroying cultures, and mass killings. These were not just mistakes; they were deliberate actions by governments and institutions looking to profit off African lives.”

Elsewhere, he observes, “Reparations are also about reshaping the story. They take history back from those who oppressed and give it back to those who were oppressed.”

Mr. Pratt supports his argument with strong historical precedents, including the billions paid by Germany to Israel and Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, by the United States to Japanese Americans, and by Western nations to indigenous populations. He notes that the African Union’s calls for reparations are grounded on these very precedents.

He transforms the call for reparations from a purely African demand into a global movement by citing the case of India, which lost an estimated USD 45 trillion to Britain between 1765 and 1938.

He insightfully identifies the debtors of reparations as “states, corporations, religious orders, and wealthy families whose fortunes are built on the backs of enslaved Africans, colonized people, and pillaged resources.”

Mr. Pratt also explores possible models of reparations — including cash payments, debt cancellation, and investment in infrastructure, technology, and education.

Particularly compelling is his call for the establishment of Pan-African universities to educate and empower the continent’s youth. He proposes that reparations should be both continental and diasporic, estimating the cost at $2 trillion in slave labour and between $4–6 trillion for colonial resource extraction.

However, I noted two major omissions and a few cautions in this otherwise commendable work.

First, the book overlooks the Arab slave trade, which lasted longer and may have extracted even more labour from Africa. Secondly, it does not adequately address the complicity of African interior empires and coastal elites who became indispensable partners of European slave traders. These elites transformed cities such as Anomabu, Cotonou, and Dakar into wealthy trading hubs that rivalled Liverpool, Charleston, and Savannah in their time.

Additionally, I am concerned about accountability for reparations funds. If some elites in Ghana could misappropriate Covid-19 relief funds, and Nigerian kleptocrats could loot recovered Abacha assets, who can guarantee that reparations funds would not suffer the same fate?

Despite these minor blemishes, Comrade Pratt has written a classic that deserves to stand beside Adam Hochschild’s King Leopold’s Ghost, Eduardo Galeano’s Open Veins of Latin America, and Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. It is a vital contribution to global justice and should be required reading for anyone who believes in moral restitution and historical truth.

In salute, I say, “Comrade Kwesi Pratt, Aluta Continua, Victoria e certa!”

Arthur Kobina Kennedy

I had published an investigation that resulted in the cancellation of a $74 million fraudulent contract awarded to the Jospong Group.

The GJA President issued a press statement attacking my story. The press statement did not state anything wrong with the investigation, which was adjudged the overall best story in the 2018 West Africa Media Excellence Awards (WAMECA).

The GJA’s statement was concerned that a so-called profitable Ghanaian business was affected, saying such businesses should not be destroyed “in the name of investigative journalism.”

Last month, the GJA again offered its platform for a similar attack against The Fourth Estate, which had published a report on the KGL contract with the National Lotteries Authority (NLA). That contract diverted the income that should have been coming to the NLA to the private company, while the NLA gets only peanuts.

I am yet to see any rebuttal to the substance of The Fourth Estate report, but at the GJA’s award launch, the Executive Chairman of the KGL Group, Mr. Alex Apau Dadey, said, among others:

“The tendency to undermine our own across the country is worrying. The default reaction to successful local champions is often suspicion rather than celebration. Why do we cheer foreign conglomerates but question the success of local ones?”

Of course, he mentioned The Fourth Estate and referenced the publication on the NLA-KGL contract.

This is unfortunate, and the GJA should not follow money and allow private businesses caught in accountability journalism to spread this tired and false narrative that seeking accountability for public resources means destroying local businesses.

Such false narratives incite the public against journalists and media houses doing accountability journalism. It paints the journalists as enemies of the state, enemies of Ghanaian interests.

I don’t remember the GJA awards ever being named together with a sponsor, but this year’s event goes by the joint name GJA/KGL Awards. Irrespective of KGL’s sponsorship package, its officials shouldn’t be given the platform to undermine the very journalism that the GJA awards were created to honour.

Besides, it is not true that Ghanaian journalists are against local businesses. There are thousands of local businesses that have been built with the support of the media. There are also so-called businesses that sprout overnight, connive with politicians to sign obscene contracts that are detrimental to the interests of the state.

To say that the media should not expose them because they are local businesses is like saying a thief or an armed robber who attacks you should be set free if he is a Ghanaian.

Exposing corruption or unconscionable business dealings is not synonymous with targeting Ghanaian businesses. I have been reporting on Zoomlion’s operations since 2013, but not once have I reported on its contracts with private companies.

If, for instance, a private bank signs a private with Zoomlion, it is that bank’s responsibility to ensure that Zoomlion delivers. If the bank decides to pay Zoomlion for no work done, that is the bank’s problem.

However, if a business enters into a contract that involves public funds, it should be prepared to account to the public. It should not see accountability as an attack on Ghanaian business. Being a Ghanaian business doesn’t mean corruption.

If KGL thinks the publication got any facts wrong, the company should point it out. The company has the right to a rejoinder. And they have other remedies.

Using a GJA platform to dampen the spirit of the few media houses doing accountability journalism with such false and sweeping claims is detrimental to journalism.

The GJA must resist corporate capture and act in the interest of its members and good journalism.

Source: Manasseh Azure Awuni

When Dr. Cassiel Ato Forson assumed office as Minister for Finance on January 22, 2025, Ghana faced such a crossroads. The economy, weighed down by crippling debt and a crisis of confidence, required not just a manager but a master technician with the intellectual courage to execute a surgical and lasting fiscal reset.

Dr. Forson’s performance in the months that followed is not a story of minor adjustments; it is a narrative of intellectual rigor, decisive execution, and the swift restoration of Ghana’s credibility both domestically and internationally.

What sets Dr. Forson apart is the seamless blend of academic authority and political mastery. Unlike many finance ministers who learn on the job, he arrived with a blueprint for national recovery, crafted during his years of rigorous study.

His PhD in Finance from KNUST, earned in 2020, focused precisely on Ghana’s debt sustainability, concluding even then that the nation’s debt was on an unsustainable trajectory.

The policies he is now implementing are not speculative—they are the calculated application of his own evidence-based conclusions. Complementing this foundation is his qualification as an Oxford-trained Tax Professional (MSc in Taxation) and his experience as Ghana’s Alternate Governor to the IMF, where he played a key role in negotiating the 2015 Extended Credit Facility (ECF) Programme. This technical expertise allowed him to hit the ground running, essential for a nation in crisis.

A true measure of leadership is the speed and clarity with which one addresses public pain. Dr. Forson’s first actions were both fiscal and moral, aimed at restoring public trust.

In his inaugural address, he declared a clear mission: a “war against wasteful expenditure.” This vision became the cornerstone of his early success.

A decisive move came with the announcement—and subsequent parliamentary approval—of the scrapping of the Electronic Transfer Levy (E-levy). This unpopular tax had become a source of public frustration.

The government’s ability to remove a major revenue source, while simultaneously implementing rigorous cost-control measures to eliminate wasteful spending, demonstrated strategic confidence and renewed the social contract with Ghanaians.

Beyond this tactical victory, Dr. Forson’s crowning achievement is the structural and legislative reform he engineered to make fiscal discipline permanent.

Through amendments to the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921), he introduced two pillars of long-term stability: the Debt Rule, legally binding Ghana to reduce its debt-to-GDP ratio to 45% by 2035, and the Operational Rule, mandating an annual primary surplus of at least 1.5% of GDP. Supported by the establishment of an Independent Fiscal Council, these measures shield financial decisions from short-term political expediency and provide long-term assurance to investors and future generations.

To curb the chronic buildup of unpaid government commitments, Dr. Forson also implemented stringent controls requiring prior approval from the Ministry of Finance for all government contracts.

This discipline immediately paid off: in a high-level meeting with the nation’s bankers, he confidently assured that the government had built “sufficient financial buffers” to meet every obligation under the 2025 Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP), stating firmly, “We do not intend to default.” This decisive action stabilized the domestic financial sector and restored confidence in Ghana’s sovereign commitments.

International recognition soon followed. After the successful Staff-Level Agreement at the Fifth Review of the IMF ECF, global financial institutions spoke in unison. Moody’s upgraded Ghana’s sovereign credit outlook, praising the government’s fiscal discipline and structural reforms.

The IMF and World Bank commended the Ghanaian economic management team for “prudent fiscal stewardship and a coherent policy framework,” while IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva personally acknowledged Dr. Forson’s “strong commitment to economic reforms.”

Dr. Forson’s tenure is a testament to disciplined, scholarly leadership applied to the realities of political economy. By linking his PhD research on debt sustainability to legislative reforms like the PFM Act’s debt rule, and directing all Annual Budget Funding Amount (ABFA) revenues toward productive infrastructure projects, he has positioned Ghana to grow its way out of debt.

In transitioning Ghana from fiscal anxiety to structural assurance, Dr. Forson has proven himself the essential scholar-statesman for this era. His legacy is not only the stability he has restored but the foundation he has laid for “The Ghana We Want”—a nation built on prudence, discipline, and globally validated confidence.

He is a Finance Minister whose judgment the nation can trust, regardless of opposition or misunderstanding, and whose tenure is already shaping the future of Ghana’s economic destiny.

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The supposed person made some seriously misleading pronouncements against the use of bamboo as reinforcement in concrete works as opposed to that of iron rods.

Well, as the official founder of this all-important technology and a beneficiary award winner of this project, both internationally and locally, including but not limited to the coveted Socrates Award for Quality and Innovation received in Rome, Italy, almost a decade ago, I deemed it necessary to correct the wrong impression put out there by someone or a group of people who are supposed to know better.

But unfortunately did otherwise for reasons I can only guess are either complete ignorance or a deliberate attempt to degrade all the hard work put into this research by my organisation, hence, this piece.

In addressing this issue, this article picks up on the key reasons the resource personnel gave and compares and contrasts them with those of iron rods, analysing them scientifically, socially, and environmentally, leaving the socioeconomic and other analyses for another day. In the end, I will draw a conclusion for my readers’ judgment.

Reasons Given:

1. The alkaline content of the cement may weaken the strength of the bamboo when it comes into contact.

In Ghana and mostly across the world, Portland cement is the main binding agent used for almost all concrete work. These types come in either 32.5R or 42.5R, depending on the strength one is looking for in the mix. Research has shown that the alkaline content in these cement types ranges from 0.4% to 1.6% depending on the raw materials used and not the brand. Source: (Science Direct)

Therefore, whether one uses 32.5R or 42.5R, the alkaline (NaOH) content will remain within the above-stated range. Research has also proven that mature bamboo’s tensile ability will rather increase as the alkaline content increases to over 20% to 25% before it starts failing with more alkaline presence. (Source: ScienceDirect.com)

My argument is this: how can our Portland cement, with an alkaline content of less than 2% destroy the tensile strength of the matured bamboo when it requires about 25% and above before it begins to weaken its tensile ability?

In contrast, alkaline will improve the tensile strength of the bamboo up to a concentration of, say, above 20% before it starts affecting it negatively. Our Portland cement can only provide up to a maximum of 2% and therefore cannot cause any harm to the strength of the bamboo in any case. Hence, that assertion is completely false scientifically.

2. Bamboo expands by absorbing water with wet concrete, so when the concrete dries, there will be space between the bamboo and the dried concrete.

Yes, the easy expansion and contraction of bamboo in wet and dry concrete, respectively, is a special feature that allows bamboo to easily adapt to any kind of concrete mix and environment compared to iron rods. Undoubtedly, bamboo may expand in the wet concrete, but it will also shrink back to its original shape and size as the concrete cures. Therefore, bamboo, in short, will expand and contract with the concrete in proportional levels and hence leave no space between the dried concrete and the dried bamboo, contrary to what the president is proposing.

Iron rods may equally expand and contract over time in concrete. Although they may not expand immediately within the wet environment, their inability to easily expand and contract in different environments makes their adaptation quite complex compared to that of bamboo. This may lead to several cracking problems from drying shrinkage and easy rusting of the metal in a salty environment.
In contrast, in terms of bamboo’s ability to expand and contract in the wet concrete, it becomes an added advantage over that of the iron rods and therefore should not be seen as a problem but rather, a valuable asset of bamboo.

3. Bamboo will decompose over time; hence, Not Suitable for concrete work.

Well, iron rods will equally rust and even faster when exposed to a salty environment without the right amount of chemical treatment; hence, this argument falls short.

Generally, decomposition in organic materials occurs when agents like fungi, bacteria, and insects break down organic matter into simpler components. It is basically a natural process influenced by factors such as temperature, moisture, and oxygen. ( Source: Wikipedia.org).

From the above definition, decomposition, as proposed by the said engineer, is most unlikely when the bamboo is buried in the concrete. It becomes like an “embalmed dead body” and can last for centuries unless the strength of the concrete is compromised and the bamboo is exposed. Until such a time, the concrete material around the bamboo naturally forms the ‘protective coat” so long as the bamboo remains in the concrete without exposure to the atmosphere.

There is therefore no reason to believe that bamboo in concrete will decompose without exposure to the atmosphere or other agents that may cause it to do so, as proposed by the President.

4. Bamboo does not match the tensile strength of steel but possesses a High Tensile Strength and an excellent strength-to-weight ratio.

In contrast, matured bamboo has a tensile strength comparable to or even higher than some types of mild steel, with figures ranging from around 100-300MPa (14,500.43,500psi ) for bamboo and 250-415MPa (36,000-60,000psi) for mild steel, and 400-1000MPa or 58,000-145,000psi) for high tensile steel. (Source: Science Direct.) This means that, except for high-tensile steel, mature bamboo can match the strength of any of these regular mild steels at any point in time.

Again, as the President Engineer humbly admitted, it is true that mature bamboo has an excellent strength-to-weight ratio compared to that of iron rods. As part of my research, we have figures not less than six times greater, depending on the breed. Hence, to compensate for any loss in tensile strength during structural design using bamboo, all one has to do is double or increase the quantity of bamboo being used until the needed strength is attained. This may not necessarily overload the dead weight of the entire structure. It is important to note that the same cannot be said for the iron rods. These qualities and many others give bamboo an additional advantage over iron rods.

5. Economic Benefit.

Aside from the many other uses of bamboo in the construction industry, which time and space do not allow me to mention here, the cost of bamboo is far cheaper than that of iron rods in any part of the world; hence, there is no need for me to discuss the economic impact on construction projects when properly used. In Ghana, for example, the cost of one ton of bamboo is about ten times cheaper than that of ordinary mild steel rods, if not more.

6. Environmental Impact.

Iron rod production always comes with a huge negative impact on the environment in terms of energy consumption and the amount of heat and carbon dioxide that is released into the atmosphere, leading to climate changes such as global warming and other related climate issues. For example, in the production of every one ton of iron rods, about 400-700 kWh of electricity is used, and this also produces about 1.8 tons of CO2 in additional emissions into the atmosphere. Source: steelonthenet.com

Alternatively, the production of bamboo will provide more oxygen to the atmosphere, thereby making the environment friendlier, as plants absorb carbon dioxide (CO2) and give off oxygen during the process of photosynthesis.

7. Social Impact.

The use of bamboo in place of iron rods in modern-day buildings will demystify the social misconceptions and beliefs that high-rise buildings and other strong reinforced structures belong to a certain class of people. It seeks to bring building and otherwise sophisticated construction home to the ordinary; hence, the need to encourage its use within our local communities.

That said, I wish to state that mature bamboo’s ability to provide the needed tensile strength in concrete works exists in nature and hence is scientific. Therefore, no amount of propaganda can alter that.

Conclusion

In conclusion, let me admit that most of my research work in this area has not been officially published to provide others who may want to use bamboo as a reinforcement method. However, that publication was very misleading, especially coming from that source, and it needs to be completely disregarded and treated with the contempt it deserves. In the interim, I will be attaching some of my research works on bamboo, and at the appropriate time, I will publish the first volume of my book on bamboo structural reinforcement.

Thanks, and may God bless us all.

Source: Kofi Anokye, CEO, Koans Group.

(LLM, LLB, MBA, BSC, HND, B-TECH.)

As public institutions, banks, and private operators increasingly depend on digital infrastructure, the need to protect networks from cyber threats has never been more urgent.

Yet the proposed Cybersecurity (Amendment) Bill, 2025, currently before Parliament, has triggered legitimate unease within Ghana’s policy and legal community.

The Institute for Liberty and Policy Innovation (ILAPI) has issued a detailed submission that welcomes the Bill’s intentions but raises serious constitutional and governance concerns.

The Institute’s analysis is not an indictment of regulation but a reminder that good cybersecurity policy must always coexist with civil liberties, fiscal prudence, and rule-of-law safeguards.

At the heart of ILAPI’s concern is a structural question: should a regulatory authority that was created to coordinate, advise, and build resilience now assume the powers of the police, prosecutor, and judge?

The proposed amendments, if passed without reform, could re-engineer the Cyber Security Authority into an entity with powers far beyond its original mandate.

The Institute warns that this would not only distort the purpose of Ghana’s Cybersecurity Act, 2020 (Act 1038), but could also weaken the very legitimacy on which cybersecurity enforcement depends.

1. Blurring the Line Between Regulation and Law Enforcement

The first and most far-reaching issue arises from the Bill’s proposed Sections 59A and 59B, which empower the Cyber Security Authority to conduct criminal investigations, prosecute cybercrimes, and recover assets.

On its face, this seems efficient—a single body both detects and punishes offences. But ILAPI argues that such concentration of power breaches a constitutional firewall that has long safeguarded Ghana’s justice system.

Article 88 of the 1992 Constitution vests the exclusive right to prosecute criminal offences in the Attorney-General, who acts as the guardian of legality in all prosecutions. Any institution exercising prosecutorial powers must do so under a written delegation from the Attorney-General.

The Bill, as drafted, bypasses this requirement entirely. It allows the Authority to prosecute cyber offences and to institute civil asset recovery actions on its own initiative.

This dual role risks undermining the neutrality of enforcement by converting a technical regulator into a coercive law enforcement agency.

The Authority’s fundamental identity—as a civilian, coordinating, and capacity-building institution—would be replaced with a security-style apparatus operating outside established oversight channels.

ILAPI contends that this shift would not only violate the Constitution but could chill private-sector cooperation, deter innovation, and invite political manipulation under the guise of cybersecurity enforcement.

To preserve balance, ILAPI recommends explicit statutory language requiring all prosecutions to proceed only under written fiat from the Attorney-General, supported by Memoranda of Understanding with the Police and the Economic and Organised Crime Office.

Such coordination would preserve professional boundaries, ensure evidentiary integrity, and protect the Authority from accusations of overreach. Ghana’s cybersecurity framework, in ILAPI’s view, must remain civilian in character, technical in function, and constitutional in execution.

2. The Dangers of Warrant-less Power and the Erosion of Due Process

ILAPI’s second and perhaps most powerful intervention targets Section 59J, which authorises inspectors from the Authority to enter and audit premises with only seven days’ written notice—no warrant required.

The clause excludes domestic premises, which is commendable, but its reach remains alarmingly wide. Under this draft, any organisation operating a computer system or infrastructure deemed critical could be subject to unannounced inspection, document seizure, or data review by the Authority’s officers.

Such warrant-less entry, ILAPI warns, is constitutionally indefensible. Article 18(2) of Ghana’s Constitution guarantees the right to privacy of home, property, and correspondence, allowing interference only when necessary for public safety or national security under due legal authority.

Routine inspections without judicial authorisation cannot be justified as “necessary” within the meaning of the Constitution. They expose private companies, banks, and even state agencies to arbitrary intrusion, disrupt business continuity, and risk compromising sensitive or privileged data.

In response, ILAPI has drafted an alternative version of Section 59J that should serve as a model for the legislative drafters.

In the Institute’s proposal, judicial warrants become the default requirement, with warrant-less entry allowed only in narrowly defined life-or-safety emergencies.

The redrafted section defines “reasonable belief” with precision, requiring specific and articulable facts rather than vague suspicion. It also mandates written reports to be filed with both the Authority and the courts within forty-eight hours of any emergency entry, ensuring accountability through judicial review.

Perhaps most importantly, ILAPI introduces a “corrective-action plan” mechanism that transforms the inspection process from one of punishment to one of compliance support.

After each inspection, the Authority must issue written findings and give the inspected entity an opportunity to contest conclusions or propose remedial steps within thirty days.

This approach mirrors best practices in administrative law and international cybersecurity regulation—from the United Kingdom’s Network and Information Systems Regulations to Singapore’s Cybersecurity Act—and reaffirms that regulation must first guide before it punishes.

By advocating for procedural safeguards, ILAPI is not weakening enforcement; it is fortifying its legitimacy.

In a constitutional democracy, enforcement is only as strong as the fairness with which it is exercised. Warrant-less powers, undefined discretion, and absent reporting obligations are not hallmarks of strength; they are symptoms of administrative fragility. Ghana can build cybersecurity resilience without building a surveillance state.

3. Oversight, Fiscal Accountability, and the Spirit of Democratic Regulation

Beyond prosecutorial and inspection powers, ILAPI’s submission draws attention to the creeping fiscal and institutional autonomy embedded in several amendments.

The proposed reforms to the Cybersecurity Fund, accreditation powers, and certification of emerging technologies risk turning the Authority into a self-financing super-regulator without clear parliamentary control.

Under the current draft, revenue streams include administrative penalties, service fees, and a share of fines—mechanisms that directly conflict with the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921).

Allowing a regulator to retain a portion of fines it imposes creates a perverse incentive structure, where enforcement becomes a source of revenue rather than a tool of compliance.

ILAPI insists that all funds collected under the Act should be paid into the Consolidated Fund, audited by the Auditor-General, and re-appropriated through Parliament.

This not only preserves fiscal discipline but also aligns with Article 173 of the Constitution, which centralises public revenue.

The Institute also warns against the creeping securitisation of the Authority’s personnel and benefits, proposed under Section 20A, which seeks to align staff conditions with those of intelligence and security services.

Such a move, it argues, blurs the Authority’s civilian identity and could lead to opaque financial management outside the reach of conventional public-sector accountability systems.

The submission further critiques the Authority’s growing mandate over the certification of innovative technologies like artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and blockchain.

While the intention to ensure secure technology deployment is commendable, ILAPI argues that this field already falls within the mandates of the Ghana Standards Authority, the National Communications Authority, and the Bank of Ghana.

Duplicating these roles creates regulatory congestion and increases compliance costs for innovators and small businesses.

The Institute therefore calls for Regulatory Impact Assessments before introducing any new licensing or certification regime, ensuring that rules are proportionate, evidence-based, and economically justified.

Underlying all these fiscal and institutional concerns is a deeper constitutional principle: the rule of law demands bounded power, transparent finance, and public oversight. When regulators operate without checks, they risk losing public confidence.

ILAPI’s call for redress is therefore not adversarial but restorative—it seeks to align cybersecurity governance with the constitutional fabric of Ghana’s democracy.

Conclusion: Security with Liberty, Power with Accountability

The cybersecurity conversation in Ghana must not be reduced to a choice between safety and freedom. True security lies in upholding the rule of law even in the face of digital threats.

ILAPI’s intervention in the Cybersecurity (Amendment) Bill, 2025, captures this delicate equilibrium. The Institute recognises that cybersecurity is a public good, but it insists that it must be pursued through lawful means that respect privacy, procedural fairness, and fiscal transparency.

The proposed amendments, if passed without modification, could unintentionally weaken the constitutional foundations of Ghana’s digital governance.

By empowering a regulatory body with prosecutorial and inspection powers that bypass judicial oversight, the Bill risks turning cybersecurity enforcement into a domain of unchecked authority.

ILAPI’s alternative vision—rooted in judicial warrants, Attorney-General supervision, and fiscal accountability—offers a blueprint for reform that both strengthens national resilience and protects civil liberty.

As Parliament considers the Bill, policymakers must remember that the digital future of Ghana will not be secured by force of power but by fidelity to principle.

Every statute that touches the digital domain should reflect the same constitutional care that underpins the physical one. The Institute for Liberty and Policy Innovation’s recommendations remind the nation that even in cyberspace, law remains the strongest firewall.

Source: Desmond Israel Esq. Senior Policy Analyst
Institute for Liberty and Policy Innovation

A video recently went viral of a teenage girl sobbing as her long locs were cut off to meet her school’s entry requirements.

The incident at Yaa Asantewaa Girls’ Senior High School, where all female students must keep their hair cropped short, sparked public outrage and renewed scrutiny of rules that have remained unchanged for decades.

It’s an issue that never truly disappears, only re-emerging every few years when a new story goes viral and reignites the debate.

Each time, we are forced to confront the same uncomfortable truth: our education system continues to cling to outdated notions of discipline and conformity, even as the world around us evolves.

This was not an isolated incident; it exposes a deeper issue within our schools, one where outdated ideas of discipline continue to masquerade as developmental virtue.

Some authorities have doubled down in the face of criticism, insisting that these rules are essential for building character and focus.

But these regulations are relics of another era, policies rooted more in control than care, and they do little to nurture the confidence, creativity, and curiosity that healthy learning environments require.

When Rules Become Relics

Across Ghana’s public schools, students are forced to confront rules that barely feel relevant to them, not least because they are rarely explained.

Among the most notorious are those governing “hair upkeep,” whose consequences fall most visibly on girls, for whom hair carries deep cultural, personal, and even spiritual significance.

What was once likely introduced as a matter of practicality has endured as a rigid tradition. Beneath these explanations lies something more complicated: a lingering colonial inheritance that equates control with respect and sameness with virtue.

There is no evidence that a student’s hairstyle determines their focus, diligence, or academic success.

Yet the insistence on conformity persists. In truth, such rules are a quiet form of moral policing dressed up as tradition, policies that flatten individuality, discourage self-expression, and, perhaps most concerningly, teach young people that obedience is a higher virtue than curiosity or confidence.

The recent video of the young girl has reignited this national conversation. It was a painful image, not only because of her distress, but because it revealed how deeply our thinking remains tethered to the past.

And like clockwork, the controversy is following a familiar pattern: public outrage, official defensiveness, and eventual silence.

Every few years, another story surfaces, forcing us to confront the same uncomfortable truth: that our education system continues to cling to outdated notions of discipline and decorum, even as the world around it changes.

The Cost of Control

In 2021, Tyrone Iras Marhguy, a brilliant Ghanaian student, was denied admission to Achimota School because he refused to cut his dreadlocks, an expression of his religious identity. It took a High Court ruling to affirm what should never have been in question: his right to education.

Tyrone’s story has since become a symbol of principle. He not only excelled academically, earning straight A’s in his final exams, but has been admitted to study Computer Engineering at the University of Pennsylvania on a full scholarship.

His success exposes the hollowness of the arguments that justified the form of control he had to endure.

In his own words, Tyrone reflected on the absurdity of the fears projected onto him:

“There is a beautiful caution from the house I live in, which says that keeping your hair can and will impair your learning, force you against authorities, and influence you into hard drugs till you fail. I kept my hair, and obviously, it’s failed me miserably! … It’s the ultimate ‘failure’: gaining admission to the University of Pennsylvania to study Computer Engineering on a fully awarded scholarship.”

He ends with a question that should haunt policymakers:

“But what has uniformity got to do with equality?”

Tyrone’s experience is not an anomaly; it is a mirror. It reflects an education system that is more concerned with enforcing sameness and equates control with virtue.

His story is proof that hair, like individuality itself, has never been the problem. The problem lies in a system still guided by the fear that freedom leads to disorder.

Education for the Future, Not the Past

The future is already here: it is global, it is digital, and diverse. Yet our policies remain rooted in the paranoia of the past. We fear that without strict uniformity, we’ll lose control. But what we’re really losing is relevance.

Education prepares young people to think critically, express themselves, and navigate a world that values diversity and innovation. We cannot raise creative problem-solvers by forcing them into conformity from the classroom to the hair salon.

The qualities that matter most in tomorrow’s leaders—empathy, curiosity, resilience, and respect, cannot be cultivated in an environment obsessed with appearance.

Countries around the world are rethinking outdated school policies. In the United States, the CROWN Act now prohibits discrimination based on natural hairstyles, recognising that such biases are both racial and cultural.

Closer to home, scholars at KNUST have called for the decolonisation of hair policies, urging schools to embrace Afrocentric styles such as braids, locs, and twists.

Their argument is simple but profound: to truly educate the African child, we must allow her to exist as herself.

A Call for Common Sense

If the goal is discipline, there are better ways to achieve it. Schools can maintain standards of neatness, cleanliness, and respect without resorting to blanket bans on hair length or style.

They can promote equality by ensuring all students have access to affordable grooming and hygiene resources, not by erasing their individuality.

And they can teach respect not through punishment, but through participation, by involving students and parents in setting fair, reasonable guidelines.

Are these rules making our students more focused, disciplined, or curious? Or do they simply make them more fearful and compliant?

A fearful and compliant student body should never be the outcome of an education system; it is a symptom of failure rather than accomplishment.

Education should cultivate minds capable of critical thought and leadership, yet we continue to produce students trained to conform in a world that rewards the opposite.

Technology is transforming industries, economies, and even the nature of work at a pace never seen before. In such an era, young people who are taught to obey without questioning are already at a disadvantage on the global stage.

Africa’s youth are set to become the most prominent and populous generation in the world, a demographic powerhouse with the potential to redefine innovation and leadership. Our education policies must rise to meet that future, not stifle it. We should be preparing young Africans to shape the world, not simply fit into it.

Let Go of the Past

Ghana’s education system has a proud legacy, but it requires evolution. The world our children are stepping into values creativity, critical thinking, and self-awareness, not blind conformity.

It’s time we recognised that a student’s sense of self, including something as simple yet symbolic as their hair, is not a distraction from learning; it is an expression of identity that shapes how they learn, lead, and engage with the world.

We often say education is the passport to the future. If that’s true, then we cannot keep stamping that passport with the ink of the past.

Let us build an education system that embodies confidence, inclusion, and respect, one that treats students not as subjects to be controlled but as citizens to be prepared, empowered, and inspired.

Because in the end, it does matter, not just the rules we enforce, but the kind of people those rules help our children become.

Source: Marcia Ashong-Sam, MCIArb

Whether real, staged, or symbolic, it has once again stirred a national conversation that resurfaces every few years because it sits deeply in the soul of our identity as a people.

The video mirrors what many Ghanaian girls have experienced for generations and reawakens a question we can no longer ignore: What place does identity hold in our education system today?

Across Ghana, many still recall the long-standing tradition that requires female students in senior high schools to keep their hair short.

Rooted in discipline, equality, and uniformity, it was introduced with good intentions to promote focus, humility, and sameness in an environment that moulds young minds. Yet, in this modern age of cultural rediscovery, that tradition also invites us to pause and reflect.

Hair, especially for the African girl, is not merely cosmetic. It tells history. It holds memory. It speaks culture.

For some, it is a spiritual expression; for others, a badge of identity and belonging. When such a symbol becomes a point of tension, perhaps what we need is not argument but honest conversation.

To date, the Ghana Education Service (GES) has not issued a national directive that mandates the compulsory cutting of girls’ hair in senior high schools.

What exists are institutional traditions and interpretations of discipline and neatness that have solidified over time.

Some schools, particularly private ones, have begun to adapt, allowing girls to maintain their hair under clear hygiene and grooming rules, proving that neatness and identity can coexist.

This reflection is not a criticism of the GES or of the discipline that Ghanaian schools have upheld for decades. Rather, it is a call to collectively re-examine the parts of our system that consistently evoke public debate.

If, year after year, a simple question about a girl’s hair triggers such strong emotion, then it is no longer a trivial issue. It is a mirror showing us something about who we are becoming.

Our Constitution already gives us guidance. Article 15 guarantees the right to dignity. Article 17 ensures equality before the law and protection from discrimination.

Article 25 guarantees the right to education for all. These principles remind us that school should be a place of discovery, not suppression; a place where discipline shapes confidence, not fear.

The 2021 High Court ruling on the Achimota case reinforced this. By declaring that denying students admission because of their hair was unconstitutional, the court reminded the nation that grooming rules must serve education, not erase identity.

Beyond the law, Ghana has also signed global commitments that protect the rights and dignity of the child, including the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child.

These frameworks, like a moral compass, guide us toward systems that uplift rather than diminish.

Amid this reflection, We Naturals joins countless Ghanaians, educators, parents, policymakers, NGOs, civil society organisations, and cultural advocates in calling for an open, national dialogue.

A conversation that is not about rebellion but about balance. One that protects both discipline and dignity and finds harmony between neatness and self-expression.

We are ready and willing to collaborate with schools, the GES, and relevant partners to design simple grooming and hair-care education programmes that help students maintain neat and healthy hair within school standards.

This is not about promoting a style or brand, but about helping young people understand care, discipline, and identity from a place of pride.

If Ghana is to remain a light on the continent, then our systems must reflect both our history and our growth.

Allowing our girls to wear their hair neatly and confidently will not erode discipline. It will deepen it, because discipline born from understanding lasts longer than that born from enforcement.

This is the time to look again, to listen again, and to rebuild from understanding.

Because the hair we cut is not just hair. It is story, strength, and soul.

Source: Dorinda Mawuenya Quashie, CEO, We Naturals

The late Apostle was not only the founder and leader of the Kristo Asafo Church, but he was also regarded as a ‘living genius’ in Ghana.

As Ghana and Africa envision being at par in technological advancements with their counterparts in Western countries, Apostle Safo Kantanka arguably led the vision for Ghana.

From developing talking vehicles, toilets, to building armoured vehicles and aircrafts locally, his brainpower earned him many respects from diplomas and the citizenry.

In fact, he was a ‘demigod’ to the thousands of congregants in his church.

It was, therefore, not surprising to see his church members celebrate what they believed was his revelation to them since his departure in such a spectacle.

The church members have suffered social media ridicule for their actions on the day.

But I am not here to judge anyone. I am simply here to conduct my duties as a journalist to explain what happened in the humid skies.

That day was not the only time this ‘circular rainbow’ has been beheld in Ghana.

Ghana travel guide

In fact, the first time I saw one was in 2012 when I was only a JHS 2 student in Obuasi.

Just like the members of Kristo Asafo who reckoned the mystery in the skies was how their leader wanted to reveal his presence to them, I only reckoned it was the second coming of Jesus Christ after my friends showered me with some stories about the end times.

But really, what was that in the skies?

Similar to rainbows you see in the skies occasionally, this is known as ‘Halo’, otherwise known as the ‘22-degree Halo’.

A halo is a ring or light that forms around the sun or moon as the sun’s or moonlight refracts off ice crystals present in a thin veil of cirrus clouds. It is usually seen as a bright, white ring, although sometimes it can have colour.

Imagine the sun as a white torchlight thrown into a dark room, and in between the beam of light sits a glass prism – a transparent optical structure with a flat, polished surface.

As the ray of light passes through the optical structure, it is separated into the rainbow colours – red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo and violet (ROY G BIV). This scientific principle is known as refraction – essentially the redirection of a wave [in this case light] as it passes through one medium to another.

Now, as the sunlight hits the surface of the earth, it is interfered with by the ice crystals of the clouds – typically cirrus or cirrostratus – suspended in the atmosphere.  This visible light is then separated at a 22-degree angle into the rainbow colours in a disc-like fashion in the sky.

This is simply the physics behind whatever happened in the sky.

It is usually common in colder regions of the earth, but in hotter climates, they usually appear during the rainy seasons.

Some schools of thought have associated this phenomenon with Ixion’s punishment in Greek mythology.

School supplies

But appearing on the 40-day observance of the Apostle, “is that a coincidence of an unexplainable mystic which shows the church has lost a true gem and a demigod to the heavens?”

I will leave that to the spiritualists and prophets to explain or unravel the mystery.

Source: Emmanuel Quaicoe

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One story in particular, 70-year-old Prince Anthony Opoku Acheampong, who died in his car after 7 hospitals turned him away over claims that there were no beds, captured national attention.

Many citizens were irate that, in the midst of this, the newly constructed University of Ghana Medical Centre still stood empty and unused.

There were protests and demonstrations over the non-operation of the hospital. The government had to act quickly; there was a need to find a capable leader to operationalise the hospital. One name that quietly emerged behind the scenes, Dr Darius Kofi Osei, a medical doctor and hospital manager known more for results than for rhetoric.

He had established a track record as an astute hospital manager. At Kwahu Government Hospital in Atibie, where he had his first post as a medical doctor, he rose to become Medical Superintendent at a young age and turned a struggling rural facility into one of the most efficient hospitals in the Eastern Region.

Before his tenure, the hospital had become notorious for high maternal mortality, low attendance, poor staff morale, bushy surroundings and generally poor public perception. Many doctors did not want to be posted there.

Through his leadership, the facility turned around and was awarded the best hospital in the Eastern Region. Many leading hospitals such as Korle Bu, Komfo Anokye, and Trust Hospital came for study tours to observe the transformation that had taken place.

After his resounding success at Atibie, he was posted to Interbeton, officially known as the Central Regional Hospital, at Cape Coast. Again, he went to work and leveraged management principles, a knack for data analysis and systems thinking, and built the hospital into a top-notch institution that raised both service quality and staff morale. Perhaps, what had become his most remarkable accomplishment at the time was the hiving off, restructuring and rebranding of the SSNIT Hospital to Trust Hospitals. 

In July 2006, Dr. Osei was appointed General Manager of the medical arm of SSNIT to take over leadership of the SSNIT Hospital. He met an institution that was in disarray, struggling financially and constantly seeking support from the mother organization.

He professionalized operations, improved governance structures, modernized management systems, and turned around the financial position of the hospital that it became independent of SSNIT.

He presented a new business plan that led to the rebranding of the hospital and the eventual establishment of satellite clinics in various locations under the Trust Clinic brand. By the end of his tenure, he had successfully positioned the hospital as one of the most respected private healthcare providers in the country.

It was this achiever who was appointed as the founding CEO to operationalize the University of Ghana Medical Centre (UGMC).  When he took office as Interim CEO in July 2018, the facility had no operational budget. Not a cedi had been allocated to start operations.

The government, straining under immense political pressure, had put him at the helm with no budget, no staff, no equipment, just empty buildings. But within months, systems began to take shape. Recruitment was done transparently, departments were structured, and governance frameworks were built from the ground up.

Under Dr. Osei’s leadership, UGMC became a hub of medical excellence, blending clinical care, training, and research. When the COVID-19 pandemic struck, the hospital played a crucial national role as a treatment and research center. Its “Covid Connect” telemedicine platform allowed patients to consult doctors remotely, demonstrating how technology and preparedness can save lives.

This amazing story of a lifetime of achievement, leadership and transformation has been documented in his upcoming memoir of the title Not Easily Beaten. In it, Dr. Osei describes the exciting highs and lows of his life and the remarkable impact he has had on the institutions he has led. He details the processes and approaches he used in leading and transforming some of Ghana’s leading medical institutions.

“Leadership,” he writes, “is not about comfort. It is about staying calm in the storm and finding solutions when others see impossibilities.” It’s a book not only for medical doctors or hospital managers, but for every person who desires a life of leadership, impact or transformation. Its lessons will spur you on to dream and design a compelling future for yourself. No challenge is too great, and no system too broken to be rebuilt.

Source: Kelvin Gyimah

This high-level visit represents an affirmation of Ghana’s strategic orientation toward the East, in recognition of the accelerating global shift in economic gravity and development cooperation toward Asia, particularly China.

I am a Ghanaian residing and working in China. Over the past few decades, I have witnessed a significant portion of China’s remarkable economic transformation.

I attended the Presidential Business Forum with my Chinese business partner, a national event that brought together Ghanaians living in China, alongside numerous Chinese business representatives. The forum was well attended by both Ghanaian entrepreneurs and their Chinese counterparts.

The optimism and opportunities that such a platform fosters between the two nations are truly commendable. We extend our appreciation to President Mahama for this visionary initiative.

The Presidential Forum took place at a time when the international community continues to navigate the aftermath of the post–COVID-19 economic recession.

President Mahama’s visit stands as a timely and visionary manoeuvre. It demonstrates Ghana’s resolve to reposition itself within a global framework increasingly defined by new alliances, mutual economic interdependence, and South–South collaboration.

Domestically, the visit comes on the heels of President Mahama’s resounding re-election victory and the formation of his “Reset Government”—a governance framework imbued with renewed optimism and anchored on the aspirations of the Ghanaian people.

The National Democratic Congress (NDC)’s overwhelming parliamentary majority has provided the President with the political latitude to implement his transformative agenda with decisiveness.

Yet, this mandate also comes with a profound responsibility—to translate political capital into tangible socio-economic outcomes for the citizenry.

At the core of the Presidential Business Forum in Beijing lie seven thematic policy pillars:

Economic revitalisation and stimulus,

Agricultural modernisation through mechanisation,

Job creation and employment accessibility,

Promotion of trade and international commerce,

Advancement of green energy, industrialisation, and infrastructural transformation, encapsulated in the NDC’s 2024 manifesto as “The Big Push.”

President Mahama’s engagement with China, therefore, is not incidental—it is a deliberate, strategic initiative aimed at leveraging China’s developmental experience, industrial might, and technological prowess to accelerate Ghana’s own modernisation process.

The Economic and Diplomatic Implications

During the Presidential Economic Forum hosted by the Ghanaian Embassy in Beijing, President Mahama articulated his vision of an economically transformed Ghana—a nation where prosperity is equitably distributed and development reaches even the most marginalised communities.

The highlight of the visit was the signing of a bilateral trade agreement with President Xi Jinping, introducing a zero-tariff regime for Ghanaian exports to China. This landmark accord effectively opens the gates of the vast Chinese market to 100% of Ghanaian exportable goods, offering immense potential for value addition and foreign exchange earnings.

This initiative signals the dawn of a new export era for Made-in-Ghana products—ranging from cocoa derivatives such as chocolate and coffee to shea butter, tropical fruits (avocado, oranges, guava, bananas), and authentic Ghanaian textiles and handicrafts.

The Chinese market’s vast consumer base presents a unique opportunity for Ghanaian entrepreneurs to globalise their operations and elevate national pride in locally produced goods. This could serve as a catalyst for sustained export growth, foreign revenue generation, and domestic employment expansion.

Agriculture and Mechanisation: Lessons from China

A central theme in President Mahama’s economic diplomacy is the modernisation of Ghana’s agricultural sector. Drawing inspiration from China’s remarkable transformation in food security and mechanised agriculture, Ghana aims to reposition agriculture as a driver of national prosperity.

With its expansive arable land and favourable climate, Ghana possesses untapped potential to achieve agricultural self-sufficiency and even become a net exporter of food products.

President Mahama’s call for foreign and domestic investment in agro-industrial ventures—spanning crop cultivation, aquaculture, and livestock farming—underscores his recognition that agriculture is both an economic and social stabiliser.

Through mechanisation, innovation, and value-chain integration, Ghanaian farmers can emulate China’s model of large-scale productivity, thereby reducing dependence on food imports and mitigating inflationary pressures linked to external shocks.

Employment, Industrialisation, and Skills Development

The ripple effects of agricultural modernisation extend directly to job creation, particularly for Ghana’s burgeoning youth population.

By reconceptualising employment beyond the confines of white-collar work, President Mahama advocates for a new paradigm that celebrates vocational and technical skills as vital engines of national productivity.

Industrialisation—rooted in skilled labour and technology transfer—is a key pillar of this transformative vision. China’s meteoric industrial ascent offers invaluable lessons in how a developing nation can harness disciplined human capital, state-led planning, and private-sector dynamism to achieve inclusive growth.

Ghana must, therefore, invest substantially in technical education, apprenticeships, and innovation ecosystems to bridge the skills gap and empower its workforce for a rapidly evolving industrial landscape.

Green Energy and Environmental Stewardship

Equally significant is Ghana’s commitment to sustainable development and environmental protection. As global concerns about climate change and resource depletion intensify, Ghana must align with international best practices in renewable energy, ecological preservation, and responsible mining. President Mahama’s renewed emphasis on green energy initiatives reaffirms Ghana’s dedication to a cleaner, more resilient economy.

This commitment demands not only technological adaptation but also civic responsibility. Ghanaians must embrace a culture of environmental stewardship, safeguarding national resources from exploitative practices while ensuring that foreign investments operate within the parameters of sustainability and national interest.

Conclusion: A Renewed Vision for Ghana’s Future

In summation, President Mahama’s state visit to China is emblematic of a new chapter in Ghana’s developmental trajectory—a chapter defined by pragmatic diplomacy, economic inclusivity, and visionary leadership.

The visit encapsulates the government’s unwavering determination to revitalise Ghana’s economy through agro-industrial expansion, export diversification, and strategic integration into the global economy, with China as a principal partner.

As President Mahama eloquently declared, “Ghana is open for business.” The success of this national renaissance, however, depends on the collective resolve of all Ghanaians—entrepreneurs, workers, policymakers, and citizens alike—to transform optimism into action, and vision into reality.

As the Government of Ghana continues to open the country for business, the state must develop the institutional capacity necessary to safeguard local enterprises and to curb unchecked exploitation by foreign expatriates and corporations.

Furthermore, Ghana’s national interests must be protected to prevent undue influence or abuse by foreign entities.

Ayekoo, President Mahama! Long live Ghana–China friendship! Long live the Republic of Ghana.

Source: Ohene Opoku Agyemang, PhD

I learnt of this risk in about 1990 in Obuasi when AngloGold (Ashanti Goldfields) installed its globally acclaimed innovative sulphur treatment plant (the STP-BIOX), which uses bacteria to remove sulphur compounds (pollutants) from water as part of its gold recovery process.

My cousin was the Mechanical Engineer in charge of running the plant. I was then a BSc Mathematics undergrad at KNUST.

When he took me on a visit to the plant, he told me of the risks of excessive poisons which the mining industry is unleashing into our environment and warned that Ghana shouldn’t allow individuals to do mining because they cannot safely handle these deadly pollutants in the same way Ashanti Goldfields was doing by investing in the expensive sulphur treatment plant.

Directly, he mentioned kidney damage risks associated with the chemicals used in recovering gold. – the compounds of cyanides, mercury, arsenic, etc. Being a science student then, I understood and appreciated the explanations he gave me.

So over the past 35 years, I have keenly observed the kidney damage risks unfold. For example, availability of dialysis machines in our hospitals hasn’t been a mainstream news until recent times.

Unfortunately, my cousin himself, then a Mechanical Engineer and who later became Contracts Manager for Anglogold Ashanti after studying law, died of kidney failure and I have had a reduced kidney function from my last test.

His words to me when he discovered he had kidney damage was “Taywee, I’ve been hit”. Yes, he calls me Taywee, short form for Tawiah.

After saying to me he has been hit, my question to him was “Hit by what?”. He said “I have been hit by kidney damage and you know I’ve been talking about this risk for a long time•.

This conversation took place in his office in Accra. He was then the Executive Secretary for Ghana Institution of Engineers.

Since then, I have been interested and observing kidney related news and it keeps becoming alarming. At this stage, the question will remain “who will act to save the people of Ghana from the increasing risks of kidney diseases?”

Amongst friends, I have told this kidney disease risks story for 35 years ever since my cousin educated me about it but I think the time is right to tell it publicly to increase awareness. May his soul continue to rest in perfect peace.

The author is a former Minister of Public Enterprises and former MP for the Effia Constituency

Source: Joseph Cudjoe

Introduction
Hospital laboratories play a central role in disease diagnosis, monitoring, and treatment outcomes.

In general, laboratories play pivotal roles in disease surveillance, with the WHO estimating that about 60% to 80% of all clinical decisions, including those regarding diagnosis, treatment, and discharge, stem from outcomes of accurate and reliable laboratory investigations and data from these laboratories

(1). Despite its critical contribution to healthcare delivery, many public hospital laboratories in Ghana face significant financial and operational challenges. The lack of a dedicated funding mechanism for laboratory operations often leads to frequent shortages of reagents, malfunctioning equipment, and delayed diagnostic services. To address these challenges, there is an urgent need to establish a Hospital Laboratory Account modeled after the existing Hospital Pharmacy Account system

Background and Context
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Ghana faced frequent shortages of essential medicines and significant inefficiencies in procurement. In response, the Ministry of Health (MOH) implemented the Drug Revolving Fund (DRF). Established in 1989 under the ‘cash-and-carry’ scheme, this initiative allowed health facilities to retain proceeds from drug sales to replenish their stock (3,4).

The policy aimed to ensure the continuous availability of medicines while reducing reliance on central government budget allocations. Recognized as one of the most impactful interventions in the health sector, it has fostered self-sufficiency and made affordable medicines accessible to the average Ghanaian. The policy continues to operate under the National Health Insurance System (NHIS) to this day.

Over the years, this mechanism has ensured a steady supply of drugs, improved accountability, and reduced dependence on central government funding (4,5). Public hospital laboratories continue to depend significantly on erratic budget allocations and donor funded programs, which frequently prove to be inadequate or delayed.

The lack of a consistent financial framework hampers their ability to maintain operational efficiency and respond to diagnostic needs.

The sense of professional embarrassment, moral and ethical frustration, and financial irony (given that laboratories are often seen as revenue generators for hospital facilities) substantially affects staff morale.

Furthermore, it raises questions about institutional practices, especially considering the high level of training and expertise of Ghanaian Medical Laboratory Professionals.

It is disheartening to hear the Ministry of Health suggest that outsourcing our laboratories to the highest bidders or relying on equipment placement and profit sharing alone with these hospitals will resolve Ghana’s health challenges, particularly as it attempts to separate the NHIS tariff for diagnostics.

The case of the Taylor & Taylor Company Limited offers critical insights for the Hon. Minister.

The first large-scale equipment placement initiative in the country was destined for failure due to a significant oversight, lacking a sustainable funding mechanism to ensure that the vendor would be compensated for their investment.

Consequently, the funds generated from the equipment placement were diverted into a consolidated fund within the hospitals, which, as is often the case, was poorly managed and inadequately accounted for. To address these issues, the establishment of a Hospital Laboratory Account is essential.

This initiative would enhance the efficiency, accountability, and sustainability of laboratory services within our institutions. Furthermore, it would effectively reduce diagnostic costs, modernize laboratory facilities, and equip them with the necessary tools, all of which align perfectly with the Ministry’s objectives (6,7).

The Case for a Hospital Laboratory Account
Establishing a Hospital Laboratory Account would enable laboratory units to generate, retain, and reinvest revenue from diagnostic services. Such a model, which is intended to follow the mechanisms of the Pharmacy account arrangement, would enhance efficiency, accountability, and sustainability of laboratory operations (8).

The following are additional reasons why there is an urgent need for the creation of the account: Parliament of Ghana. Health Sector Reform and Sustainability Bill (Draft). Accra: Parliament;

Sustainability of Laboratory Operations:
Establishing a dedicated account will guarantee a continuous supply of essential reagents,
consumables, and maintenance of equipment, independent of the often delayed central funding. This ring-fenced account, supported by legal provisions, would safeguard against political interference, even with changing government administrations. Unlike the current scenario, where a new government might replace existing contracts under the guise of “creating jobs for the boys,” this approach would prevent arbitrary shifts in staffing. It also avoids the risk of altering contractual agreements related to equipment placement at facilities or profit-sharing arrangements with facility management, which has been proposed by the ministry (9).

Retooling and Infrastructure Upgrade:
Funds accumulated through laboratory services could be used to procure modern diagnostic
equipment, upgrade infrastructure, and improve service delivery. The recent direction by the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) to Korle Bu Teaching Hospital, asking management to return funds that were used from the Revolving Drug Fund, is enough assurance that, should the Hospital Laboratory Account be created, there would be no opportunities for mismanagement, as has become the common practice of most hospitals (8,9,10).

Enhanced Quality Assurance:
Financial autonomy would allow laboratories to allocate resources to internal and external quality control programs, accreditation, and staff capacity building, ensuring standardization and reliability of laboratory results (8,9).

Reduced Service Interruptions:
With a revolving financial mechanism, laboratories can and would quickly respond to supply
shortages, avoiding diagnostic service disruptions that affect patient care. It will also eliminate the levels of professional embarrassment, moral and ethical frustration, financial irony (considering laboratories remain the cash cow of hospital facilities), impact on staff morale and institutional reflection that are commonly witnessed in our healthcare facilities, considering the level of training and the pedigree of Ghanaian Medical Laboratory Professionals (comparable to only Nigeria in the sub region) (10).

Improved Accountability and Financial Transparency:
Like the pharmacy account, the laboratory account will promote transparency in revenue generation, procurement, and expenditure tracking (11).

Support for National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS):
By ensuring the timely provision of laboratory services, the account will enhance the strengthening of the NHIS implementation and hospital reimbursement processes (12)

Alignment with Health System Strengthening Goals:
Establishing this account would ensure alignment with the Ministry of Health’s agenda to build resilient health systems and strengthen diagnostic capacity across public hospitals (13).

Legal and Policy Considerations

While no specific Act currently mandates the establishment of a Hospital Laboratory Account, it can be instituted through policy directives from the Ministry of Health, similar to the Revolving Drug Fund. The framework could be integrated into existing hospital financial management systems and aligned with the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921), to ensure accountability and transparency. Clear guidelines on fund management, approved expenditures, and signatory authority that safeguard the integrity of the account (14,15).

Expected Outcomes of Establishing the Hospital Laboratory Account
The funds from the Hospital Laboratory Account is expected to provide, among others:

1. A sustainable funding source for routine and specialized laboratory services.
2. A reduction in equipment downtime and an improved diagnostic turnaround time.
3. An enhanced laboratory accreditation, quality assurance, and staff motivation.
4. An increased public confidence in laboratory services within public hospitals and
5. An improved data availability for disease surveillance and health planning (16).

Conclusion and Recommendations

In conclusion, the establishment of a Hospital Laboratory Account is not only necessary but urgent. The Hospital Pharmacy Account system has proven effective in sustaining medicine availability and promoting financial autonomy in Ghanaian hospitals (17). While not explicitly created by an Act of Parliament, its basis in MoH policy and the National Medicines Policy ensures its legitimacy and operational importance. Establishing a Hospital Laboratory Account would provide similar benefits, enhancing sustainability and efficiency of diagnostic services. As the healthcare landscape evolves toward evidence-based decision-making, robust laboratory systems form the backbone of effective diagnosis and treatment. By adopting a model like the Hospital Pharmacy Account, public hospital laboratories in Ghana would achieve financial autonomy, sustainability, and improved service delivery.

It is recommended that:

1. The Ministry of Health develops a national policy framework for Hospital Laboratory Accounts.
2. The Ministry, through its agencies, pilots the system in selected facilities to demonstrate its effectiveness.
3. Laboratory and finance departments collaborate to design transparent accounting and reporting mechanisms.
4. Parliament considers integrating laboratory financial autonomy within broader health sector reforms (18). Thank you.

Source: Dr. Dr. Felix Kodzo Besah Sorvor, President, Democratic Forum for Medical Laboratory Professionals (DFMLP), Dated 16th Oct. 2025.

Legal education has become a national obsession, with thousands struggling to enter law faculties and the Ghana School of Law.

The Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Dr Dominic Akuritinga Ayine’s ongoing reforms – abolishing the Ghana School of Law’s monopoly and decentralising legal training – promise to open the doors even wider.

But while we celebrate the rise of lawyers, we must confront a sobering truth: Ghana is not producing enough engineers, doctors, scientists, and technicians, the very professionals who build the real economy that drives litigation.

Ghana has about 11,000 lawyers, with roughly 8,000 actively practicing, according to available data. This translates to about one lawyer for every 2,000 citizens.

Yet, some engineering and science departments in our universities graduate fewer than ten students annually. This imbalance is not just academic, it is existential and speaks to the development priorities of our dear nation.

While many have proffered various theories for this anomaly, in an attempt to justify it, the truth remains that we cannot litigate our way to development.

A courtroom victory does not build a bridge. A legal argument does not irrigate a farm. A brilliant submission before a judge will not turn poisoned rivers back into sources of life. Neither will it establish a business and employ any of the hundreds of unemployed graduates idling about.

Exodus of critical professionals
While the law profession is enjoying adequate if not excess replenishment, Ghana is bleeding its most essential talent.

A recent study found that 71.8% of Ghanaian doctors intend to emigrate, with the United States of America, the United Kingdom and Canada as top destinations.

The reasons are painfully familiar: poor working conditions, low pay, slow career progression, and lack of postgraduate training. The International Council of Nurses reports that Ghana loses between 400 to 500 nurses every month to emigration. Even though our health workforce density has doubled in two decades, from 16.56 to 41.92 per 10,000 people, many professionals remain unemployed due to fiscal constraints, while others leave for better opportunities abroad.

In effect, we are spending our meagre resources to train healers who heal other nations. We are educating builders who build elsewhere.
And yet, we continue to produce more lawyers to argue over what we have failed to build.

Engineers built nations
It is a fact that nations that transformed their economies did so by prioritising engineering and technical professions:
• Singapore rose from a third world country to first-world status by investing heavily in engineering, technology, and scientific research.
• China produces millions of engineers annually and other technical professionals every year, powering its rise as a global manufacturing and tech leader.
• South Korea made engineering a prestigious profession, fundamental to its industrial success.
• Germany and Japan built global reputations on engineering excellence and vocational training.

These nations did not build their futures on legal arguments only as we seem to be doing; they built them on bridges, railways, software, and factories.

That is why Ghana needs to reevaluate its educational investments to stop starving essential sectors such as agriculture, mining, construction, energy, and manufacturing which contribute billions to economic growth, revenue generation and job creation.

Despite these sectors serving as the heart and soul of the economy, technical education, through which adequate professionals will be churned out, remains underfunded and misaligned.

An August 2025 UNICEF study found that only one out of 57 Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) institutions in Ashanti Region offers agricultural training, despite high demand.

Information, communication and technology (ICT) training is similarly scarce. The Commission for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (CTVET) warns of a skills mismatch and infrastructure strain due to rising enrollment without adequate investment.

Lawyers need the real economy
Let me emphasize that I know the value of legal education. I assembled a formidable legal team to defend myself through nearly eight years of persecution. I am, therefore, not against more lawyers.

But I, like many others am for Ghana becoming more deliberate in nurturing the professionals who build the economy. Lawyers are indispensable but they thrive when the economy thrives. They draft contracts for factories, negotiate mergers or takeovers for businesses, and litigate disputes in mining, tech, banking and manufacturing deals, among others.

Without a vibrant real sector, the legal profession has fewer cases to handle, beyond crimes related to social vices, which are largely outcomes of a faltering economy, and political persecutions like what I suffered.

That is why Ghana must rebalance its national priorities.
We must make it just as prestigious to be a neurosurgeon, a robotics engineer, or a renewable energy expert as it is to be a lawyer. We must invest in technical education, align curricula with industry needs, and retain our critical professionals.

We must have vociferous advocates for an open, non-bias or secluded medical education system just as my good friend, Professor Stephen Kwaku Asare did for the opening up of the legal profession.

Let us not become a nation of brilliant litigators arguing over broken systems.

Let us not raise generations of lawyers to defend what we failed to build. Let us not celebrate the courtroom while our clinics are empty, our roads unfinished, and our industries underdeveloped.

Let us expand the real economy so that the lawyers we train have industries to advise, contracts to draft, and deals to close. Let us build a Ghana where prestige meets productivity. Where law serves industry. Where education fuels transformation.
Let us reprioritise. Let us rebalance, and let us build, starting now.

Source: Alhaji Seidu Agongo

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On 19th September 2025, Fourth Estate and Sulemana Briamah claimed that, NLA has exchanged a prime business for a peanut of GHS 170 million from KGL for the year 2025.

On 9th October 2025, Fourth Estate and Sulemana Briamah indicated that, NLA received GHS 157.6 million from KGL for 2024, and surprisingly today, 16th October 2025, Fourth Estate and Sulemana Briamah are misinforming their gullible readers that, “KGL makes millions in profit while NLA makes zero”.

The question many intelligent Ghanaians are asking Fourth Estate and Sulemana Briamah is that, if per their own narrative published on 19th September 2025 and 9th October 2025, if NLA received GHS 157.6 million in 2024 from KGL, and to receive GHS 170 million from KGL in 2025 then on what basis is Fourth Estate telling Ghanaians that, KGL makes millions in profit while NLA makes zero? So, according to the mathematical brains of Fourth Estate, GHS 157.6 million(2024) + GHS 170 million(2025) equals to ZERO PROFIT for NLA?

In total, NLA would obtained GHS 327.6 million(GHS 157.6m + GHS 170 m) from KGL for the financial years of 2024 and 2025.

This amount of GHS 327.6 million paid by KGL to NLA shall definitely goes up if monies NLA received from KGL in 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022, and 2023 are added.

Also, on Monday, 13th October 2025, Fourth Estate published that, “in 2019, for the first year of the NLA-KGL deal, NLA’s PROFIT for the State reduced to GHS 17 million”.

So, if NLA could make a profit of GHS 17 million for the State in the first year of NLA-KGL deal in 2019 then why is Fourth Estate turning 360 degrees to say that, “KGL makes millions in profit while NLA makes zero”?

KGL Profit in 2024

For the avoidance of any doubt, KGL make a profit of GHS 70 million while it pays GHS 157.6 million to the NLA. This data clearly shows that NLA rather makes more money than what KGL earned as a profit in 2024.

A fact check from Ghana Revenue Authority(GRA) also indicate that, KGL paid taxes to GRA in 2024, an amount higher than the profit earned by KGL in 2024.

By the end of 2025, both the National Lottery Authority(NLA) and Ghana Revenue Authority(GRA) shall receive payments from KGL which would be eventually higher than the profit of KGL for 2025.

In the beginning of their “JANDAM” investigative journalism, Fourth Estate Lied that KGL was controlling a GHS 3 billion prime business but today, 16th October 2025, the same Fourth Estate and Sulemana Briamah are telling us that, “KGL makes millions in profit while NLA makes zero”.

What kind of inconsistency is that. How can a “billionaire KGL” according to Sulemana Briamah and Fourth Estate on 19th September 2025 is now rather “making millions as profit” instead of making billions as profit? This should let the gullible readers of Sulemana Briamah and Fourth Estate understand that, they are being “fooled” by Jandam Journalism.

DEBTS of NLA in the Absence of NLA-KGL deal

From the audited accounts of NLA below were the DEBTS of NLA from 2012-2019:

2012 – – – GHS 16, 754,642.18

2013 – – – GHS 56, 917, 633.63

2014 – – – GHS 11, 597, 177.79

2015 – – – GHS 18, 306, 364.73

2016 – – – GHS 21, 035, 212.20

2017 – – – GHS 14, 601, 385.04

2018 – – – GHS 560, 155.27

2019 – – – GHS 26, 624, 188.53

Based on the aforementioned debts of NLA from 2012-2019, would it be appropriate and justified to put the blame on NLA-KGL deal? Certainly not.

The provisional license of NLA-KGL deal was signed in November 2019, so definitely the deal has no role in the past debts incurred by the NLA.

NLA started making its losses long before KGL was issued exclusive provisional license agreement by NLA in November 2019.

The total debts of NLA BEFORE NLA-KGL deal was around GHS 233, 121, 889.28 million, as accumulated debts, which comprises:

1. Unpaid Lotto Prizes to winners of national lotto.
2. Unpaid Contractors
3. Unpaid Withholding Tax(Income Tax) to Ghana Revenue Authority(GRA).
4. Unpaid SSNIT Contributions.
5. Unpaid Technical Service Providers(TSP) Fees.
6. Unpaid Lotto Commission to Lotto Marketing Companies.
7. Unpaid Provident Fund
8. Unpaid Staff Union and Association Dues Deductions.

Some of the problems of NLA are the:

1. existing revenue sharing agreement with Technical Service Providers(each receiving 6% on the gross revenue generated by the Authority via Point of Sale Terminals).
2. 25% commission to Lotto Marketing Companies retailing lotto products via Kiosks and Point of Sale Terminals(previously it was 20%).
3. Illegal lottery operations.
4. Higher Win – Ratios
5. No capping on the amount of money used for staking Lotto by the public.

NLA Transfers to Consolidated Fund Has Nothing to do with NLA-KGL Deal

The duty of NLA to transfer money to the Consolidated Fund is a political and management decision which has absolutely nothing to do with NLA-KGL deal.

The responsibility of KGL is to pay its fees to the NLA in accordance with the terms and conditions of its license agreement.

What NLA does with the money paid by KGL is NOT the business of KGL, just like KGL cannot dictate to Ghana Revenue Authority(GRA) on how it uses the taxes paid by KGL to the State.

Would you also blame KGL if GRA is unable to transfer the paid taxes of KGL to the Consolidated Fund?

For the purposes of education, it is extremely difficult to even fault the Board and management of NLA if they fail to transfer monies to the Consolidated Fund on monthly basis as stated in Section 32(4) of National Lotto Act, 2006(Act 722) because Section 32(4) of Act 722 can ONLY be fully implemented if Section 32(3) of Act 722 has been fully implemented.

According to Section 32(3) of Act 722, “The Authority shall pay out of the Lotto Account prize monies for winners of National Lotto and commissions to Lotto Marketing Companies licensed by the Authority”. This provision must be satisfied before you can proceed with the implementation of Section 32(4) of Act 722 which states that, “The Authority shall transfer the net balance in the Lotto Account on monthly basis to the Consolidated Fund”.

So, what if there is NO net balance in the Lotto Account after the payments of:

1. Prize monies for winners of National Lotto as stated in Section 32(3) of Act 722?
2. Commissions to Lotto Marketing Companies licensed by the Authority as stated in Section 32(3) of Act 722?
3. Operational and capital expenditure from the Lotto Fund as stated in Section 50 of Act 722?

For political expediency, the NLA mostly rob winners of national Lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers, operational and administrative expenditures in order to transfer money into the Consolidated Fund. For instance, the NLA in:

(a). 2012, transferred GHS 20, 000,000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 16, 754, 642.18.

(b). 2013, transferred GHS 25, 000, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers, etc. at cost of GHS 56, 917, 633.63

(c). 2014, transferred GHS 11, 850, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 11, 597, 177.79.

(d). 2015, transferred GHS 33, 270, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 18, 306, 364.73

(e). 2016, transferred GHS 16, 000, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 21, 035, 212.20.

(f). 2017, transferred GHS 30, 000, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 14, 601, 385. 04

(g). 2018, transferred GHS 33, 927, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 560, 155.27

(h). 2019, transferred GHS 16, 962, 000.00 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers etc. at a cost of GHS 26, 624, 188.53

(i) 2020, transferred GHS 22, 400, 495.24 to the Consolidated Fund yet the Authority was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers, Contractors, Suppliers etc. at a cost of GHS 66, 725, 129.91

From the evidence above based on Facts and Data, it is very clear that, in order for NLA to transfer monies to the Consolidated Fund in accordance with Section 32(4) of Act 722, there is the need for the NLA to breach Section 32(3) of Act 722. This has always been the case from enactment of National Lotto Act, 2006(Act 722).

From 2012-2020(9years), NLA transferred a total amount of GHS 209, 409, 495.24 to the Consolidated Fund yet within that same period of 2012-2020, NLA was indebted to winners of national lotto, Lotto Marketing Companies, Technical Service Providers, Suppliers etc. at a cost of GHS 233, 121, 889.28

So what is the justification for Fourth Estate and Sulemana Briamah to needlessly blame KGL Technology Limited as the cause of NLA inability to transfer money to the Consolidated Fund in accordance with Section 32(4) of Act 722? Completely no basis at all.

And why should NLA necessarily transfer monies to the Consolidated Fund if they haven’t been able to pay winners of national lotto, commissions to Lotto Marketing Companies, Fees to Technical Service Providers, Salaries and benefits of NLA Workers etc.?

KGL Contributions to National Development of Ghana

About 50-70% of KGL’s Profits are invested into Corporate Social Responsibility(CSR) and Corporate Social Investments(CSI) across the country to champion national development, and some of the CSR and CSI activities of KGL are as follows:

1. Construction of multimillion-dollar ultra-modern Mental Health Facility in Kumasi in collaboration with Otumfuo Osei Tutu II.
2. Face-lift for Accra Psychiatric Hospital.
3. Support to Akropong School for the Blind.
4. Donations to Flood Victims at Keta
5. Democracy Cup initiative by the Parliament of Ghana.
6. Sponsorship to Ghana Football Association
7. Sponsorship to Ghana Black Stars and other National Football Teams.
8. Millennium Marathon
9. Scholarships to Orphans, Needy, and Destitute Children.
10. Two Million Ghana Cedis annually to support NLA Good Causes Foundation.
11. Three Million Ghana Cedis annually to support NLA-KGL Stabilization Fund.
12. Refurbishment of NLA’s Draw Studio, Brennan Hall.
13. Payments of Live Lotto Draws of NLA
14. Several others not mentioned.

Source: Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Former PR Manager of NLA.

This deadlock requires immediate judicial intervention, setting an irreversible legal precedent.

Lumba’s End: A Global Icon’s local crisis

Charles Kwadwo Fosu (Daddy Lumba) passed away in Accra on July 26, 2025, at age 60.

As one of Ghana’s most celebrated highlife musicians, his death triggered a nationwide outpouring of grief. Crucially, he held dual citizenship (Ghanaian and German), having been legally married in Bornheim, Germany, to Akosua Serwah Fosuh.

This dual nationality and dual marital life directly precipitate the current crisis, turning a private family dispute into a complex international legal affair.

Global tributes, Local dispute

Lumba’s death sparked global mourning, underscoring his influence beyond Ghana. His career spanned nearly four decades, yielding over 33 albums and countless hits.

In honour of this legacy, the Creative Arts Agency, in collaboration with the Fosu family, organised a candlelight vigil at the Independence Square on August 2, 2025.

The funeral is planned for Kumasi, (December 6, we are told), but the date remains dependent on the legal resolution. A one-week memorial observation was held in Accra on August 30, 2025.

The crisis began when the immediate family, led by Akosua Serwah Fosuh, sought a court injunction against the extended family’s unilateral December 6 funeral plans, citing a “complete lack of respect” and non-consultation.

The extended family, led by Abusuapanyin Kofi Wusu, staunchly defends their actions, insisting that traditional leaders followed due process by notifying high authorities. Kofi Wusu issued a defiant challenge: “Our customs are older than any court in this land.”

The Widening Legal Gulf: Divorce, Bigamy, and Burial Control

The conflict has been amplified by two major legal precedents and a new defence:

I. Customary Dissolution vs. Statutory Marriage

The core legal crisis rests in the musician’s 2004 German statutory marriage, which under German Civil Code (BGB Section 1306), strictly enforces monogamy. Ghanaian law generally holds that a subsequent customary marriage would constitute bigamy.

However, the Fosu Royal Family has redefined the dispute with a powerful counter-claim:

• In an October 1, 2025 letter, the family’s lawyers asserted that Akosua Serwah Fosuh’s marriage was no longer legally valid. They allege her refusal to relocate to Ghana with her then ill husband constituted desertion and that she subsequently presented traditional drinks to signify customary dissolution.
• If proven, this customary dissolution would legally predate Daddy Lumba’s death, potentially invalidating the German statutory marriage in the Ghanaian court system.
• The family explicitly states they now recognise Priscilla Ofori (“Odo Broni”), who lived with the musician for over fifteen years and has six children with him, as the late musician’s wife. They also cite holding pre-demise instructions, suggesting the existence of a will or final directive that could dictate arrangements and estate distribution.

The court must now rule on the capacity of an Akan customary rite to legally terminate a preceding German statutory marriage under Ghana’s pluralistic system, which typically requires a court decree.

II. Legal Precedent on Burial

Despite the legal widow’s strong claim over marital status and inheritance, Ghanaian law separates marital rights from burial control.

The key precedent, Neequaye v. Okoe, established that under customary law, the body belongs to the extended family, not the nuclear family.

This suggests Abusuapanyin Kofi Wusu has the ultimate authority to proceed with funeral arrangements, provided the widow is consulted. However, the family’s claim of holding Daddy Lumba’s final instructions (a will) could override these customary burial rights.

Imminent Judicial Showdown and Global Impact

The Lumba funeral dispute is a profound test of Ghana’s legal pluralism, confronting diaspora statutory rights against indigenous customary law.

The eventual judicial outcome will mandate how Ghana treats the Latin legal principle of lex loci celebrationis (law of the place where the marriage was celebrated) when it conflicts with domestic customary norms.

This high-profile case sets a critical court precedent for the Ghanaian diaspora, impacting inheritance, property division, and burial rights globally.

Upholding the customary dissolution would legitimise Odo Broni’s status and potentially entitle her to a share of the estate under the Intestate Succession Law (PNDCL 111), which otherwise grants clear statutory rights to the legal spouse and children.

The next critical moment is the court appearance scheduled for October 16, 2025, where the judge is expected to hear arguments on the injunction application, providing the first major legal clarity on the burial control and marital status claims.

The judiciary faces the difficult task of rendering a judgment that respects the rule of law while providing a path for the Fosu family to perform culturally appropriate final rites.

This judicial wisdom is essential, not only to lay a highlife icon to rest with dignity but to provide clarity for the millions of Ghanaians who live between the global statutory world and their traditional roots.

Source: Nana Karikari, Senior International Affairs and Political Analyst

On April 13, 2023, Brazil’s President Lula asked in Shanghai, “Why must global trade rely on the dollar?” His question—Who decided the dollar’s post-gold standard supremacy?—still resonates.

For all the headlines about “de-dollarization,” the reality is straightforward: the dollar’s dominance endures because it provides liquidity, scale, and a deep reservoir of trusted assets unmatched by other currencies.

Paul Blustein’s King Dollar (2025) reports that approximately 60 per cent of central bank reserves are held in dollars, primarily in the form of U.S. Treasuries. More than three-quarters of global trade outside Europe is dollar-denominated, and in the Western Hemisphere, it’s 96 per cent.

The dollar accounts for about 60 percent of cross-border deposits and loans and 70 percent of all international bonds.

It appears in about 90 percent of currency trades; for instance, Nigerian businesses trading for Chilean pesos typically transit through the dollar.

Why the Dollar Still Dominates

Exporters bill and borrow in dollars to avoid currency risk. Once paid in dollars, conversion for local expenses further boosts demand on FX markets. Most risk management relies on dollar-based instruments.

According to Bank for International Settlement (BIS) figures, daily FX trading reached $9.6 trillion in April 2025, with the dollar involved in 89 percent of those trades.

The U.S. Treasury market, at $18 trillion with $600 billion traded daily, is the world’s largest, letting investors transact vast sums without distorting prices.

As David Mulford, who advised the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency in the early 1980s and chronicled his experiences in Packing for India (2014), notes, even $5–10 million trades can move prices in other markets. U.S. capital markets remain a crisis refuge thanks to strong property rights, contract enforcement, and monetary independence.

What About the Euro and the Yuan?

The euro aspires to global status but faces limits. Christine Lagarde, European Central Bank (ECB) President, wrote in the Financial Times (June 17, 2025) that “Europe faces structural challenges.

Its growth remains persistently low, its capital markets are still fragmented, and—despite a strong aggregate fiscal position, with a debt-to-GDP ratio of 89 percent compared with 124 percent in the U.S.—the supply of high-quality safe assets is lagging behind.

Recent estimates suggest outstanding sovereign bonds with at least a AA rating amount to just under 50 percent of GDP in the EU, versus over 100 percent in the U.S.

For the euro to gain in status, Europe must take decisive steps by completing the single market, reducing regulatory burdens, and building a robust capital markets union.”

While the eurozone also benefits from the rule of law and an independent central bank, its government bond supply remains fragmented across member states.

This fragmentation limits liquidity and uniformity of safe assets, preventing the euro from matching the depth of U.S. markets.

China, meanwhile, has advanced the yuan’s role via the Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS), roughly doubling daily value from 2020 to 2023 to $90 billion.

Yet this remains small compared with the $1.8 trillion processed each day through Clearing House Interbank Payments System (CHIPS), the dollar-based system.

The yuan currently accounts for about 4.5 percent of international payments and only 2 percent of global foreign exchange reserves. CIPS is also used by far fewer banks than SWIFT for dollar transactions.

Options for investing surplus yuan remain narrow because China’s capital controls restrict cross-border flows, judicial independence is limited, and many market transactions require official approval—making the yuan far less versatile than the dollar.

This reality surfaced in 2018 when Xi Jinping asked Saudi Arabia to denominate oil sales in yuan; the main question became what to do with any excess yuan.

Similarly, in May 2023, the Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation, Sergei Lavrov revealed that Russia, after selling oil to India for rupees, couldn’t easily use the proceeds: “We need to use this money, but for this, rupees should be converted into other currencies, and this is being discussed.”

What This Means for Africa

When the dollar rises—as when the Fed began hiking rates in 2022—the effects can be

severe for African economies. Dollar debts and import costs balloon. As United Nation Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and The New York Times reported, Egypt’s local wheat price soared 112 percent between 2020 and 2022 (versus 89 percent worldwide), while in Ethiopia it jumped 176 percent.

In Ghana, household costs for essentials rose by two-thirds in one year, and the nation’s borrowing costs on global markets soared from 8 percent in 2016 to over 35 percent by 2022.

Lessons and Next Steps

The experience of Asian nations after the 1997 crisis offers a blueprint, summarized by Kenneth Rogoff, former chief economist at the IMF, in Our Dollar, Your Problem (2025), as the “Tokyo consensus”:

•             Accumulate large reserves to avoid reliance on the IMF (Japan $1.2 trillion, India $650 billion, Brazil $300 billion, South Africa $50 billion).

•             Strengthen financial regulations, including capital and liquidity requirements in the financial sector.

•             Restore selective capital controls to limit volatile short-term inflows.

•             Grant central banks independence to fight inflation and deepen local currency markets—with explicit emphasis on enabling governments and private borrowers to raise funds in local currencies, thereby reducing dependence on the dollar.

•             Implement a managed exchange rate regime—neither strictly pegged nor fully floating, as generally recommended by the IMF—to boost trade competitiveness and better manage shocks from dollar volatility.

Dr. Zeti Akhtar Aziz, Malaysia’s central bank governor (2000–2016), stressed that building robust domestic markets is tough, demanding regulatory and governance improvements, but emerging-market central banks are determined.

For Africa, it is imperative to adapt a series of critical steps: stabilizing exchange rates, empowering central banks to maintain price stability, implementing regulations to strengthen the financial sector, and—most importantly—the expansion of capacity to borrow in local currencies in order to reduce excessive reliance on the dollar.

African finance ministers and central bank governors possess the authority to profoundly improve lives across the continent by drawing inspiration from and modifying the principles of the Tokyo Consensus to fit Africa’s unique realities.

This approach offers the most expedient route to accelerated progress, contingent on the political will to enact over time the necessary reforms and the resolve to resist the pressures that run counter to this reform agenda.

As Paul Volcker—former Chairman of the U.S. Federal Reserve and widely regarded as one of the most influential central bankers in history—observed, “The exchange rate is the most important price in an economy.”

By mastering this most important price, Africa can more effectively shield itself from global shocks, strengthen social stability, and position itself to attract the capital needed for transformative growth.

Source: Aboubakr Barry, CFA

The author is founder and managing director of Results Associates, based in Bethesda, Maryland, USA.

It generates proverbs, from the profound to the profane. My favourite, for inspiration, is “Every big, beautiful breast you see was once a nipple.”

This gives encouragement to all, wherever they are in life. Unfortunately, despite the obvious visibility of the breast, breast cancer is widespread and, for Africans, extremely deadly.

It affects one in eight women across the world. While the 5-year survival rate in North America is about 91%, it is only about 50% in Sub-Saharan Africa!

This is mainly due to the fact that 60-70% of breast cancer in Africa is diagnosed late. In 2022, according to the National Institute of Health, 198,300 new cases were diagnosed and there were 91,300 deaths in Sub-saharan Africa.

I believe these figures are on the low side. This is projected to double by 2050! This is a real crisis. We need to increase breast cancer awareness and screening.

Beginning around 40, women should have mammograms, combined with Clinical Breast Exams every one to two years till they are 75.

In addition, they should know that smoking, alcohol, obesity and lack of exercise are risk factors. While screening is important, women–and men who are also at some risk for breast cancer need to know the signs and symptoms to look out for.

These include breast lumps, nipple discharge and flattening, breast skin changes etc. These must be reported.

Governments too must increase resources and support the training of more cancer doctors.

My appeal here though is to every African. Don’t just sing sweet mother– encourage her to get a mammogram. Don’t just get her a phone, pay for her mammogram.

Don’t just think of smooching– ask whether she had a mammogram.

Don’t just say, “Black woman, woman of Africa– Say black woman, get a mammogram”! Make this breast cancer awareness month count. God bless you and God bless Africa.

Source: Arthur Kobina Kennedy, MD