But that sense of security and familiarity can sometimes hide small dangers that go unnoticed until an issue occurs. The reality is, many home-related accidents come from everyday things that you stop paying attention to.

​To ensure you set your home up for safety and peace of mind, here are some of the hidden risks in your home that you probably haven’t noticed but should investigate.

​The danger of normal

One of the biggest risks in any home is routine. You would think that if you walk the same path every day, you would know if something changes. However, what actually happens is your brain goes into autopilot, and you actually stop noticing the smaller details around you.

A slightly raised rug corner or a loose floorboard may seem harmless, but over time, these are small issues that can become serious tripping hazards and cause someone some pain. But because they have always been there, they are easier to ignore.

​Lighting that falls short

Lighting is always underestimated in the home. A dim staircase or a shadowy hallway might not seem like a big issue, especially during the day, but at night it can significantly increase the risk of falls, especially if you have young children or elderly parents in the home.

This could be caused by something as simple as a poorly positioned lamp or a light bulb that has gone out and never been replaced, creating blind spots.

You can make your home a lot safer with some small changes, such as combining overhead lights with softer, lower-level options. Also, auditing the bulbs and replacing any broken ones with LED bulbs.

​Everyday items in the wrong places

Clutter doesn’t have to mean mess, but in some cases, it does. Even tidy homes can have items placed in inconvenient or unsafe locations.

Shoes left near doorways, bags left on the stairs, cables trailing across floors; these are all small things that can add up to big risks. They blend in the background as every occurrence or things that will be cleared up later, but they can quickly lead to accidents.

Being aware of this and clearing up regularly is a good start. Alternatively, it might be a good idea to assess your home for a new place to keep the items that keep ending up on the floor.

​Overlooking age-related changes

As people age, their needs change too. However, the home often stays the same. Whether you are getting old, or you care for elderly parents, homes can become more hazardous with reduced balance, slower reflexes and changes in vision.

The hard reality is that small changes are necessary and can make a significant difference. For example, integrating a personal medical alert system for older adults into daily life can provide an added layer of security without being intrusive.

​ Home safety isn’t just about obvious dangers, but about recognising the subtle risks that build up over time and adapting to the changing needs of family members

A verified story can take hours, even days, to report, check, and publish. But it takes only seconds for a misleading version of that same story to capture attention and shape public perception.

That gap between accuracy and visibility is where journalism is now being tested, and increasingly, where it risks losing ground across newsrooms and societies worldwide.

Not long ago, the process was simple: verify the facts, publish the story, and the audience would follow. That reality has changed.

A carefully researched report can now go largely unnoticed, while a short, emotional, or loosely framed version spreads rapidly and reaches far more people. I have seen this happen more than once.

During a recent breaking news situation, I saw multiple versions of the same story circulating within minutes. Some were incomplete, and others were clearly misleading.

In recent years, AI-generated political deepfakes and manipulated election content have shown how quickly false narratives can gain traction before verified journalism even enters the conversation. By the time accurate reporting emerged, many people had already formed firm opinions based on what they saw first, not what was later confirmed.

This raises a difficult question: Is journalism losing ground in the very space it helped build?

This is where the idea of “journalism out loud”, a theme of shaping conversations at the DW Global Media Forum 2026, becomes more than just a concept. It reflects a growing recognition that journalism must adapt not only in what it reports, but also in how it reaches and engages its audience.

The challenge is no longer just misinformation; it is also about visibility.

We are now operating in an environment where attention is constantly shifting. Audiences consume information quickly, often in fragments, and move on just as fast. In that crowded space, journalism competes with everything: entertainment, opinion, viral content, and sometimes pure speculation.

The challenge is no longer just to inform. It is to be seen, to be heard, and to remain relevant.
Based on my experience and analysis, audiences are not necessarily rejecting journalism. In many cases, they simply do not encounter it early enough. By the time verified information reaches them, their understanding of the story has already been shaped elsewhere.

That is the real shift, and it is one being discussed globally among journalists, editors, and media leaders.

The question is no longer only “Did we get it right?”
It is also, “Did it reach the people who needed to see it?”

This does not mean journalism should sacrifice accuracy for attention. But it does require rethinking how stories are presented and shared. Timing, clarity, and format now matter as much as the facts themselves.

At the same time, journalism cannot afford to lose its depth. Once accuracy is compromised, trust begins to erode, and rebuilding it is far more difficult.

The goal is not to be louder, but to be clearer, more present, and more intentional.
Because in a world where attention shapes belief, truth cannot afford to whisper.

Christian Ahiati is a journalist focused on global media trends, digital communication, and the evolving impact of technology on press freedom. His work explores how information is shaped, distributed, and understood in an increasingly complex media environment.

Children scooping muddy water out of rooms that should have protected them. And somewhere in the distance, the hum of traffic resumes as if the city has collectively agreed to move on too quickly. But beneath that silence lies a truth the world is yet to fully confront: for many in Ghana, climate change is not a future threat; it is a daily negotiation with survival.

Globally, climate change is often discussed in statistics, rising temperatures, carbon targets, policy frameworks. It is a language of graphs and projections. But here in Accra, climate change speaks a different dialect.

It sounds like a mother calculating whether to sleep or stay awake when it rains. It looks like a trader rebuilding her stall for the third time in one season. It feels like a father watching his life savings float away in brown, unforgiving water.

These are not isolated incidents. Flooding has become a recurring chapter in the urban experience. Yet the stories rarely travel far enough. They remain local, almost invisible, overshadowed by larger global narratives that often overlook the human texture of climate vulnerability. And that is the gap we must confront.

Accra is expanding fast. New buildings rise. Communities stretch outward. Opportunity pulls people into the city with the promise of a better life. But beneath this growth lies a fragile truth: the city is not growing with climate resilience in mind.

Drainage systems are overwhelmed. Wetlands are disappearing. Informal settlements continue to expand in flood-prone areas, not out of ignorance but out of necessity. This is not just an environmental issue. It is an economic one. A social one. A governance challenge.

When it rains, it exposes everything: the inequality in urban planning, the absence of long-term climate adaptation, and the quiet resilience of people forced to adapt on their own. The result? A city where the poorest pay the highest price for a crisis they did not create.

There is a group of people in Accra called “The Invisible Workforce of Survival” who rarely appear in climate reports, yet they are on the frontlines of its impact: informal workers. They are the market women, the street vendors, the waste collectors, the transport operators — the engine of the city’s everyday economy.

When floods come, businesses collapse overnight. Goods are destroyed, and daily income disappears instantly. There are no insurance buffers. No structured recovery systems. Just resilience — raw, unfiltered, and often unsupported. And yet, these same individuals are also part of the solution.

Waste pickers, for example, play a critical role in managing the city’s plastic crisis, reducing the very blockages that worsen flooding. But their contribution is rarely recognized within formal climate strategies.

This is the paradox of Accra: those most affected are also those most actively adapting, without acknowledgment or support.

Let’s be honest: climate change is a story of inequality. Climate change is not experienced equally. The air-conditioned office feels different from the flooded compound house. The policy discussion room feels different from the roadside kiosk washed away overnight.

In Ghana, as in many parts of the world, climate vulnerability follows the lines of inequality. And this is where the global conversation often falls short. There is a tendency to speak about Africa as a single, uniform climate victim.

But the reality is more complex. Within cities like Accra, there are layers of vulnerability shaped by income, location, occupation, and access. If the global climate agenda is to be truly effective, it must move beyond broad narratives and begin to engage with these lived realities.

For too long, African climate stories have been told about us, not by us. Images of flooded streets circulate. Headlines emerge. But the deeper stories — the context, the nuance, the lived experience — are often filtered through external lenses. This is where a shift must happen.

Ghana does not just need climate solutions. It needs climate storytellers: voices that can translate lived experience into global understanding. Because storytelling is not just about awareness. It is about influence. It shapes policy. It attracts funding. It drives action. And most importantly, it humanizes a crisis that is too often reduced to numbers.

If there is one message the world must take from Accra, it is this: climate change is not waiting for policy alignment. It is already disrupting lives.

The conversations in global forums must begin to reflect the urgency on the ground — not just in theory, but in practice. That means investing in urban resilience in rapidly growing African cities, supporting community-led adaptation strategies, recognizing informal systems as part of the solution, and amplifying local voices in global climate discussions.

Because the solutions we need will not come from a single perspective. They will emerge from a collaboration between policy, community, and lived experience.

Despite everything, Accra does not surrender. It is a city that refuses to sink. It adapts. It rebuilds. It continues. There is strength in that resilience, but there is also a danger in romanticizing it. Because resilience should not be a permanent substitute for systemic change.

The people of Accra are not asking for sympathy. They are demanding visibility. They are demanding inclusion. They are demanding action.

The next time it rains in Accra, the world may not notice. There will be no breaking news. No global alert. But somewhere, a family will stay awake through the night. Somewhere, a business will be lost.

Somewhere, a child will learn far too early that survival is part of daily life.

And if the world is serious about climate change, then these are the stories it must begin to hear — not as distant realities, but as urgent calls to action.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

This sole sourcing scandal involving the Roads Minister, Governs Agbodza has dented my confidence significantly. And it should affect yours too. According to the 4th estate, out of 107 road contracts reviewed, 81 or about three out of every four were awarded by non-competitive tendering.

On the face of it, that should worry every Ghanaian. Indeed, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in opposition did an excellent job educating us about the evils of sole-sourcing using the NPP cocoa roads as a textbook case.

Led by the National Communications Officer now Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana Gold Board (Goldbod) Sammy Gyamfi, they spoke eloquently about possible corruption and price inflation.

In 2025, President Mahama re-emphasized the evils of sole-sourcing using a poultry bid as his example. He deplored how ” government bleeds with everybody cutting their pound of flesh”.

The NDC and President Mahama were right. The World Bank procurement frame emphasizes ” value-for-money, efficiency, integrity and transparency to ensure project funds are used for intended purposes “.

The Government Contracts Regulations of Canada states, ” One of the fundamental principles of federal construction is openness and the practice of providing potential suppliers with opportunities to submit bids for government contracts.

For this reason, when departments choose a non-competitive procurement strategy, it must be fully justified and recorded.” In the US, “full and open competition is the default acquisition process, and federal regulations specify the circumstances under which a procurement agency is allowed to limit competition. ”

Indeed, these points are fully echoed in our PPA( Act 663 as amended by Act 914). Our procurement law requires sole-sourcing to be approved by the PPA board in advance and be for well-justified, exceptional situations.

Indeed, a 2022 review by Bosto et al of 187 countries showed that strict laws on tendering led to positive outcomes in low resource countries, with prices decreasing by about 6%. So when this scandal broke, I expected members of government and the NDC to be as scandalized as I was.

They were not. From now Minister for Government Communications and Abura Asebu Kwamankese Felix Ofosu Kwakye through Sammy Gyamfi to the President, there was a resort to legalistic explanations that lacked the moral clarity and resonance they had in opposition.

If this scandal will not lead to firings, resignations or suspensions, what will? If the reset will tolerate this level of malfeasance, what will it NOT tolerate? Does the Minister have written justification for each of the sole-sourced contracts?

Does he have permissions from PPA? Sadly, this case gives me the sad impression that despite the good intentions of the President, there are higher, more powerful forces at work who are fighting the reset and working to entrench or perpetuate the “loot and share” that characterized the NADAA government.

It is obvious that many of the NPP members expressing outrage are only shedding crocodile tears. As someone told me perceptively,” the NPP members expressing anger at the corruption under NADAA are outraged, not at the corruption that went on but their exclusion from it”.

Mr. President, if this scandal does not move you to crack the whip on some person or entity, you can mark this scandal as the moment your RESET DIED! If you do nothing, you would be like former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, who would have also done nothing!

Parliament too, can do some pre-emptive executive oversight here. Mr. Speaker, this is an opportunity to put the tenets of your admirable National Integrity Initiative on display.

Parliament should not always wait for the Auditor General to unearth corruption before acting. The NLC didn’t wait for an audit report before demanding Gen Ankrah’s resignation.

Save the reset! The NDC founder defined his career on probity and accountability! Where are the priests who prayed for the reset? Where are those who marched against NADAA’s corruption?

Let’s save the RESET! Long live Ghana.

To keep a promise is to honor the trust of the people. Trust is the foundation of leadership. Without it, even the most brilliant policies lose their power. When leaders follow through on their commitments, they strengthen the confidence of the public, proving that leadership is not about power, but about responsibility. Each fulfilled promise becomes a brick in the foundation of a stronger, more united society.

On the other hand, broken promises do more than disappoint—they erode faith. They teach citizens to doubt, to disengage, and to believe that their voices do not matter. A nation where promises are routinely broken becomes a place where cynicism replaces hope, and where participation in governance declines. This is not just a political problem; it is a societal one.

Keeping promises also inspires others—especially the youth. Young people look to leaders as examples of integrity and accountability. When they see leaders who stand by their word, they learn the value of honesty, commitment, and service. It encourages them to become responsible citizens and future leaders who understand that true success is measured not by what one says, but by what one does.

Moreover, consistency between words and actions creates stability. Investors, communities, and institutions rely on predictability. When promises are kept, policies become reliable, systems become trustworthy, and development becomes sustainable. Progress is no longer a distant dream—it becomes a visible reality.

In the end, leadership is not defined by speeches, campaigns, or slogans. It is defined by actions.

When a leader decides to change his or her mind about a subject matter that he promised the people about, he must make it clear that he has changed his mind.

A promise kept is a light that guides a nation forward. It tells every citizen: you matter, your trust matters, and your future matters. And in that light, a stronger, more hopeful society is built—one promise at a time.

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This raises a fundamental question: why is Ghana investing in extending the life of infrastructure it has already deemed obsolete? The answer matters, not just for aviation policy, but for public financial governance, national security, and Ghana’s broader ambition to become a regional aviation hub.

A POLICY REVERSAL WITHOUT PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY

Historical records and institutional decisions point to a clear trajectory: Terminal 2 was assessed as inadequate, which justified the development of Terminal 3 as a modern replacement facility. That decision was not arbitrary, it was grounded in engineering realities, operational inefficiencies, and increasing passenger demands. Today, however, the narrative has shifted.

The ongoing works at Terminal 2 are being described as “repurposing.” But a closer technical examination suggests otherwise. Leak repairs, ceiling replacements, and structural patching are not repurposing, they are refurbishment.

This distinction is not semantic. It goes to the heart of procurement integrity and public accountability. Mischaracterising refurbishment as repurposing risks distorting the basis upon which contracts are awarded and public funds are justified.

THE ECONOMICS: SHORT-TERM SAVINGS, LONG-TERM LOSSES

Refurbishment is often presented as a cost-saving measure. In reality, it is frequently a false economy. Legacy infrastructure like Terminal 2 was not designed for modern aviation demands. Retrofitting it repeatedly results in escalating maintenance costs, operational inefficiencies, and constrained revenue potential.

By contrast, reconstruction, though capital-intensive, delivers long-term value through efficiency, scalability, and increased commercial viability. Even more concerning is the potential cannibalisation of Terminal 3’s return on investment. Fragmenting passenger traffic across suboptimal facilities risks undermining utilization rates and weakening Ghana’s competitive position in the regional aviation market.

LEGAL AND GOVERNANCE RISKS

Under Ghana’s public financial framework, the use of public funds must meet strict standards of efficiency, effectiveness, and value for money. The Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921) imposes a duty on public officials to ensure that resources are not applied in a manner that results in avoidable loss. Similarly, the Public Procurement Act, 2003 (Act 663) requires that procurement decisions be transparent, properly justified, and aligned with value-for-money principles.

Where a facility has previously been classified as obsolete, continued investment in its refurbishment raises legitimate concerns. It opens the door to audit queries, potential disallowances, and even surcharge by oversight bodies under Ghana’s accountability regime. Public institutions must not only act lawfully, they must be seen to act rationally and consistently with prior evidence-based decisions.

NATIONAL SECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE REALITY

Modern airport terminals are not merely buildings, they are integrated systems. From biometric processing to baggage handling and surveillance architecture, today’s aviation security framework depends on seamless system integration.

Terminal 2, by design, is a legacy structure. Its architectural limitations restrict the effective deployment of modern security technologies. Piecemeal refurbishment cannot resolve these systemic constraints. In an era of evolving transnational threats, fragmented terminal operations and outdated infrastructure introduce vulnerabilities that cannot be ignored.

THE STRATEGIC QUESTION: WHAT KIND OF AVIATION HUB DOES GHANA WANT?

Ghana has repeatedly articulated its ambition to become a leading aviation hub in West Africa. That ambition cannot be realized through incremental upgrades to outdated facilities. Global aviation hubs are built on purpose-designed, future-ready infrastructure, not on the prolonged life support of legacy terminals. The choice before us is therefore not technical, it is strategic.

Do we invest in infrastructure that meets international standards and supports long-term growth? Or do we continue to allocate scarce public resources to short-term fixes that defer, but do not solve, the underlying problem?

A CALL FOR TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY

In the public interest, a formal request has been made to Ghana Airports Company Limited under the Right to Information Act, 2019 (Act 989) to disclose key documents relating to Terminal 2. These include engineering assessments, board decisions, procurement records, and contractor details. The objective is simple: to ensure that decisions affecting national infrastructure and public funds are subject to scrutiny, transparency, and accountability.

THE WAY FORWARD

Ghana cannot afford policy inconsistency in critical infrastructure sectors. The evidence suggests that refurbishment of Terminal 2 is not a solution, it is a postponement of an inevitable decision. That decision is reconstruction. Anything short of that risks financial inefficiency, legal exposure, and strategic stagnation.

The time has come to align policy with evidence, investment with long-term value, and infrastructure with national ambition. Reconstruct Terminal 2. Don’t refurbish the past at the expense of the future.

Each year, an estimated 30,000 vessels pass through it. But these are not ordinary shipments. Flowing through Hormuz is nearly a fifth of the world’s seaborne oil and liquefied natural gas, alongside the invisible essentials of modern life: fertilisers that grow food, aluminum that builds cities, helium that cools semiconductors, and petrochemicals that sustain industries from medicine to manufacturing.

When Hormuz works, the world barely notices. When it fails, everything changes.

A waterway shaped by power

Hormuz has always been a prize worth fighting for. In 1622, Abbas I of Persia, with English naval support, seized control of the strait, marking the beginning of centuries of geopolitical struggle.

By the mid-20th century, the stakes had only grown. In 1951, Britain blockaded the strait to pressure Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh after he nationalised Iran’s oil industry. The blockade lasted more than two years and contributed to the 1953 coup that reshaped Iran’s political future.

Decades later, during the Iran–Iraq War, Hormuz became a battlefield. Between 1984 and 1987, attacks on commercial shipping left more than 430 seafarers dead and 546 vessels damaged. Yet even under fire, oil continued to flow, proof of the strait’s irreplaceable role.

THE INVISIBLE CARGO THAT FEEDS THE WORLD

While oil dominates headlines, Hormuz carries something even more critical: the building blocks of global food security.

More than 30 percent of the world’s ammonia, nearly half of its urea, and 20 percent of diammonium phosphate pass through this narrow passage. These are not optional goods, they are the backbone of modern agriculture.

Synthetic nitrogen fertilisers alone sustain nearly half of the global population.

If Hormuz closes, these supplies don’t just slow down, they stop.

WHEN HORMUZ FAILS

A shutdown of the strait would trigger a chain reaction unlike any other.

Oil prices would surge immediately, sending shockwaves through global markets. Energy-dependent industries would stall. Manufacturing costs would rise. Inflation would accelerate worldwide.

But the deeper crisis would unfold more quietly, in the fields.

Unlike oil, fertilizers cannot be easily rerouted. There are no pipelines for ammonia or urea. A disruption in March means missed planting windows in the Northern Hemisphere, and by September, lower harvests.

The result: rising food prices, shrinking supply, and growing insecurity.

For the Gulf region itself, the danger is even more immediate. Countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar import over 80 percent of their food. Wealth cannot compensate for blocked supply routes. When Hormuz closes, access — not money — becomes the defining factor of survival.

A SINGLE POINT OF FAILURE

For over 100 million people living around the Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz is not just a trade route, it is a lifeline.

Its closure would expose a harsh reality: the modern world, for all its complexity, still depends on a single, narrow passage of water.

The global economy is diversified. Supply chains are vast. Technologies are advanced. Yet all of it can be disrupted by the failure of a 39-kilometre chokepoint.

THE WORLD ON EDGE

Hormuz has endured wars, blockades, and decades of geopolitical tension. Each time, it has held; barely.

But the lesson is clear.

The world has now seen what happens when Hormuz falters: energy markets tremble, industries slow, and the foundation of global food systems begins to crack.

In an interconnected world, the fate of billions can hinge on a single stretch of water.

And if Hormuz fails completely, the consequences will not be regional.

They will be global.

A court injunction, filed by the Ekuona Royal Family of Parkoso and Nsuta, had stopped any gathering in the dead musician’s name. And so, in a moment that felt almost poetic in its defiance, organiser Papa Shee simply changed the fliers. The women had not come to mourn a legend. They had come, it turned out, to celebrate his first wife.

The Celebration of the Life of Akosua Serwaa came off that evening despite the legal storm around it, despite the University of Ghana management receiving a court order and formally asking the event to stop, despite everything. It proceeded anyway, and the women who showed up did so knowing full well the legal jeopardy involved. That is not devotion to a pop star. That is something older, angrier, and more urgent than fandom. That is solidarity.

Eight months after the death of Charles Kwadwo Fosu, the man the world knew as Daddy Lumba, Ghana has still not buried the conversation his passing started. And at the centre of that conversation, largely obscured by legal jargon and the noise of social media commentaries, are two women who deserve far more than the roles they have been assigned in this story.

Daddy Lumba died on 26 July 2025 at the Bank Hospital in Accra, aged 60, after what his family described as a short illness. Within hours, even as his music poured from every radio station in the country, even as tears fell from Accra to Kumasi, the private architecture of his life began to crack open in public. What spilled out was not a simple story of love. It was the story of what happens to women when a celebrated man refuses to make hard decisions while he is alive and leaves everyone else to live with the consequences after he is gone.

Priscilla Ofori, known publicly as Odo Broni, had lived with Daddy Lumba for fifteen of the last nineteen years of his life. She bore him six of his eleven children. She was there when his health declined, when the crowds thinned, when the glamour faded into the quieter reality of a sick man who needed care. By every measure of daily life, she was his partner.

She was also the woman who was publicly humiliated almost the moment his body was cold, when a radio presenter on DLFM, the station Daddy Lumba himself had built, went on air and dismissed Akosua Serwaa entirely, declaring Odo Broni the only wife that mattered. And when a gathering of dignitaries came to the family home to offer condolences, including former President Akufo-Addo, Daddy Lumba’s own manager introduced Akosua Serwaa as the musician’s “former wife” in front of people who had known both women’s names from his songs for decades.

And yet Odo Broni is the woman the internet largely decided to vilify.

Akosua Serwaa is the woman whose name Daddy Lumba wove into the fabric of his music with a tenderness that made millions feel they knew her personally.

He recorded “Makra Mo,” one of his most devastating songs, as a direct appeal to his siblings to care for his wife and children after his death. He sang about Yaa Tiwaa in “Me Mpaebo,” praying for her struggle with infertility with the intimacy of a man who considered this family his own. Fans who grew up with Daddy Lumba knew Akosua Serwaa’s name before they ever saw her face. Her name was embedded in his legacy the way a thread is embedded in cloth. You cannot remove it without unravelling everything.

Akosua Serwaa was also, by the account of music historians, the woman who made his career possible. When the young Charles Fosu and Nana Acheampong were trying to record what would become the groundbreaking debut Lumba Brothers album in Germany in 1989, it was Akosua Serwaa who came forward as producer and provided the financial backing that made it happen. Without her, there is a credible argument that there is no Daddy Lumba as Ghana knew him.

And yet when she arrived in Ghana after his death, it was to a legal battle. She did not stay at her late husband’s home. She went to businessman Kennedy Agyapong’s house to avoid the confrontation waiting for her at the East Legon property where Odo Broni lived, where the machinery of his estate hummed along under someone else’s hand. She went to court in October 2025, asking to be declared his sole surviving legal spouse, arguing that the civil marriage she contracted with him in Bornheim, Germany in 2004 made any subsequent customary union legally void. Her legal team could not produce the original marriage certificate. The court, presiding judge Justice Dorinda Smith Arthur, ruled in November 2025 that both she and Odo Broni were recognised as surviving wives and both were entitled to perform widowhood rites.

It was the kind of ruling that satisfied no one and left both women in the peculiar position of sharing a grief that neither could fully claim in public without the other contesting it.

Ghana’s social media did not respond with nuance. It divided, loudly and bitterly, into two camps that mostly but not exclusively split along the lines of who you believed was the “real” wife. Team Legal Wives rallied behind Akosua Serwaa with a fervour that was partly about her and partly about something much larger: the collective fury of women who have watched men build their most public declarations of love on a woman’s foundation and then quietly replace her. Team Odo Broni pointed to fifteen years of physical presence, to the children, to the woman who was there at the end. The argument on both sides sometimes descended into a viciousness that was uncomfortable to watch, women tearing into other women over the choices of a man who made no will, left no clear instruction, and is not here to answer for any of it.

That last point is the one that cuts through everything else. Daddy Lumba died allegedly without a registered will despite an estate that includes DLFM radio, property in East Legon, and a catalogue of recordings that will generate royalties for decades. He had eleven children across four women. He had two marriages, one potentially civil and one customary, whose legal relationship to each other he never formally resolved. He left two women who loved him, in different ways and across different decades of his life, to fight over his memory in court and on the internet while strangers voted on who deserved to mourn him.

The December funeral in Kumasi came off on 13 December 2025, itself preceded by a court injunction the day before that was reversed at the last moment. Akosua Serwaa and Daddy Lumba’s eldest sister Akosua Brepomaa were not in attendance. His children by Akosua Serwaa, Calvin, Charlyn and Ciara, did travel to Ghana to pay their respects, separating their grief from their mother’s legal battle with a dignity that was quietly remarkable. The estate remains in litigation. The letters of administration case continues. And as of this week, even the Celebration of Life that was meant to give Akosua Serwaa’s side of the family a moment of closure has been wrapped in fresh injunctions, counterclaims and court notices.

There is a conversation that Ghanaians are still reluctant to have about all of this. It is not a conversation about which wife was more legitimate, or about the complexities of Asante customary law, though both matter. It is a simpler, harder conversation about what we owe the people we love when we are still alive to show it. A man can be a genius and still be negligent. A man can sing about devotion with a lyrical precision that moves a nation to tears and still fail, catastrophically, at the private acts of care that protect the people who depended on him. Daddy Lumba asked in “Makra Mo” that his siblings care for his wife and children when he was gone. He did not leave a will to back that request up.

Both Akosua Serwaa and Odo Broni are survivors of a situation they did not design. One built the foundation. One kept the lights on. Neither of them is a cautionary tale. They are both women who gave significant portions of their lives to the same man, who are now fighting over what remains of that investment in public, with strangers issuing verdicts on their worth from the comfort of a phone screen.

The women who gathered at the University of Ghana Stadium on Saturday evening, who showed up despite court orders and institutional warnings and the general chaos of it all, were not naive. They understood what they were doing. They were saying, collectively, that Akosua Serwaa’s story deserves to be heard in a space larger than a courtroom. That a woman who helped build a musical legacy deserves more than to be airbrushed out of it by a radio announcement the week her husband died.

The melody still plays. But Ghana is slowly, and painfully, beginning to reckon with the silence behind it.

Bridget Mensah is a PR, Marketing & Communications professional and General Secretary of the Network of Women in Broadcasting (NOWIB). A dedicated feminist and advocate for women in media, she champions workplace excellence whilst empowering voices and building bridges across the industry. Bridget is passionate about amplifying women’s stories and driving positive change in Ghana’s media. She can be reached via email at mbridget634@gmail.com

9. In a formal petition I presented to the President yesterday, titled “Safeguarding Procurement Integrity, Market Confidence, and National Risk Governance in Ghana’s Insurance Sector”,

I stated that across multiple Insurance institutions, we at IMANI observe:

A. Shifts in renewal behaviour without clear evidence of competitive tendering

B. Reduced participation of non-SIC insurers in major state-linked placements

C. Increasing perception of predetermined outcomes in procurement processes

D. Emergence of formal petitions from market participants, including GLICO General Insurance, raising concerns about market distortion and regulatory neutrality.

10. These developments in our view, IMANI that is, suggest that policy encouragement may, in practice, be evolving into operational direction.

11. I reminded the President that “Notably, this is not the first time such concerns have arisen. In 2014, Ghana Insurers Association through the National Insurance Commission formally petitioned Your Excellency over a similar issue regarding the allocation of state insurance business. At the time, Your Excellency intervened with clarity, reversing the directive and reaffirming that placements must be guided by merit, value for money, and competitive process. That the issue has resurfaced during your return to office underscores a deeper structural persistence, but also affirms that you have the credibility, precedent, and institutional memory to correct this drift decisively.”

12. I know the President listens and he will.

More details on this after the Easter holiday.

Franklin CUDJOE

Without it, governments could operate without accountability, and citizens would remain unaware of decisions that directly affect their lives.

Yet, while press freedom is fundamental, it is not absolute. Alongside it exists another equally important value: the protection of individual reputation.

Every person whether a public official or a private citizen has the right to dignity and to be shielded from false allegations that may damage their name. The central challenge for any democratic society, therefore, is clear: how can we uphold media freedom while safeguarding individual reputation?

This question lies at the core of modern media law and ethics.

Press freedom plays a vital role in promoting transparency and accountability. Journalists serve as society’s watchdogs. Through investigative reporting, the media has uncovered corruption, exposed abuses of power, and drawn attention to injustices that might otherwise have remained hidden. In many instances, it is the work of the press that compels governments and institutions to answer difficult questions.

Without a free press, democracy becomes fragile. Citizens depend on accurate, timely information to make informed decisions about governance, elections, and public policy. The media does not merely report events it empowers the public with knowledge.

However, the influence of the media comes with profound responsibility. Words published in newspapers, broadcast on radio and television, or shared across digital platforms can significantly shape public perception. A single story can build or irreparably damage a person’s reputation.

When information is inaccurate, exaggerated, or deliberately misleading, the consequences can be severe. A person’s reputation is closely tied to their social standing and professional life. False allegations can result in lost opportunities, damaged relationships, and lasting harm to personal dignity.

In the digital age, this risk is even more pronounced. Information spreads rapidly and widely. Once a defamatory statement enters the public domain, it can be replicated thousands of times within moments, making it nearly impossible to fully repair the damage.

This is why the law recognizes the need to protect individuals against defamation. Defamation laws exist to ensure that freedom of expression does not become a license to harm others through falsehoods. They provide a mechanism for those whose reputations have been unjustly attacked to seek redress and restore their dignity.

At the same time, such laws must be applied with caution. If journalists constantly operate under the threat of legal action, the result may be self-censorship. Critical stories may go unreported as reporters shy away from investigating powerful individuals or institutions.

It is within this tension that the delicate balance between press freedom and reputation must be maintained.

Responsible journalism provides the bridge between these competing values. Ethical reporting demands rigorous fact-checking, fairness, and balance. It requires journalists to present multiple perspectives and to offer individuals a fair opportunity to respond to allegations made against them.

When these standards are upheld, journalism not only protects individuals but also strengthens public trust in the media. A responsible press demonstrates that freedom and accountability are not mutually exclusive, but mutually reinforcing.

Legal systems also play a crucial role in preserving this balance. Courts must carefully assess whether a publication serves the public interest or merely inflicts unjustified harm on an individual’s reputation. While public officials and figures are expected to tolerate a higher degree of scrutiny, they too are entitled to protection from statements that are false, malicious, or recklessly made.

The rise of digital media has further complicated this landscape. Today, the power to shape public narratives is no longer limited to professional journalists. Bloggers, influencers, and ordinary social media users can reach vast audiences instantly. The speed of online communication often leaves little room for verification or reflection.

In such an environment, the principles of accuracy and responsibility become even more critical. Freedom of expression must be accompanied by a culture of accountability one that recognizes that the right to speak also carries the obligation to speak truthfully.

Ultimately, press freedom and the protection of reputation should not be seen as opposing forces. Both are essential pillars of a healthy democracy. A press that is free but reckless can inflict serious harm through misinformation. Conversely, a system that overprotects reputation at the expense of press freedom risks concealing the truth and weakening democratic accountability.

The true strength of a democracy lies in its ability to protect both values simultaneously. A society that promotes fearless journalism while insisting on accuracy and fairness fosters a media environment that genuinely serves the public good.

In the end, the goal is not to choose between freedom and responsibility, but to ensure that both coexist. When the press is both free and ethical and when individuals are protected from unjust harm the result is a society where truth, accountability, and justice can thrive.

I’ve long admired Asantehene, so you can imagine my level of excitement when I greeted him, and he responded by first saying my name: Clement, he said, how are you? I responded, “I’m well, sir.”

As we sat on the stage waiting to play our various roles assigned to us by the 75th anniversary celebration committee of REAL AMASS, I couldn’t restrain my thoughts from generating questions.

But for the holistic power of education, would I have had the opportunity to represent my constituents, serve in John Dramani Mahama’s government, and meet the Asantehene?

The Asantehene and I sat next to each other, and as the event progressed, we exchanged a few ideas. His words of encouragement were reassuring.

I was billed to make my comments on behalf of my minister and government before Asantehene’s address. But the event was running late, and Asantehene had another scheduled event.

To make room for Otumfuo Asantehene to address the gathering before leaving the durbar ground, the event organisers persuaded me to keep my comments short when it came to my turn.

The adjustment was to allow Asantehene to speak and then commission a girls’ dormitory built by his friend in honour of his late mother before heading to the other scheduled event.

When the organisers and his team presented this proposal to him, to my surprise, he turned it down. Otumfuo turned towards me and said:

“My son, present your speech in full. I will no longer speak. I want to hear everything you have to say. I will wait for you to finish, and then we will go together to commission the dormitory before I leave.”

I couldn’t believe it. And true to his word, that is exactly what he did.

I finished my speech, joined him, the Ameer of the Ahamadiyya Mission, and Ashanti Regional Minister, Dr. Frank Amoakohene, to cut the anniversary cake. After that, we walked in a procession to commission the new girls’ dormitory in honour of the late Asantehemaa, Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem II, before he departed.

I returned to the event grounds in the company of the Ameer for the third phase of the event after Asantehene’s departure, which was the presentation of awards to deserving individuals.

On my way to the airport, as I sat at the airport, as I sat in the aeroplane, one thought occupied me: the humility of the Asantehene. It’s only humility that can explain his decision to decline addressing the gathering so that I could present my speech in full.

Otumfuo could have decided otherwise or even left the event sooner, in light of the other scheduled event. But he stayed and patiently listened to me.

I arrived home convinced now more than ever that:

1. Education is the most transforming force. But for education, what would be the chances of a Builsa man from Doninga sharing a stage with His Majesty the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II in Kumasi?
2. Humility is the true mark of greatness. But for his humility, why would His Majesty the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, yield to me and sit to listen to me present my statement in full?

Indeed, education is the most powerful transformative force, and humility is the true mark of greatness.

I had no choice but to share my exciting and thought provoking interactions with His Majesty the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, at the 75th Speech and Prize Giving Day of T.I Ahmadiyya Senior High School.

Yours truly,
Dr. Clement Abas Apaak
MP Builsa South and Deputy Minister of Education

For example, a Relationship Manager may feel subtle pressure to approve a borderline loan to meet lending targets or sustain business growth. However, sound judgment, regulatory compliance, and prudent risk management demand carefulness. In such moments, bankers must balance short-term performance with long-term financial sustainability, recognizing that safeguarding institutional trust is equally crucial.

Ethics in banking extends beyond policies or boardroom discussions; it guides everyday decisions. Nowhere is this more evident than at the teller’s counter. Tellers, stationed within the secured “cage,” occupy one of the most sensitive and trust-dependent roles in banking. They interact directly with customers and handle cash that does not belong to them. On any given day, large sums of money pass through their hands.

Daily operations present subtle ethical tests. A customer may leave without collecting part of their money, or a teller may accidentally count extra cash into a withdrawal. At the end of the day, a surplus may appear during reconciliation. These moments may seem minor, but they carry significant ethical weight: what should a teller do when no one is watching?

Modern banking relies on internal controls, reconciliation processes, and supervisory oversight to ensure accuracy. Yet technology and oversight cannot detect every ethical challenge immediately. Often, the right choice depends entirely on the teller’s sense of responsibility. Reporting an overpayment may require additional explanations and scrutiny, but staying silent undermines both personal integrity and institutional trust.

The teller’s role is unique: access to financial resources comes with the expectation of absolute honesty. Ethical failure at this level threatens more than account balances; it threatens trust—the foundation of banking. Customers entrust their money to banks with confidence that it will be responsibly managed. If trust erodes, reputational damage can ripple far beyond a single incident.

Ethical banking in Ghana and beyond must therefore go beyond written policies, embedding integrity into everyday practice. Controls, audits, and compliance frameworks are essential, but they cannot replace character. Training programs can teach procedures, yet values guide the choices individuals make when procedures are unclear or when temptation arises.

Institutions must intentionally cultivate a culture of integrity. Ethical awareness should be reinforced through ongoing training, open dialogue, and leadership by example. Staff must feel safe to report mistakes or irregularities without fear of punishment. Encouraging honesty strengthens both employee accountability and institutional credibility.

Ultimately, the teller in the cage is more than a transaction processor; they are a custodian of trust. Each note counted and each decision made contributes to the bank’s reputation. Ethical banking is not just about compliance—it is about integrity, demonstrated most clearly when individuals choose to do the right thing, even when no one is watching.

Profile
The writer is a seasoned banking professional and Head of Branch and Channel Monitoring under the Distribution and Channels Department at Prudential Bank Limited. Beyond her corporate responsibilities, Nancy is a preacher of the gospel and committed to empowering women, promoting faith-centered personal growth, and fostering community transformation. She is the Founder and Convenor of Mended Heart, a healing and support network dedicated to restoring individuals affected by heartbreak and fractured relationships, equipping them to rise as voices of strength and hope.

After the group split, Okyeame Kwame successfully transitioned into a solo artiste, releasing notable songs like Woso, Faithful, Small Small, and the widely celebrated Made in Ghana, cementing his place as a purposeful and consistent hitmaker.

Over the years, one might have expected Okyeame Kwame to fade from the music scene, as often happens with artists who break out from groups. However, the opposite has been true. OK remains one of the most consistent and visible figures in Ghana’s music industry to date.

His song Made in Ghana has, over time, become almost synonymous with March (Ghana’s Heritage Month), playing in homes and at national events across the country.

Each time it resurfaces, I ask myself: what is it about Okyeame Kwame that keeps him consistently relevant, producing hits for 29 years while continuing to receive endorsement deals?

In my exploration, I discovered that the answer lies in the depth and purpose of his music. His lyrics are not just entertaining; they are deeply didactic, often promoting national pride, social responsibility, and development-oriented thinking.

His work reflects a conscious effort to positively influence society and align with broader national goals and policies.

Okyeame Kwame turns 50 in April with an event titled “OK @50.”

This goes beyond entertainment. It is a recognition of a legacy built on impact, consistency, and cultural significance.

Curious about this recognition, I took a step back into history to understand why it will not be out of place to celebrate Okyeame Kwame on his 50th birthday.

Setting the Pace in Educational Development

Okyeame Kwame is one of the first Ghanaian pop musicians to return to university as an established artist, making higher education attractive to musicians like Stonebwoy, Samini, and others.

His academic qualifications are remarkable:
 KNUST – Bachelor of Social Sciences, Akan
 UGBS – Master of Arts in Marketing Strategy
 IPLS – Professional Master’s in Alternative Dispute Resolution
 UniMAC – Master of Philosophy in Public Relations
 Currently pursuing a PhD in Development Communication at UniMAC

He is also a co-opted member of the Chartered Institute of Marketing, UK, and serves as an adjunct lecturer at the University of Ghana, Legon, teaching Level 200 voice students in the Department of Music, School of Performing Arts.

Additionally, Okyeame Kwame is one of the few Ghanaian artists whose lyrics are studied in university literature courses.
When asked why he places such a premium on education in an interview, OK explained that his dedication stems from a desire to understand the theories behind learning and personal development.

Advocacy in Health and Wellness
OK is one of the first musicians in Ghana to consistently lead health advocacy projects, promoting them annually for over 16 years. Since 2009, the Okyeame Kwame Foundation has screened and vaccinated more than 10,000 Ghanaians.

His hepatitis campaign has contributed to policy development, primary school education, research data collection, and the promotion of a healthy lifestyle for people living with hepatitis.

Currently, in partnership with MDs Lancet Laboratories and the Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research, Okyeame Kwame is preparing to mark this year’s World Hepatitis Day with screening and vaccination exercises for inmates.

Contribution to Cultural Diplomacy

Okyeame Kwame was the first artiste in Africa to be given the key to the city and have his own day celebrated in Cincinnati, Ohio, USA. November 17 is officially celebrated as Okyeame Kwame Day in Cincinnati.

Contribution to Creative Arts

Okyeame Kwame has written and produced two stage plays (The Versatile Show), demonstrating his creativity beyond music. These productions blend drama, music, and cultural storytelling, highlighting his versatility and commitment to using performing arts as a tool for education and entertainment.

Literary Contributions

Okyeame Kwame is arguably the only Ghanaian/African artiste to have developed and launched his own brand book, reflecting a structured and intentional approach to personal branding. Globally, only a handful of artistes, including Taylor Swift, are known for building such clearly defined brand identities.

He is the author of two books under the Love Locked Down series. The first focuses on finding and sustaining meaningful long-term relationships, and the second explores maintaining lasting love. Through these works, he extends his influence into personal development, offering guidance on love, commitment, and emotional intelligence.

Climate Change Advocacy Efforts
Okyeame Kwame is currently the Climate Change Ambassador for the World Bank’s carbon credit sharing program, ENABLE. He has also served as Ghana’s Climate Change Ambassador since 2018, collaborating with the Forestry Commission’s REDD+ project, Solidaridad, and the World Bank-sponsored climate adaptation program, DGM (Dedicated Grant Mechanism).

A Global Development Agent

In 2011, the World Bank recognized Okyeame Kwame for his contributions to development through music. He has represented Ghana as a negotiator at UN annual COP programs.

In 2017, UNICEF appointed him as a UN Goodwill Ambassador for his parenting style, alongside figures like Hugh Jackman and David Beckham. He is widely regarded as the first Ghanaian celebrity family man to make it fashionable to publicly express love for one’s spouse and children, creating a trend in celebrity family lifestyle branding.

Sports Contribution

In 2016, on turning 40, Okyeame Kwame raised funds to support five Ghanaian Paralympic athletes to participate in the Desert Olympics.

Worthy Brands Ambassador

Okyeame Kwame has served as a brand ambassador for major companies including:
 MTN
 GTBank
 Coca-Cola
 Ghacem
 Waylead Properties

He has also launched his own brand of boxer shorts and, since 2021, spearheaded the “Made in Ghana” campaign, focused on:
 Building national pride among the youth
 Promoting Ghanaian businesses
 Encouraging export of Ghanaian artifacts
 Celebrating indigenous traditions and culture

He dedicates his social media platforms entirely to this campaign and has served as ambassador for:
 Ministry of Trade – promoting Made in Ghana goods
 Ministry of Creative Arts and Culture – promoting tourism
 National Commission on Culture – promoting culture
 Ghana Tourism Authority – promoting tourism

Contribution to Academic Development

Okyeame Kwame is the African Dyslexia Association Ambassador, influencing policy and encouraging African parents to recognize and support children with dyslexia and neurodivergence.

Okyeame Kwame stands out because he is much more than a musician. He is a cultural ambassador, educator, advocate, and thought leader. Over the past three decades, he has consistently used his platform to promote national pride, social responsibility, and positive change in Ghana and beyond.

From pioneering health advocacy and climate change campaigns to inspiring higher education among artists, Okyeame Kwame has shown that artistry can go hand in hand with meaningful impact. His ventures into literature, theatre, personal branding, and entrepreneurship demonstrate his versatility and vision, making him a rare figure in the African creative industry who blends talent with purpose.

Celebrating his 50th birthday is not just a tribute to his musical achievements, but a recognition of a lifelong commitment to shaping society, promoting Ghanaian culture, and influencing generations.

Honouring him at this milestone is a celebration of a life dedicated to excellence, integrity, and service, setting a powerful example for current and future artistes, proving that success can be meaningful, socially responsible, and impactful.

My deepest condolences go to the bereaved families, and my thoughts are with all those who have been affected. In moments like this, we must go beyond grief and ask the difficult, but necessary, questions that will help us prevent future occurrences.

This structure, believed to have been initiated over a decade ago as part of a public project, stood incomplete and unattended for years. Over time, it became accessible and was reportedly used for various activities.

Its condition, visible to many, posed an obvious risk. The critical question is: how did we allow such a known hazard to persist in the heart of a community?

This is not about assigning blame. It is about confronting a systemic issue within our governance and development processes.

At the heart of this tragedy lies a breakdown in three key areas: accountability, monitoring, and enforcement.

First, every public project must have a clearly defined chain of responsibility—from initiation to completion. When projects stall, there must be designated institutions or officers accountable for securing or repurposing them. Infrastructure cannot be abandoned without consequence.

Second, local authorities must be adequately empowered and resourced to carry out routine inspections of buildings within their jurisdictions. District and municipal assemblies are the first line of defense in identifying structural risks. However, this responsibility must be matched with the necessary logistics, personnel, and legal backing to act decisively.

Third, enforcement of safety standards must be non-negotiable. Where structures pose a danger to human life, swift action must be taken—whether through rehabilitation, restriction of access, or demolition. Delayed action often comes at a far greater cost.

This incident also raises broader national concerns. Across our towns and cities, there are numerous abandoned or uncompleted structures—both public and private—that silently threaten the safety of our citizens. We must ask ourselves: must we always wait for disaster before we act?

As a nation, we must transition from reactive responses to proactive governance. Prevention must become the cornerstone of our development strategy.

To this end, I call for:
• A nationwide audit of all abandoned and uncompleted structures.
• Immediate risk assessments and safety interventions for identified sites.
• Strengthened institutional coordination between central government agencies and local authorities.
• A clear policy framework that ensures no project is left unattended without accountability.

Equally important is community awareness and participation. Residents must feel empowered to report unsafe structures, and authorities must respond promptly to such concerns. Safety is a shared responsibility.

Let me emphasize: this is not a political issue. It is a human issue. The loss of even one life due to preventable circumstances is unacceptable. We must rise above partisanship and focus on building systems that protect our people.

The Accra New Town tragedy must not fade into silence. Let it mark a turning point—a moment when we collectively decide that neglect will no longer be tolerated, and that public safety will always come first.

If we fail to act decisively now, we risk repeating this painful chapter elsewhere.

Let us choose responsibility. Let us choose action. Let us choose life.

Yet these unsung heroes battle not just infernos and collapsing buildings. They fight with one hand tied behind their backs.

For years, the Ghana National Fire Service has been cruelly handicapped, starved of basic equipment while the Police Service receives wave after wave of shiny vehicles, motorbikes, and armored carriers from governments and corporations alike.

This is not mere oversight. It is a national shame, a betrayal that costs lives and exposes our country’s painful vulnerabilities.

The contrast cuts like a knife. Governments, across parties, have poured love and resources into the Police Service with open arms.

On December 23, 2019, President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo handed over 100 brand-new vehicles, proudly declaring peace and safety as national priorities. In February 2023, he returned with more: 100 pick-up vehicles, 600 motorbikes, 6 Armoured Personnel Carriers, and an upgraded Police Headquarters. Private sector giants followed suit.

The Electricity Company of Ghana donated 200 motorbikes in December 2023. Guaranty Trust Bank added 100 brand-new ones in July 2025.

And in December 2025, President John Mahama presented 40 armored vehicles at Police Headquarters, proving this favoritism knows no political color.

Vehicle after gleaming vehicle. Motorbike after motorbike. Headquarters facelifts and armored protection.

The message is loud: our police officers deserve the best to keep us safe.

But turn to the fire stations, and the silence is deafening, and deadly.

The newest fire tender in the entire national fleet is already 15 years old, the Interior Minister revealed in Parliament on March 18, 2025. Nearly half, 48 tenders, sit idle, broken and unrepaired because there is no money.

These are the very machines our firefighters depend on when tragedy strikes. Promises in the 2026 budget to “retool” with 100 new tenders feel like empty words after decades of neglect. One day, perhaps. But lives cannot wait for “one day.”

This abandonment turned tragic in the recent collapse of a multi-storey building in Accra New Town at the Experimental School premises.

Lives were trapped beneath tons of rubble. Three precious souls were lost. Firefighters arrived ready to save, but their outdated, faulty equipment left them crippled.

They had to rely on a foreign national who brought his own heavy machinery and tools to help extract the trapped victims.

What a heartbreaking exposure of our nation! While police fleets grow stronger, firefighters, our first line against fire and structural disaster, were forced to depend on outsiders because their own government had left them unequipped for years.

Families shattered. Children and adults pulled from debris too late. Heroes risking everything with tools from another era. Ghana, how did we let this happen?

Imagine the scene: sirens wailing as firefighters race to yet another emergency in vehicles older than many of the victims they try to save.

Engines sputtering. Equipment failing. Civilians turning angry, even assaulting them for “showing up with nothing.” T

hese men and women carry children from burning homes, battle choking smoke for hours, and crawl into collapsed structures knowing their own lives hang by a thread, yet they do it anyway, with hearts full of duty and hands empty of proper tools.

The pain runs deeper because both services wear uniforms of sacrifice. Both stand between us and chaos.

Police officers cruise in fresh armored vehicles and new motorbikes donated with fanfare.

Firefighters watch their tenders rust in yards, praying the next call doesn’t end in preventable tragedy. No parades. No luxury. Just the basic dignity of working machines.

Ghana, we must feel this shame in our bones. Every siren from a fire station now carries a whisper of despair: “We are here for you… but who is here for us?”

Our firefighters deserve the same urgency, the same national tears, the same resources poured so generously into policing.

They are not asking for parades, they are begging for the tools to do their sacred work without unnecessary risk to their lives or ours.

How many more buildings must collapse? How many more fires must rage unchecked? How many more heroes must die or watch victims slip away because we failed them?

It is time, past time, to end this orphaning of the Fire Service. Equip them now. Honor them as we honor their police brothers and sisters.

Until then, every flame that claims a life and every collapsed wall that buries hope will burn with the truth of our collective neglect.

These forgotten firefighters rush into hell so we don’t have to. The least we can do is give them the means to come home alive, and to bring more of us with them. Ghana, wake up, this is not about politics. WE ARE BLEEDING.

The writer, Ayisha Akua Ibrahim, is a reporter in the Adom Newsroom

Acting on behalf of the African Union and the entire continent, President John Dramani Mahama last week secured a landmark global recognition of slavery as the gravest crime against humanity.

By this, President Mahama and Ghana reminded the world of a truth that had long been buried under silence. From oral and written history, we have learned of the painful situation where millions of Africans were stolen, broken, and sold.

These enslaved Africans helped to build the present day wealth of Europe and the Americas through their bonded suffering, while Africa was left weak, fractured and hating each other.

In many ways, the recognition, which was voted against by the United States of America, Argentina and Israel matters. It restores dignity and tells African children that what happened to our ancestors was not normal, not acceptable, and not forgotten.

But like every situation, recognition is only a good beginning to something meaningful. Alone, it will not save us.

Economic dependence
If slavery was the crime of yesterday, then economic dependence is the danger of today. And unless we act, it could become the shame of tomorrow, haunting our children and bonding their dreams down like the chains used by the slave trades to shackle our ancestors.

This is more so because the chains may be gone, but the structure remains. We still dig the minerals, grow the crops, and export them raw. In return, we import finished goods at high prices, calling it trade. To help normalize and deepen this, many countries have signed duty-free or favourable export terms African nations, the latest being China, allowing our raw materials to be shipped abroad to feed their factories at the expense of our jobs and fragile industries.

In the business world, this is a softer, quieter form of control that keeps us at the fringes, where we cannot dictate how much we earn for our own resources. This explains why Ghanaian cocoa farmers, though the people toiling to supply the premium beans, will still earn penance from the global multibillion-dollar chocolate industry that their sweats sustain. The same applies to gold, bauxite, iron ore, copper, cobalt and lithium, which Africa has vast reserves of.

Harsh but relevant questions
These explain why Ghana’s success at the UN must now mean something at home and across Africa. It must force us to ask difficult questions about the kind of economy we are building and who it truly serves.

As has been said in multiple ways, true independence is not only about flags and speeches. It is about ownership, production and the ability of a people to turn their own resources into prosperity with their own hands.
Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah warned decades ago that political freedom without economic freedom was empty. Decades down the line, that statement has grown mightier in truth and with evidence.

While slavery, colonialism and the global financial architecture have largely worked against African nations, the continent is blessed with innovative and resilient minds, capable of turning of our challenges into business opportunities. A look around you reveals this.

Yet, Ghana and the broader Africa still export raw materials and jobs while our youth idle in droves. Our entrepreneurs are bypassed by governments for contracts and local businesses endure the full brunt of taxes and general fiscal policies while multinationals, some of them the fruits of slavery and colonialism, benefit from tax exemptions. While their governments speak for them in high-level meetings with our governments, it only takes demonstrations for the local entrepreneur’s concerns to be felt and heard.

Instructively, Ghana and Africa should be places where local businesses are not treated as afterthoughts. The continent should be where laws are written to help investors grow, not to permanently favour foreign capital. Our youth must be supported to dream of building factories and companies, not just chasing foreign visas.

I agree that foreign investment has its place in every nation’s development but evidence abounds that partnership is the winning equation in today’s world. Partnership involves creating platforms for local and foreign entities to co-create opportunities, share in their respective expertise and grow in ways that respect the uniqueness of one another. It allows the local entrepreneur to ride on the broad wings of foreign firms to grow while the multinational taps the indigenous expertise to deliver value in-country.

But this cannot be possible under our current policy structure, which literally favours FDIs over local capital. It requires that our laws change to protect local capital, reward domestic production, and encourage Ghanaians/Africans to take risks and build.

Push for domestic process
For us in Ghana, it is encouraging to note that President Mahama has started a process to revamp local processing of raw materials. It makes no sense for a cocoa growing, gold-and textile producing nation like us to import chocolate, jewellery and fabrics.

Over the years, we have made domestic processing an afterthought, suggested to multinationals rather than a policy priority backed by law. Where we have capacity, raw exports should be limited. Where we lack capacity, government should help build it. Public institutions should buy Ghana made products first. Ghanaians should be encouraged to consume what they produce.

That is why it motivating to hear Zimbabwe, Guinea and Gabon are mandating mining companies to process their lithium, bauxite, iron ore and manganese locally or risk losing their licences.

It is tough route, yes but if there is any lesson in the mighty rise of China, it is that no nation can grow its way out of poverty without industrialization. It is the surest way to internalizing, be it technically sophisticated processing such as surface one like making toothpicks.

Looking ahead
Thus, as we celebrate the win for our ancestors and our children’s children, we must know that it took as a century to achieve it and it must mean something beyond pride.
It must unite and galvanize us to meaningfully seek and achieve economic sovereignty.

To do that we must unite and rise above party politics. We must not belong to the NDC or the NPP or whatever party in Africa but belong to Ghana and the broader Africa.

Industrial policies should outlive governments. National priorities should not change every election cycle for serious nations do not start and abandon economic visions every time a new leader takes over.

As the new scramble for Africa intensifies, this time for our minerals, land and data, we must be interested in who benefits. We must be sure we are not chaining our wealth and generations away but creating linkages that grow local economies and retain values for communities.
We must break the chains, this time round through business and entrepreneurship.

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In many parts of Europe and Asia, the ATM is no longer a “cash dispenser.” It is an Automated Deposit Terminal (ADT) or a Cash Recycling Machine (CRM). To move Ghana forward, the BOG should mandate that top-tier banks transition to machines with the following technical specifications:

Cash Recycling Technology: These machines accept deposits, instantly verify the notes for authenticity using high-speed multispectral sensors, and then “recycle” that same cash for the next person’s withdrawal. This reduces the need for frequent armored van visits and ensures constant liquidity.
Optical Character Recognition (OCR) for Cheques: Modern terminals must be equipped with scanners that read MICR (Magnetic Ink Character Recognition) lines and convert handwriting into digital data instantly, allowing for “Real-Time Cheque Truncation” at the machine level.
Biometric Integration: Leveraging the Ghana Card, these machines should utilize fingerprint or iris scanning to authorize high-value deposits and withdrawals, removing the “human verification” requirement at the teller counter.
Bulk Note Processing: The standard should be the ability to process at least 200 mixed-denomination notes per transaction in under 60 seconds.

In Singapore and South Korea, the concept of a “bank teller” for cash handling is nearly extinct. Their “Smart Branches” feature rows of automated kiosks where customers perform 98% of all banking activities.
In Europe, specifically in Germany and the UK, banks have deployed Intelligent Teller Machines (ITMs). These devices allow for “little to no human interference,” but offer a video-link to a remote expert if a complex problem arises. This ensures the physical branch remains a high-speed transit point for capital, rather than a crowded waiting room.

The transition to automation cannot be left to the “discretion” of commercial banks. History shows that without regulatory pressure; institutions often prioritize short-term cost-saving over long-term national efficiency.
The Bank of Ghana (BOG) must lead this charge by: Setting Automation Quotas: Mandating that 80% of all cash-handling in “Tier 1” banks be processed via automated terminals by 2027; Productivity Audits: Evaluating banks not just on their balance sheets, but on their “Transaction Throughput Efficiency.”; Zero-Interference Policy: Ensuring that automated deposits are credited instantly to the customer’s ledger, removing the “back-office approval” lag that currently plagues the system.

We are currently wasting thousands of high-value man-hours in queues. I advocate for a clearway in our financial system. We must treat time as a critical national resource.
By incorporating global automation trends and enforcing them through the BOG, we can transform our banking halls from centers of frustration into hubs of efficiency. It is time to stop waiting and start automating.

Author Details:
Kobina Amo-Aidoo is a Transport Expert and a PhD Candidate in Highway and Transportation Engineering at the Transport Research and Education Centre, Kumasi (TRECK) – KNUST.
Contact: Kamoaidoo@hotmail.com

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While details vary depending on the case and jurisdiction, most civil disputes follow a very similar journey from initial dispute to final resolution. 

Below, we’ll take a look at some of the key stages of litigation and what typically happens at each step. 

Pre-action

Before a formal claim is issued, you have the pre-action stage.

This is when the dispute first occurs, after which information may be gathered and letters may be exchanged. Solicitors often recommend sending a Letter Before Action during this phase to explain the issue to the other party, present evidence and detail what compensation is expected.

Generally courts prefer it when parties have first tried to consider forms of alternative dispute resolution instead of taking a dispute straight to formal proceedings. After all, avoiding litigation saves time, money and stress. A party that demonstrates signs to settle a case out of court may also be viewed more favourably in some cases.

Issuing the claim

If the dispute cannot be settled informally, formal court proceedings will begin the moment a party files a claim.

This is done using a claims form. This document sets out essential facts of the case and the remedy that is sought out. The court then presents these documents to the defendant, who must respond within a set deadline.

The defendant’s response could be to admit the claim, present a defence or file a counterclaim. Once the claim and defence are in place, a timetable is set for the rest of the case including key deadlines and a provisional trial date. 

Exchange of evidence

The next stage is all about disclosure and discovery of evidence. This is evidence that will be presented during the trial to argue each party’s case. 

Witness preparation is a key part of this stage. Evidence in the form of writing, images or videos is also gathered. Nowadays, much of this evidence is in the form of digital files like emails, messages and documents – eDiscovery for law firms is crucial, and often requires specialist software to sift through all the evidence. 

Evidence is exchanged so that each party can build a fair case. The quality and completeness of this evidence greatly affects the outcome, so it’s important each party starts preserving evidence from the pre-action stage.

Trial

If the case doesn’t settle beforehand, it proceeds to trial.

At trial, each side presents its evidence before a judge in a court. In some cases, a jury may be assembled. 

The trial consists of four phases:

• Opening statements
• Examination and cross-examination of witnesses
• Consideration of documents and expert evidence
• Closing submissions from lawyers

The judge must determine the facts based on the evidence, consider the law and reach a decision. Many cases settle shortly before trial.

Post-trial

The litigation journey doesn’t always end with the judge’s verdict.

Appeals can be made if either party believes the court made an error. These appeals follow their own set of rules and timelines. 

Generally, however, the party that lost the case will be expected to pay compensation in some way. Failure to comply could result in extra penalties.

At the heart of the exercise is the mandatory linkage of SIM cards to the Ghana Card, as stipulated under LI 2112. From inception, stakeholders, including telecom operators, regulators, and technical developers, aligned on a central principle: the Ghana Card would serve as the single source of truth for identity verification.

The Importance of SIM Registration

The relevance of this exercise cannot be overstated.

1. Strengthening National Security

By linking every SIM card to a verified national identity, authorities can better trace criminal activities such as fraud, cybercrime, and mobile money scams. Anonymous SIM usage—once a major loophole—is significantly reduced.

• Enhancing Digital and Financial Integrity

With mobile money and digital banking forming a core part of Ghana’s economy, verified SIM ownership ensures accountability in financial

transactions. This is particularly crucial in combating identity theft and unauthorized financial activity.

• Building a Unified National Identity System

The integration between telecom databases and the NIA represents a major step toward a cohesive digital identity ecosystem. Once fully optimized, it simplifies access to public and private services.

• Legal and Regulatory Compliance

The framework under LI 2112 clearly mandates the use of the Ghana Card for SIM registration. The law does not necessarily require biometric capture at every stage, but it emphasizes identity verification through the NIA system— making the process legally sound when properly implemented.

How the System Was Designed to Work

From a technical standpoint, the initial phase of the exercise (Stage One) was relatively straightforward:

1. Users submitted their Ghana Card details via USSD or digital platforms.
   1. Telecom operators transmitted this data in real-time to the NIA.
   1. Verified identities triggered OTP confirmations, completing the SIM linkage.

This real-time verification ensured that only valid Ghana Card numbers— already authenticated by the NIA—were used. Additionally, the introduction of the *402# shortcode by the NCA provided a critical transparency tool, allowing individuals to check all SIM cards registered under their identity.

Challenges From The Previous Registration Exercise

Despite its strong conceptual foundation, the rollout has encountered several challenges:

1. Technical and Platform Limitations

Initial attempts using mobile apps and web portals were plagued with inefficiencies, pushing reliance onto USSD systems. While effective, USSD lacks the robustness and user experience of modern digital platforms.

• SIM Cloning and Identity Misuse Risks

Even with verified Ghana Card numbers, concerns persist about unauthorized SIM registrations using another person’s identity. Without widespread public use of verification tools like *402#, such issues may go undetected.

• Public Awareness and Compliance Gaps

Many users remain unaware of their ability to verify linked SIMs or remove unauthorized ones. The system’s effectiveness depends heavily on user participation in these verification processes.

• Logistical and Accessibility Constraint

Although the government anticipated widespread Ghana Card availability by 2023, some individuals—especially in remote areas—still face barriers in obtaining or updating their cards.

• Policy Communication and Misinterpretation

There has been public confusion around what the law actually requires. Some narratives incorrectly suggest that processes without direct NIA involvement are invalid, whereas the law primarily mandates the use of the Ghana Card—not necessarily continuous biometric validation.

The Way Forward

Experts argue that the next phase of the exercise should focus on system strengthening rather than reinvention:

• Mandatory SIM Verification: Making the *402# check compulsory could empower users to confirm and control all SIMs linked to their identity.
  • User-Controlled Authorization: Future SIM registrations, removals, or transfers could require direct approval from the Ghana Card holder.
  • Improved Public Education: Sustained awareness campaigns are essential to ensure citizens understand and actively engage with the system.
  • Enhanced Security Layers: Addressing risks like SIM cloning through additional authentication measures will further solidify the system.

Conclusion

Ghana’s SIM registration initiative is a bold and necessary reform with far-reaching implications for security, governance, and digital transformation. My thoughts in conclusion are:

1. The exercise is no longer a “re-registration exercise “but a registration exercise for the singular reason been that the first attempt was null and void due to its lack of linkage of persons to their biometric data. The exercise only linked most names to the growing National Register and nothing else.

• This registration exercise gives government a double prong benefit. One is all the stated benefits and secondly, the opportunity to capture individuals who are not in the NIA Database since all mobile centers will have staff from the authority as part of the team.

This is a more wholistic approach to anchoring the various arms of our economic growth indicators on IDENTITY which is now the most effective way to achieve a data driven economy.

Know the Demand

The first thing you need to do is understand the demand that you have for your products, and which target countries are supporting that demand.

Decide how you plan to send your orders to different countries, and take the time to answer basic questions. You should also understand the sales tax you need to pay. Depending on what you are selling and where you intend to sell it, you may also need to invest in a VAT number.

A VAT number UK can be checked online, and this is a great way for you to make sure that you stay on top of things like VAT checking, so you can assess your profitability and what prices you need to charge when you are out and about.

Controlling Shipping

It’s also so important that you take the time to control your shipping costs. Using a parcel consolidator is a good thing to do here. Most consumer eCommerce international packages don’t weigh that much, but at the same time, they can be expensive.

If you want to work around this, then you need to make sure that you are using a reputable parcel service and that you are also looking into shipping in bulk if you can.

If you do this, then you will find it easier to make sure that you are able to lower your shipping costs as well as any cross-border costs you may need to pay. If you can keep things like this in consideration, you will notice a big difference.

Create Predictable Processes

Creating predictable processes is so important. Express couriers can charge for delivery if they cannot deliver on the first attempt, and sometimes sellers have to provide their phone number or even a backup address.

If you want to help yourself here, then shipping automation is a good thing to invest in.

If you do this, then you can eliminate errors by checking your customer data, which will help you a lot. You can also purchase discounted postage labels, which will help you to track your orders while making sure that you are working from a centralised dashboard. Things like this can make a major difference to you, and they can also allow you to create your own rules so you can streamline your fulfillment.

If you can also make sure that you use technology-based rate shipping to estimate your shipping and delivery costs, then this will help you too. Different international shipping carriers will serve different countries, and they will also vary depending on their needs.

If you can consider things like this, then it will help you a lot, and it will also allow you to make the right changes so you can ultimately become more profitable.

At the centre of this effort is the National Identification Authority (NIA), the institution responsible for building and maintaining Ghana’s digital identity ecosystem.

Over the past few years, the NIA has laid a quiet but powerful foundation for Ghana’s digital transformation. Today, more than 19 million Ghanaians (from 15 years and above) have been enrolled on the National Identity Register, with the vast majority issued with their Ghana Cards. This represents over 90% of the population and is one of the most successful extensive biometric identity systems on the continent.

Yet the true measure of success is not just registration — it is usage.

Across Ghana’s financial sector, the Ghana Card has become indispensable. Virtually all major banks rely on the NIA’s platform daily to verify identities in real time. From account opening to loan processing and high-value transactions, millions of verifications are conducted seamlessly and securely.

Notably, this same model extends across key public institutions such as SSNIT and the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA). In these environments, there are no long queues for repeated identity capture or verification because processes are conducted directly against the Ghana Card database — the single source of truth. Once identity is verified once, it is trusted across systems.

This is the power of a unified identity infrastructure.

It also highlights an important risk: the moment parallel or duplicate databases are created, silos emerge. These silos introduce inconsistencies, enable duplication, and ultimately create opportunities for fraud. A fragmented identity ecosystem cannot deliver trust.

A key reason this system works so effectively is by design. The Ghana Card ecosystem was built to minimize — and in many cases eliminate — human intervention in verification processes. Identity authentication is conducted digitally, directly against the National Identity Register, ensuring speed, accuracy, and consistency. By reducing manual handling, the system significantly limits opportunities for manipulation, discretion, and fraud.

This raises an important question:
If banks — operating in high-risk, tightly regulated environments — trust the NIA system without hesitation, why has SIM registration faced challenges in the past?

The answer lies not in the absence of a credible identity system, but in how that system was applied.

Previous SIM registration exercises were conducted through a largely parallel process, where biometric data was captured independently and not consistently verified directly against the National Identity Register. In effect, the system attempted to replicate identity verification and validation rather than rely on the Ghana Card as the single, authoritative source of truth.

This approach created a critical disconnect.

While the NIA had already developed a ready-to-market, real-time identity verification platform — one that was actively being used by banks and other institutions with proven success — SIM registration workflows did not fully integrate with it. As a result, identity checks were fragmented, duplication occurred, and the full value of the national identity infrastructure was not realized.

Equally important, the previous model introduced inefficiencies that were both unnecessary and costly to the public. Individuals were required to undergo fresh biometric capture — often at a fee — despite the fact that their biometric data already existed within the National Identity Register. This duplication was not only redundant but fundamentally flawed.

When identity has already been established and securely stored within a central system, there is no justification for recreating that process elsewhere. Doing so introduces friction, increases cost, and weakens system integrity. It also creates room for perverse incentives, where processes become driven by volume and fees rather than accuracy and verification.

The lesson here is clear: identity verification must not become a transactional activity. It must remain a trusted, centralized public good.

Subsequent audits only reinforced this reality, revealing that biometric validations from the previous exercise did not meaningfully match records in the national database. This outcome was not a failure of the identity system itself, but rather a reflection of the missing link — direct, seamless verification against the Ghana Card.

Simply put, the foundation existed, but it was not fully utilized.

That gap has now been addressed.

Today, the NIA operates a robust, secure, and fully functional identity verification infrastructure. We have cleared historical backlogs, introduced instant card issuance, expanded nationwide coverage, and strengthened our systems to support real-time authentication at scale.

More importantly, the Ghana Card has proven itself.

Banks trust it because it delivers consistency, accuracy, and security. They rely on a single, authoritative source of identity — the National Identity Register — which eliminates duplication and ensures that every individual is uniquely identifiable. Through proper integration, identity verification has become a seamless part of their operations.

For telecom operators, this offers a clear lesson.

Success in SIM registration will not come from technology alone. It will come from how well systems are integrated, how effectively stakeholders collaborate, and how deliberately processes are designed around the user.

Encouragingly, the new SIM registration framework reflects these lessons. With the introduction of mobile app-based self-registration and assisted digital services, using NIA’s advanced technologies such as facial recognition and liveness detection, Ghana is moving toward a more efficient, secure, and user-centred approach.

Security, in particular, remains non-negotiable.

The Ghana Card is backed by biometric verification, ensuring that identities are tied to unique physical characteristics. NIA’s liveness detection technology will further strengthen the integrity of the system by preventing the use of static images or spoofed identities.

This is a major step forward for Ghana.

It will enhance national security, reduce fraud, and ensure that every active SIM card is linked to a verified individual. It will also reinforce trust in digital services — a critical requirement for a modern, inclusive digital economy.

At the NIA, we are ready.

Our systems are already working — proven daily through their use in banking, healthcare, taxation, and other essential services. The success of this SIM registration exercise will not be built from scratch; it will be built on a foundation that already exists.

A foundation of trust.
A foundation of security.
A foundation of identity.

The banking sector has demonstrated what is possible when that foundation is properly utilized.

The telecommunications sector now has the opportunity — and responsibility — to do the same.

Ghana must not repeat the mistakes of the past. The Ghana Card must remain the single source of truth, and all systems must align around it.

If we get this right, Ghana will not only solve the challenges of SIM registration — we will take a decisive step toward a future where identity is verified once and trusted everywhere.

And that future is already within reach.

What exactly is the real rent problem in Ghana? Is it that rents are too expensive? Or is it that tenants are forced to pay too much money upfront before they can even receive the keys to a room?

The answer lies somewhere between economics, law, and a housing system that has quietly drifted away from reality. On paper, Ghana already has rules governing rent payments.

The Rent Act 1963 (Act 220) clearly states that landlords are not supposed to demand more than six months’ rent advance from tenants. The law has existed for over six decades. The Rent Control Department is tasked with enforcing it.

Yet the lived reality in cities such as Accra, Kumasi, and Takoradi tells a completely different story. Two years’ rent advance has become the norm. In some cases, landlords even demand three years.

A single room that costs GHS 700 per month can require more than GHS 16,000 upfront before a tenant moves in. For the average Ghanaian worker, that is not simply rent—it is a financial mountain.

This is where the national conversation becomes blurry. When Ghanaians complain about rent, they often speak with one voice. But beneath that shared frustration lie two very different issues.

First, there is the cost of rent itself. Urban housing prices have increased steadily over the years, especially in fast-growing cities. According to the Ghana Statistical Service, Ghana faces a housing deficit estimated at nearly two million housing units. When demand for homes rises faster than supply, prices inevitably climb.

Second, there is the structure of rent payment—the advance system that forces tenants to pay huge sums of money upfront. For many people, the true pain is not necessarily the monthly rent. The deeper problem is that they must produce two years’ worth of rent in one day.

That requirement alone locks thousands of young workers, newly married couples, and migrating professionals out of the housing market.

So the real question becomes unavoidable: Do Ghanaians want cheaper rent, or simply a more humane payment system?

To understand the problem honestly, one must also listen to the other side of the story. Many landlords did not inherit large housing estates. They built their houses gradually, block by block, often with personal savings and informal loans.

Without strong mortgage systems or housing finance, the rent advance becomes a form of capital recovery. It helps landlords recover construction costs, protect themselves from inflation, and shield themselves from tenants who may stop paying.

In a country where legal processes can be slow and eviction disputes complicated, advance payments have become a form of insurance. So what appears to tenants as exploitation often appears to landlords as financial survival.

The Silent Failure of Governments
The tragedy of Ghana’s rent crisis is that it has lasted through many administrations. From Jerry John Rawlings to John Agyekum Kufuor, through John Atta Mills, John Mahama, and Nana Akufo-Addo, housing reform has appeared repeatedly in political speeches.

Yet little has fundamentally changed. Public housing programmes have been limited. The rent law has remained largely outdated. Enforcement agencies are underfunded. And urban populations continue to expand rapidly.

The result is predictable: the housing market now runs largely on informal rules, not on the laws written in books.

What Ghanaians Actually Want

Listen carefully to the conversations in workplaces, churches, and radio discussions, and a clearer picture emerges. Most tenants are not demanding miracles. They are asking for three simple things. First, a monthly or quarterly rent payment system, similar to what exists in many parts of the world.

Second, strict enforcement of the six-month rent advance rule. Third, more housing supply, particularly affordable housing for middle- and lower-income workers. In essence, the average Ghanaian tenant is saying something simple: “Let us pay rent in a way that allows us to live and breathe.”

Housing is more than shelter. It shapes mobility, productivity, and dignity, and this is why the nation must rethink housing.

When young professionals cannot move closer to jobs because they cannot raise two years’ rent advance, economic opportunity becomes restricted. When families must borrow heavily just to secure a room, financial instability follows.

The rent advance system has quietly become one of the biggest barriers to urban mobility in Ghana. Fixing it will require more than political statements. It will require serious housing policy, stronger enforcement institutions, and innovative rental financing systems that protect both tenants and landlords.

Until that happens, the Ghanaian dream of simply finding a decent place to live will remain what it has become for too many people: A struggle that begins long before the door to the house is even opened.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Appointed in 2025, Razark has been instrumental in coordinating security agencies to tackle pressing issues like narcotic trafficking and ensuring peace across the nation.

One of his notable achievements is the intensified war on drugs, with major busts recorded since assumption of office in 2025, including the interception of 3.3 tonnes of cocaine worth $350 million at Pedu Junction near Cape Coast.

His team has also arrested several high-profile suspects, including a notorious Nigerian drug trafficker and a British national attempting to smuggle cannabis at Kotoka International Airport.

Razark’s coordination with agencies like NACOC, NIB, and the Ghana Police Service has led to significant seizures, including 713 slabs of suspected narcotics in Ashanti Region and 1,613 parcels on the Tema-Akosombo Road.

His emphasis on inter-agency collaboration and intelligence gathering has improved Ghana’s security framework.

The Silent Approach.

Razark’s top-notch approach is characterized by strategic planning, discreet operations, and effective collaboration.

His focus on cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and crisis management has made him a key player in Ghana’s security architecture.

Impact on Ghana’s Security.

The National Security Coordinator’s efforts have contributed to a safer Ghana, with reduced drug trafficking and improved public safety.

His work has earned him commendation, with some praising his ability to tackle security challenges with minimal resources.

COP Abdul-Osman Razark’s coordination with international security agencies has significantly boosted Ghana’s fight against narcotic trafficking.

Enhanced Intelligence Sharing.

Razark’s collaboration with agencies like NACOC, NIB, and international partners has improved intelligence gathering, leading to targeted operations and arrests.

Joint Operations.

Partnerships with some countries in the African sub region have resulted in joint task forces and awareness campaigns to tackle cross-border trafficking.

These efforts demonstrate Ghana’s commitment to combating narcotic trafficking, with COP Razark playing a pivotal role in strengthening international cooperation.

THE WRITER: WILLIAM GENTU.

COMMUNICATION & MEDIA PRACTITIONER,
MASTERS STUDENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY @ GIMPA.

EMAIL: FAFALIFA1@GMAIL.COM

The Original Argument No Longer Holds

To understand why this levy must go, we must revisit the rationale for its implementation. In June 2025, prices at the pump had indeed seen a decline. According to data from the Chamber of Oil Marketing Companies, prices had dropped for the seventh consecutive time that year, aided significantly by the Cedi appreciating by 34% against the dollar. Petrol had fallen to about GH¢12.38 per liter by June 2025 from GH¢14.99 per liter in January 2025, and diesel to GH¢12.88 per liter by June, 2025 from GH¢15.60 per liter in January, 2025. It was this “drastic decline” specifically a drop of GH¢2.61 for petrol and GH¢2.72 for diesel that the Minister used as a political shield to introduce the new tax.

His argument was simple, the consumer was paying less at the pump, the government could step in and take that margin to defray the energy sector debt. The Energy Sector Levies (Amendment) Act, 2025 (Act 1141) officially added approximately GH¢1 to the price build-up, bringing the total Energy Sector Shortfall and Debt Repayment Levy to GH¢1.95 for petrol and GH¢1.93 for diesel. The government effectively treated the global market disinflation as an opportunity to fill its own coffers, rather than a chance to provide lasting relief to households and businesses.

The Crushing Burden of March 2026

Fast forward to March 2026, and the market dynamics have violently reversed. The National Petroleum Authority (NPA) has announced significant hikes in price floors effective March 16, with diesel jumping to a floor of GH¢14.35 per liter and petrol to GH¢11.57 per liter. However, these are merely the minimum prices before overheads or markups are applied. The market as at Monday, 16th March 2025 saw the retail prices of diesel averagely sold above GH¢15.60 per liter and petrol sold averagely above GH¢12.60 per liter reverting to the peak prices seen in early 2025.

These increases are being driven by forces entirely outside the government’s control, same as observed in 2022 during the initial stages of Russia-Ukraine war. As of March 2026, escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East specifically the ongoing conflict involving America, Israel and Iran as well as strikes near the Strait of Hormuz have spiked global crude oil prices . This external shock makes the domestic levy untenable. In June 2025, the tax was absorbable because the Cedi had gained strength and world prices were low. Today, with global prices high and the exchange rate under renewed pressure, the GH¢1 levy is no longer a “small addition” it is the straw breaking the camel’s back.

The Mandate of the Levy Has Been Fulfilled

Perhaps the most compelling argument for the removal of the tax lies in the very success of the revenue mobilization it funded. The levy was sold to a skeptical public as a necessary tool to clear the energy sector’s legacy debt. By the government’s own admission, that mission has been accomplished.

According to the Ministry of Finance, between January and December 2025, the government paid approximately US$1.47 billion to reset the energy sector. This includes the full repayment of US$597 million drawn on the World Bank Partial Risk Guarantee, the settlement of all outstanding gas invoices to ENI and Vitol (approx. US$480 million), and the payment of roughly US$393 million in legacy debts to Independent Power Producers (IPPs). The World Bank guarantee has been fully restored, and the government has stated unequivocally that the “era of unchecked energy sector debt accumulation is over”. On pages 7 and 8 of the 2026 budget speech, the minister indicated that revenue collection has increased by about 90% and for that matter the sector was not accruing current debt.

The announcement by the finance minister on the defrayment of the sector debt nullifies any justification for the keeping Ghc1 per liter on the price build-up of petroleum products. Therefore, continuous collecting of the levy now transforms it from a “debt recovery” tool into a hidden general revenue tax. The consumer is being asked to pay for a problem that has allegedly been solved.

The Inflationary and Social Impact

Continuing this levy in the face of rising global prices is an economic own goal. CEMSE, in its commentary on the 2025 budget, warned that this levy would place “added pressure on consumers” through higher fuel prices, which would inevitably affect “transport costs and inflation”. With diesel price now exceeding GH¢15.60 per liter, highly inflationary figures are likely to rebound if the GH¢1 per liter per introduced on the price build up is not removed.

Diesel is the lifeblood of the Ghanaian economy because it powers the vehicles and cargos that carry food to the markets, the generators that back up our erratic power supply, and the machinery in the construction and mining sectors. A diesel price above GH¢15.60 will trigger an immediate spike in transportation fares and food prices. Simultaneously, petrol at GH¢13.00 will eat into the disposable incomes of commuters and private vehicle owners. To maintain a tax designed for a “debt crisis” during a “cost-of-living crisis” is to place fiscal policy at odds with the welfare of the citizenry.

Conclusion
The GH¢1 per liter levy was a product of its time introduced when prices were low to solve a debt problem. Today, prices are high and the debt is, by official record, cleared. The government has a choice to retain this tax and watch inflation spiral, or show empathy and economic prudence by withdrawing it. The consumers have paid their share and for that matter it is time for the government to fulfill its side of the bargain and remove this burdensome levy.

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The confirmation of news reports indicating former Finance Minister (2017-2024) Ken Ofori-Atta is seeking permanent residence in the USA is unfortunate as well as disappointing.

Some of us have known Ken since the 1980s – a pleasant and brilliant product of prestigious Achimota School, Columbia University and Yale University School of Management. He founded Databank in Ghana and our paths crossed in Liberia where Databank was opening.

Ken, now 66, is deeply familiar with the legal system in Ghana, and l believe that an honest bible-quoting Christian like him would have the courage of his convictions to face all odds.

From my personal experience in politics, l would agree that politics is an unpredictable path to pursue, yet a necessary avenue to serve public interest.

The position of a Finance Minister is a prestigious one, and any person in that role attracts more eyeballs than probably any other Cabinet minister or public servant. And all those put in that position have not been unaware of the kind of responsibility carried with it.

We have known Dr Kwesi Botchwey, Richard Kwame Peprah, Yaw Osafo-Maafo, Kwadwo Baah-Wiredu, Dr. Kwabena Duffuor, Seth Terkper, Dr. Mohammed Amin Adam (2024-2025), and NONE of them has sought permanent refuge abroad, and Ken knows this.

So why is Ken Nana Yaw Ofori-Atta seeking to abandon his traditional heritage, his old school mates and the values they inherited, his church fraternity and the teachings that held them together, the colleagues in the party which made him chairman of their Finance Committee, his cousin former President Akufo-Addo who appointed him as Finance Minister and who is still in the country, his many admirers who loved his regular white outfits?

The laws of Ghana, like the values in the villages and in the churches and mosques, have not changed; only the human beings and personalities keep changing positions.

I am not the only one who will be disappointed if Ken sticks to his word, as his US lawyers say: most of those I have mentioned here will also be.

For posterity, and for the history of the Republic of Ghana, this will be a bad precedent! Nothing to be proud of as part of Ghana Heritage! Come home, Ken! This is where you belong!

In the ever-colourful theatre of Ghanaian politics, a single statement can travel faster than a trotro in an empty lane. This week, the National Chairman of the National Democratic Congress, Hon. Johnson Asiedu Nketia, stirred public conversation with a remark that was as humorous as it was deeply reflective: “If all 500,000 become police officers, where will they find thieves to arrest?”

Now, to the casual listener, this may sound like a simple joke thrown into a political gathering to lighten the mood. But anyone familiar with Chairman Asiedu Nketia knows that beneath the humour often lies a serious message waiting to be unpacked. The man has a way of wrapping wisdom in satire, the same way our grandmothers wrapped bitter medicine in honey.

The facts themselves are telling. Nearly 500,000 young Ghanaians reportedly applied to join the Ghana Police Service, yet government resources can only absorb about 5,000 recruits this year. If that statistic alone does not provoke reflection about youth employment and national planning, then perhaps the Chairman’s humorous question will.

In essence, the statement highlights an important truth: a nation cannot function if everyone chooses the same path. Imagine a Ghana where half a million citizens suddenly wear police uniforms. Who then becomes the teacher to educate our children? Who grows the maize and cassava that end up on our tables? Who builds our roads, heals our sick, designs our technology, and drives our businesses?

In such a scenario, the police might eventually find themselves directing traffic for goats and chasing chickens across empty markets.

This is precisely the deeper point the Chairman appears to be making. A thriving nation depends on economic diversity. Security institutions are important, but they are only one piece of the national puzzle. The strength of any economy lies in the variety of professions and industries that keep the wheels of productivity turning.

There is also another layer of wisdom hidden in the remark. If society successfully creates opportunities for its citizens eg. jobs, businesses, skills training, and innovation. When that is highly achieved, the number of people tempted to commit crime naturally declines. In that sense, the best way to reduce crime is not simply to recruit more police officers but to build a society where people are productively engaged. It is preventive development rather than reactive policing.

Chairman Asiedu Nketia, known widely for his grassroots approach to politics, has built a reputation as a leader who speaks plainly and without unnecessary decoration. He says things as they are, sometimes with a touch of humour that leaves people laughing first and thinking later. That is the mark of a seasoned political communicator.

Of course, in today’s political climate, some observers, especially those in opposition may be tempted to search for hidden controversy in every sentence spoken by government or figures close to government. But a mature democratic society must rise above the temptation of petty political propaganda.

Opposition politics, at its best, is not about twisting statements for headlines or creating noise where none exists. It is about providing constructive criticism, proposing practical alternatives, and strengthening democratic accountability.

In this particular case, the Chairman’s remark should be seen not as an attack on aspiring police officers but as a humorous reminder that national development requires balance, planning, and realism. Governments must recruit security personnel responsibly, based on budgetary capacity and national needs, while simultaneously expanding opportunities across other sectors of the economy.

After all, a country cannot be policed into prosperity.

Ultimately, the comment reflects a deeper philosophy, the true measure of progress is not how many officers we recruit, but how many citizens we empower to live productive and dignified lives. When the economy works for the people, crime naturally becomes the exception rather than the norm.

And perhaps that is the real joke behind the Chairman’s statement: in a well-developed society with abundant opportunities, the police might indeed struggle to find thieves to arrest. Would that not be the best problem any nation could ever have?

Even when you step out of your air-conditioned vehicle to enter an office, shop, or home, you are still breathing the same polluted air. This invisible danger slowly damages our lungs and respiratory organs.

Every day, in our expanding cities, we breathe polluted air, regardless of our social status or where we live. Air pollution does not discriminate.

The transportation sector is one of the biggest contributors to this problem. Heavy traffic, ageing vehicles, and long hours of idling engines release harmful pollutants into the atmosphere. Anyone who has driven behind a vehicle releasing thick black smoke has witnessed this problem firsthand. At the same time, poor waste management systems mean that waste is frequently burned in many communities, adding more smoke and harmful particles to the air.

The health impacts of this pollution are serious. Breathing polluted air over long periods can lead to asthma, lung disease, heart problems, and other respiratory conditions. Studies have also shown that exposure to polluted air can affect unborn children and increase health risks for pregnant women.

What makes air pollution particularly dangerous is that it is often invisible. On many days, the sky looks clear, yet the air can contain tiny particles known as particulate matter. These particles are smaller than the width of a single strand of hair and can travel deep into the lungs and even enter the bloodstream.

People who spend long hours near busy roads may face the greatest risk. Market traders, street vendors, drivers, policemen, and traffic wardens often spend their entire working day in environments where vehicle emissions and dust are highest.

As our cities continue to grow, the problem could become even more serious if action is not taken.

Improving waste management is an important step. Reducing open burning and ensuring proper waste collection can significantly reduce pollution in many communities. Stronger vehicle emission standards and better public transportation systems can also help reduce pollution caused by traffic congestion.

But tackling air pollution is not only the responsibility of government and policymakers. As individuals, we also have a role to play. Avoiding the open burning of waste, maintaining vehicles properly to reduce excessive smoke, and supporting cleaner transportation options can help reduce pollution in our communities. Simple actions such as proper waste disposal and planting trees around our homes and neighbourhoods can also contribute to cleaner air.

Clean air is not a luxury. It is essential for our health and well-being. As Ghana’s cities continue to expand, protecting the air we breathe must become a priority for policymakers, communities, and individuals alike.

Clean air should not be a privilege for a few; it is a basic right that every Ghanaian deserves.

Author
Maame Serwaa Appiah

In many countries, citizens wake up each morning hoping their government succeeds. Success means better roads, stronger schools, stable prices, and opportunities for the next generation.

But in Ghana, a troubling political culture has quietly taken root, one where some people do not merely criticize the government; they pray for it to fail!

Not because failure serves the country. But because failure serves the next election.

It is a strange and dangerous psychology: a nation where political victory often depends on national disappointment. Ghana’s democracy, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1992, has largely revolved around two dominant political forces the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

Their rivalry is intense, deeply emotional, and often theatrical. Elections are fought fiercely, supporters defend their camps passionately, and political debate fills radio studios, television panels, and social media timelines. Competition in politics is not the problem. In fact, democracy thrives on competition.

The problem emerges when political competition transforms into something darker, when the opposition begins to see national difficulty as a political opportunity.

It is not unusual in Ghana’s political discourse to hear opposition voices amplify every economic hardship, every policy stumble, and every administrative misstep. That is their democratic role.

Opposition parties exist to question power, expose weaknesses, and propose alternatives.

But there is a subtle line between constructive criticism and strategic pessimism. Too often, that line disappears. In the heat of partisan rivalry, some political actors quietly begin to hope that the government’s policies fail, that the economy deteriorates, or that public frustration grows.

The logic is simple and brutally cynical: if the ruling party struggles, voters will punish them at the ballot box. In other words, the road to power is paved with national disappointment.

This mindset creates a perverse political incentive structure. Instead of contributing ideas that strengthen national programs, some actors focus on predicting collapse. Instead of offering solutions that improve governance, the emphasis shifts to highlighting failure.

Political debate becomes less about building the country and more about waiting for the government to stumble.

Ironically, opposition parties often sound their most reasonable and visionary when they are out of power.

Away from the burdens of governance, their policy ideas appear fresh, thoughtful, and people-centered. They speak passionately about accountability, fiscal discipline, and good governance. They promise transparency, humility, and national unity.

The deeper tragedy is that citizens sometimes become enthusiastic participants in this political theatre. Supporters of one party often celebrate the struggles of the other as though national hardship were a sporting victory.

Economic difficulties become partisan talking points. Governance challenges become ammunition for political insults. The conversation stops being about Ghana. It becomes about winning.

This “pull him down” mentality is not just a social habit; it has become a political strategy. Instead of building a culture where ideas compete, Ghana sometimes drifts into a culture where failure is weaponised. And that is dangerous.

Because when a government fails, the country does not pause until the next election. Businesses suffer. Families struggle. Young graduates searching for work cannot put their lives on hold until political power changes hands.

National development is not a football match where supporters cheer when the opposing team misses a penalty. When government programs collapse, everyone loses.

Infrastructure projects stall. Policy continuity disappears. Institutional confidence weakens. Investors hesitate. The economy absorbs the shock long before political actors claim their victory.

The uncomfortable truth is that a nation cannot sustainably grow if its political ecosystem quietly depends on failure. Democracy should not reward sabotage whether open or subtle. Instead, Ghana needs a different political philosophy.

A mature democracy is one where the opposition competes not by waiting for collapse but by presenting stronger alternatives. Where criticism is paired with policy. Where disagreement is grounded in ideas rather than partisan hostility.

Opposition parties should not pray for governments to fail. They should challenge governments to do better. They should design sharper policies, propose smarter reforms, and present credible visions that persuade voters through innovation rather than frustration.

The ruling party, on the other hand, must also accept that criticism is not sabotage. Healthy democracies depend on scrutiny. Governments that listen carefully to opposing ideas often become stronger, not weaker. And citizens must also rethink their role in this political ecosystem.

Partisan loyalty should not blind us to national reality. A struggling government does not hurt only its political leaders, it hurts market traders, taxi drivers, teachers, nurses, farmers, and young entrepreneurs trying to build a future.

We must learn to evaluate policies rather than slogans. Reward ideas rather than insults. And recognize that national success benefits everyone regardless of party colour.

Democratic stability alone is not enough. A democracy must also cultivate political maturity. It must encourage competition that produces better policies, not louder pessimism. It must inspire leaders who measure success by national progress rather than electoral advantage.

A country should never find itself in the uncomfortable position of hoping its government fails. Because when a nation begins to pray for political failure, it risks slowly praying against its own future. And Ghana deserves better than that.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

At the heart of her advocacy is her groundbreaking book, Gender and Change: Roles and Challenges of Ordained Women Ministers of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana, published by Gavoss Education Plc Ltd. in 2016.

The book remains one of the most comprehensive Ghanaian studies examining the lived experiences of ordained women ministers, documenting both the structural challenges they face and the transformative contributions they make to church life.

Research Rooted in Experience

In Gender and Change, Rev. Dr. Adasi moves beyond abstract theological debate to present evidence-based research grounded in Ghanaian ecclesial realities. She explores how cultural norms, historical interpretations of Scripture, and institutional traditions have shaped attitudes toward women’s ordination and leadership.

Her work critically engages long-standing interpretations of Pauline texts, arguing that many restrictive readings are products of historical context rather than enduring theological mandates. Drawing on Galatians 3:28 — “all are one in Christ Jesus” — she frames inclusion not as concession, but as faithful theological consistency.

Naming the Barriers

One of the strengths of her scholarship is its courage in addressing sensitive issues. She examines how perceptions of ritual purity, gendered authority, and inherited cultural expectations have limited women’s participation in certain sacred and leadership roles.

Importantly, she also identifies internalized patriarchy — resistance that sometimes emerges within families and congregations themselves — as a factor that institutions must consciously confront.

Yet her approach is not confrontational. It is constructive, analytical, and future-oriented.

A Vision of Complementary Leadership

Rather than advocating replacement or rivalry, Rev. Dr. Adasi envisions complementarity — men and women serving side by side, each contributing their gifts, callings, and competencies for institutional growth and renewal.

Her research demonstrates that where women are fully included, congregations often experience strengthened pastoral care, broader community engagement, and revitalized mission.

As she often notes, leadership within faith communities must be grounded in service, demonstrated competence, and integrity of calling.

A Voice with Global Resonance

While rooted in the Ghanaian context, the themes raised in Gender and Change resonate globally, as Christian denominations across the world continue to wrestle with balancing sacred tradition and contemporary understandings of justice and equality.

Through scholarship and public engagement, Rev. Dr. Grace Sintim Adasi has emerged as a leading Ghanaian voice in African women’s theology and ecclesial studies. Her work provides both intellectual depth and practical insight — offering institutions a roadmap for navigating change without abandoning faithfulness.

The conversation on women in ministry is ongoing. But through her research, writing, and advocacy, Rev. Dr. Adasi ensures that it remains informed, courageous, and grounded in theological integrity.

In Ghanaian politics, wisdom often speaks best from the Minority or opposition bench. It is sharp. Measured. Data-driven. It demands accountability and promises consultation. It sounds patriotic, restrained, and even visionary.

And suddenly, the tone shifts. The same voices that once insisted on broad stakeholder engagement now urge patience. The same politicians who demanded transparency begin to defend process. Advice becomes “noise.” Criticism becomes “agenda.” Listening becomes selective.

This is not a partisan swipe. It is a recurring democratic pattern. Whether it is the National Democratic Congress or the New Patriotic Party occupying the seat of power, the transformation feels familiar. In opposition, both sound like policy reformers. In government, both sometimes sound insulated.

The issue is not hypocrisy alone. It is structure. It is psychology. It is incentive.

Opposition is fertile intellectual ground. Without executive authority, a political party has only one real instrument: persuasion. It must win public trust through argument. It must scrutinize budgets line by line. It must expose weaknesses in government policy. It must appear responsible enough to govern and critical enough to matter.

In that space, politicians consult widely. They engage civil society. They speak the language of reform. They hold press conferences armed with statistics and moral clarity. It is easier to sound rational when you are not responsible for implementation.

Consider economic debates tied to Ghana’s engagements with institutions like the International Monetary Fund. When in opposition, parties often demand transparency, inclusive dialogue, and safeguards for vulnerable citizens. They promise a better-negotiated path. And the arguments resonate. Because from the outside, governance looks straightforward. Solutions seem clear. Trade-offs appear manageable.

Then comes government. The view from inside is different. Fiscal constraints are real. Bureaucratic systems resist speed. Global shocks disrupt the best-laid plans. Political allies expect rewards. Party loyalists expect protection.

But beyond these structural pressures lies something deeper: the psychology of power. Winning an election feels like validation. It signals that the electorate has endorsed your ideas. And once leaders feel validated, dissent can begin to feel unnecessary, even threatening.

The advisory circle narrows. Criticism from opponents is interpreted as strategy, not sincerity. Internal party discipline tightens. Public disagreement is discouraged in the name of stability. Listening becomes risk management rather than democratic practice. And slowly, the vibrant rationality of opposition gives way to the guarded defensiveness of incumbency.

In Ghana, politics is not merely ideological—it is emotional. Party loyalty often shapes identity. Elections are intense. Victories are celebrated as existential triumphs. That intensity magnifies the shift. When in opposition, a party presents itself as the guardian of national interest. When in power, it can begin to conflate party interest with national interest. Critique then feels like sabotage.

Parliamentary debates harden. Policy conversations become binary. Social media amplifies outrage instead of nuance. The space for bipartisan collaboration shrinks. Yet the irony remains striking: many of the reforms passionately demanded in opposition are the same reforms needed in government—fiscal discipline, procurement transparency, institutional independence, decentralization. Once in office, however, implementation often slows or becomes selective.

It would be easy to dismiss this pattern as political inconsistency. But governance is genuinely harder than opposition rhetoric. Campaign promises collide with fiscal realities. Global economic trends disrupt national planning. Security pressures demand swift decisions. Complex trade-offs emerge. What sounds simple outside government often becomes complicated inside it.

Acknowledging this complexity is important. But it does not excuse the abandonment of openness. Democratic maturity is not measured by how eloquently leaders criticize. It is measured by how willingly they listen when they hold authority.

The Cost of Selective Hearing

When governments dismiss ideas based on their source rather than their merit, the nation loses. Good policy may be delayed. Public trust may erode. Citizens may grow cynical. And cynicism is dangerous. When voters believe that rationality is seasonal—loud before elections and quiet after victory—they disengage. Participation drops. Debate becomes theatre. Politics becomes performance rather than progress.

Ghana’s democracy has achieved remarkable stability since 1992. Peaceful transfers of power have strengthened the Fourth Republic. That is a legacy worth protecting. But stability alone is not enough. The next stage of democratic growth requires cultural evolution from competitive politics to collaborative governance.

The real test of leadership is not how well one argues from the Minority or opposition side. It is whether one governs with the same humility once entrusted with power. Can governments institutionalize consultation rather than treat it as campaign language? Can parliamentary committees function beyond rigid party lines? Can major national reforms be shaped by cross-party consensus instead of electoral calculation?

The farmer in Tamale does not care whether a good agricultural policy originated from Majority or Minority benches. The trader in Makola measures inflation, not party colours. The graduate in Kumasi wants opportunity, not ideological choreography. Wisdom should not relocate when power changes hands.

If rationality only thrives in opposition, then our democracy risks becoming performative. If listening stops at inauguration, then governance becomes defensive.

Ghana does not lack intelligent politicians. We hear them every election cycle—thoughtful, measured, and persuasive. The challenge is consistency. The challenge is to govern with the same openness once demanded from others. Perhaps the real democratic breakthrough will not be another peaceful transfer of power but a transfer of mindset—a moment when leaders understand that electoral victory is not a monopoly on wisdom.

Until then, Ghanaians will continue to notice the shift in tone—the eloquence before power and the caution after it. And they will keep asking a simple question: Has Ghana outgrown competitive politics, or are we ready for collaborative governance?

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

I don’t know what else women can give. They have given and continue to give a lot. In the last half-century, women have gained a lot, manifested by laws against sexual violence and for property rights, as well as more girls in school than ever before.

There has also been advances in the area of political rights and inclusivity. Despite these advances, a lot remains to be done. Last week, one of my patients gave me a lesson in the patriarchal world at work.

She is in her early 80s. She informed me that her children had taken her car keys from her because they worried about her ability to drive safely. I thought her children were being proactive and reasonable. When I said so, she said, ” My husband is 5 years older, in poorer health and has poorer eyesight.

Why didn’t they take his keys too?”. She had a point. Last week, I read the possibly apocryphal story of landlords in a suburb of Accra who demand sex in exchange for rents.

There have been well-known cases of professors demanding sex-for-grades and employers demanding sex-for-jobs and getting away with. Indeed, even the UN’s own staff sent to warzones like the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to protect the vulnerable have been accused of abuses.

The Epstein cases and the “I BELIEVE HER” movements have highlighted these issues. The fight for Women’s emancipation is a fight for all of us, not just for women.

After all, they are our daughters, sisters, wives and mothers. Let’s wish all our women well and stand with them as they fight for equality.

Unfortunately, they are a bit of hypocrisy in this fight. Organizations set up to fight for women and equality have shown a disturbing penchant for abandoning women for ideological or political goals. Happy INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY!

According to the group, the incident involving the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) should serve as a serious warning about the increasing dangers facing Ghanaian soldiers deployed on peacekeeping missions in the region.

In a statement issued by peace and security analyst Akunkel Musah, the group revealed that two missiles reportedly struck an area close to where the Ghanaian Battalion was stationed in southern Lebanon on March 6, 2026, between 17:45 and 17:52 local time.

The statement noted that the Ghanaian troops were performing their official peacekeeping duties under a United Nations mandate when the incident occurred.

“These men and women were not combatants but were deployed under the United Nations mandate to help maintain peace and stability in a volatile region,” the statement said.

LACPSA-Ghana argued that the attack highlights the growing risks facing peacekeeping forces as the conflict in the region becomes more complex and unpredictable.

The group warned that the ongoing military exchanges involving Hezbollah and what it described as the Israel–United States alliance have escalated beyond the traditional scope of peacekeeping operations.

According to the statement, the conflict has shifted from sporadic clashes and small-arms engagements to high-intensity ballistic missile strikes and sophisticated military confrontations.

“These developments create conditions that even well-equipped national militaries struggle to manage, let alone peacekeeping contingents whose mandate is primarily observation, monitoring, and stabilisation,” it noted.

LACPSA-Ghana further expressed concern that the UNIFIL command structure may no longer be able to guarantee the safety of Ghanaian troops on the ground.

The group explained that peacekeeping missions rely on a minimum level of restraint among conflicting parties, warning that when hostilities escalate beyond that threshold, neutral peacekeepers become increasingly vulnerable.

The statement also raised concerns about what it described as a growing disregard for international humanitarian law in the conduct of the conflict.

According to the group, the lack of adherence to established rules of engagement significantly increases the risk of collateral damage and complicates efforts to determine accountability if peacekeepers are harmed.

LACPSA-Ghana therefore urged the government, through the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, to initiate discussions with the United Nations regarding the temporary withdrawal or redeployment of Ghanaian forces until a ceasefire is achieved.

While acknowledging Ghana’s longstanding reputation as a reliable contributor to global peacekeeping missions, the group stressed that national pride and international commitments should not come at the expense of the safety of Ghanaian soldiers.

“The evolving situation in Lebanon demands a sober and pragmatic response. Until hostilities subside and a stable ceasefire is established, the Government of Ghana should strongly consider withdrawing our peacekeeping forces from Lebanon,” the statement concluded.

Below is their full statement:

WITHDRAW GHANAIAN PEACEKEEPERS FROM LEBANON NOW; LACPSA-GHANA

The recent attack on the Ghanaian Battalion stationed at the headquarters of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in Southern Lebanon should serve as a serious wake-up call. The safety of Ghanaian soldiers deployed on peacekeeping missions must remain paramount, and the latest developments strongly suggest that the time has come for Ghana to reconsider its continued presence in Lebanon.

On March 6, 2026, between 17:45 and 17:52 (local), two missiles reportedly struck the area where Ghanaian peacekeepers were stationed while carrying out their official duties. These men and women were not combatants but were deployed under the United Nations mandate to help maintain peace and stability in a volatile region. The attack, therefore, highlights the growing dangers facing peacekeeping forces operating in an increasingly complex and unpredictable conflict environment.

Regardless of the circumstances surrounding the strike, the most responsible course of action at this moment is the immediate withdrawal of Ghanaian troops from the mission area. The ongoing military exchanges between Hezbollah and the Israel–United States alliance have escalated to a level that goes far beyond the traditional parameters of peacekeeping operations.

This is no longer a situation defined by small-arms fire, sporadic clashes, or ground confrontations that peacekeepers are typically trained to manage. Instead, the conflict has evolved into one characterised by high-intensity ballistic missile strikes and sophisticated military engagements. Such developments create conditions that even well-equipped national militaries struggle to manage, let alone peacekeeping contingents whose mandate is primarily observation, monitoring, and stabilisation.

A careful assessment of the situation on the ground suggests that the UNIFIL operational command may no longer be able to guarantee the safety of the Ghanaian Battalion. Peacekeeping missions depend on a minimum level of restraint among warring parties. When conflicts escalate beyond that threshold, the risk to neutral peacekeepers increases dramatically.

Equally troubling is the apparent disregard for international humanitarian law in the conduct of the conflict. When military engagements occur without clear respect for established international rules of war, the likelihood of collateral damage rises sharply. Under such circumstances, determining accountability in the event of harm to peacekeepers becomes extremely difficult.

The current display of military force in the region has effectively sidelined logic and order, placing everyone within the operational area at risk. Ghanaian soldiers, whose mission is peacekeeping rather than combat, should not be exposed to such unpredictable and high-risk conditions.

This situation also places Ghana’s diplomatic leadership in a difficult position. While the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, may not have the ability to influence the immediate dynamics of the battlefield, the government still retains the sovereign authority to prfioritize the safety of our troops. One practical step would be to initiate discussions with the United Nations regarding the temporary withdrawal or redeployment of Ghanaian forces until a ceasefire is achieved.

Ghana has built a proud international reputation as a reliable contributor to global peacekeeping missions. Our soldiers have served with distinction in many conflict zones across the world. However, national pride and international commitments should never come at the cost of the safety and lives of our men and women in uniform.

The evolving situation in Lebanon demands a sober and pragmatic response. Until hostilities subside and a stable ceasefire is established, the Government of Ghana should strongly consider withdrawing our peacekeeping forces from Lebanon. Protecting the lives of Ghanaian soldiers must always remain the nation’s highest priority

Akunkel Musah
Analyst: Peace, Security & Climate Change || Global Peace Campaigner
(akunkel.musah1@gmail.com )

Moments like these remind us that Ramadan is not only a period of fasting, but also a time for compassion, generosity, and renewed commitment to one another.

Ramadan calls us to reflect on our shared humanity and the responsibility we carry to uplift those around us. As a Muslim from humble beginnings, I have always believed that life finds its true meaning when we live not only for ourselves but for others.

Even in nature, we witness the beauty of mutual support—trees sharing sunlight and nutrients, animals protecting and nurturing one another. How much more should we, as human beings—honoured as the foremost of Allah’s creation and endowed with compassion and understanding—stand together in kindness and solidarity?

Allah reminds us in the Qur’an:

“The example of those who spend their wealth in the way of Allah is like a seed of grain which grows seven ears; in every ear are a hundred grains. And Allah multiplies for whom He wills.” (Qur’an 2:261)

The Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) also taught: “The best of people are those who are most beneficial to others.”

Supporting these young students during this holy month may seem a small gesture, but it reflects a timeless principle of our faith: giving is not merely an act of charity—it is an expression of faith, brotherhood, and gratitude to Allah.

May Allah accept our acts of kindness, strengthen the bonds within our communities, and guide us all to be instruments of support, compassion, and hope for one another.

Ramadan Kareem. 🌙

But here is the question no one wants to ask: Are you eating real food… or something dangerously altered?

Because what happens before that product reaches your hands may shock you.

Across parts of Africa, food adulteration has quietly become an open secret. For economic gain, some sellers mix cheaper substitutes into popular staples to increase volume and profit. Palm oil is sometimes mixed with dyes to deepen its red colour. Ground egusi may be blended with cheaper flours like cassava. Plantain flour can be diluted with lower-cost alternatives. Old stock may be re-dried, reground, and mixed with new batches.

The goal is simple: stretch the product, cut losses, maximise earnings. Now, here is where it becomes concerning for those of us abroad.

Many African stores in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom rely on bulk suppliers back home. These consolidators purchase goods from open markets or rural producers, repackage them, and ship them overseas. Once they arrive, some stores remove the original packaging, if any existed and repackage the products under their own brand names.

That is where traceability disappears. In countries like the United States, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) requires imported food products to be traceable to a registered foreign facility. Proper labelling should include:

• Manufacturer name and address
• Production and expiry dates
• Batch numbers
• Nutritional information
• Airtight, tamper-evident packaging

Similarly, the Food Standards Agency in the UK enforces strict food safety standards. Canada follows comparable regulations through federal inspection systems.

But many rebranded products sold in some African stores do not meet these standards. Instead, what you may find are:

• Loose nylon pouches
• Non-airtight plastic bags
• No manufacturer listed
• No batch numbers
• No expiry dates
• No traceable origin

If a recall becomes necessary, there is no clear chain back to the original source. Accountability vanishes.

The Chemical Risk

Beyond mixing cheaper ingredients, improper chemical use raises deeper health concerns.

In agricultural storage, certain pesticides are legally approved when used correctly, typically applied outside sealed layers of packaging. However, reports and videos circulating online suggest misuse, including applying strong chemicals directly to food storage environments in unsafe ways.https://www.youtube.com/embed/19cnfKkAvHg

Improper pesticide exposure can pose serious health risks, particularly for children, pregnant women, and individuals with chronic illnesses.

For people managing diabetes, adulterated plantain flour mixed with higher-glycemic substitutes can cause unexpected blood sugar spikes. Consumers believe they are eating one thing their bodies may be processing another.

The
Bigger Problem: Store Rebranding

An increasing trend is stores acting as unofficial manufacturers. Bulk items arrive in sacks. They are divided into smaller pouches. A store label is added. The original producer’s identity disappears.

Without original manufacturer information, consumers cannot verify:

• Whether the product was made in a certified facility
• Whether it passed quality inspection
• Whether it can be traced during contamination
• Whether it meets export compliance standards

This is not an attack on African stores. Many operate honestly and responsibly. But the system leaves room for abuse,e and consumers often assume trust where verification is absent.

How
to Protect Yourself

If you buy African staples abroad, consider these precautions:

1. Buy whole seeds when possible. Purchase whole egusi instead of pre-ground. Grind it yourself.
2. Check for original manufacturer packaging. Avoid store-branded repackaging when the source is unclear.
3. Look for proper labelling. Manufacturer address, batch number, expiry date, and nutritional panel.
4. Ensure airtight, tamper-evident seals.
5. Be cautious with unusually bright colours or altered textures.
6. Ask questions. A reputable store should be able to explain sourcing.

Consumers drive change. When people refuse poorly labelled products, stores are forced to improve standards.

This Is About Health — Not Fear

Food connects the diaspora to culture, family, and identity. But nostalgia should not override safety.

The uncomfortable truth is this: if you cannot trace where your food came from, you cannot fully trust what is inside it. And when it comes to what you feed your children, your spouse, or yourself,f uncertainty is not good enough.

Before your next purchase, pause and look closely. Because the question remains:

Can you say with certainty that what
you are eating is exactly what it claims to be?

We will puff our chests and declare that we are better than Burkina Faso, which now sells us tomatoes, and Rwanda, which now has clean streets.

We will pointlessly debate whether Ghana had a founder or founders. And we will assert shrilly that we need more time to transform Ghana, even though Deng Xiaoping laid the foundation for China’s transformation in just 15 years, while most of our “independence classmates” have left us far behind in development.

Truthfully, our biggest problem is that our democracy is failing badly. Don’t take my word for it. In the 2024 Afrobarometer survey, 52% of Ghanaians, a majority, felt no affinity for either of the major parties.

This is 15% up from the previous survey. Furthermore, only 1-in-4 Ghanaians believe Ghana is a full democracy.

In that survey, a majority of Ghanaians felt the Presidency, Tax officials and MPs are all corrupt! And during the 2025 inauguration of President Mahama, the person who got the most cheers was Sojaman Traore of Burkina Faso.

Let that sink in. In candour, while we may have been a democracy in 1992, we are becoming a kleptocratic plutocracy – a government of rich people, most of whom, Tafraky3, are thieves.

In 1992, most of us believed that our vibrant democracy would deliver development. After all, President Rawlings once said, “Democracy is not just the abstract guarantee of freedom of expression and the right to vote but also the right to food, a roof over your head and clothes on your back.”

On their part, the NPP promised to establish a “property-owning” democracy. Unfortunately, our parties have joined forces to establish a property-looting system in which the two parties trade places, with one party issuing looting mandates that extract wealth from the public space into private hands while the masses suffer.

We cannot clear our garbage. We are quietly returning to “cash and carry” and maintenance of the “no-bed” healthcare system, where newborn mothers and accident victims may die.

Despite repeated assurances, the diaspora remains unengaged. Despite all the protests, Galamsey marches on while our rivers remain polluted.

Corruption and impunity remain so rampant that a private businessman could walk onto the floor of Parliament to bribe MPs protesting the removal of Ken Ofori-Atta. Added to this, there are persistent rumours that MPs need “drinks” to do the government’s own business!!

Indeed, the malfeasance affected God’s own 100 million USD cathedral while God’s children studied under trees with empty stomachs. Don’t get me wrong, in this benighted 4th Republic, there have been bright patches and spots.

There was the surprising flourishing of Judicial independence under President Rawlings. There were Kufour’s six years of good growth and social interventions marred by the neglect of corruption.

There has been admirable responsiveness in the first year of the Mahama II administration, coupled with the Lazarusian revival of the cedi exchange rate.

And there was Captain Kojo Tsikata’s intervention that may have prevented another Rawlings coup just before the Kufuor inauguration in 2001.

And there are the general election voters who have tried repeatedly to give us good governments only to be thwarted by the political parties.

But all in all, our democracy is not working, and it is not delivering development. It is tempting, under these circumstances, to yearn for alternatives to democracy. But we must not. Those alternatives, in the long term, will be worse.

We need, instead, to stand up and reclaim our democracy. First, we need to rescue our political parties from the moneyed elites who have turned them into private clubs. We must let all who are qualified voters vote in their party primaries.

What happened in the NPP presidential primaries and in the NDC primary that produced Baba Jamal was disgraceful. They were not primaries; they were auctions.

In addition to this, the Supreme Court can help by vigorously affirming the self-evident truths contained in the suit filed by Drs Frimpong-Boateng and Nyaho-Tamakloe with Ms. Nuamah.

Second, the media need to break free of its shackles and help educate the public about patriotism and democracy.

We cannot build a democratic nation when many NPP and NDC members feel more loyal to their parties than to Ghana, to such an extent that they defend those whose theft of public resources deprives them of public benefits.

Third, it is becoming increasingly clear that if the NDC and NPP will not reform themselves in the national interest, patriots must birth a new party that would, at a minimum, push presidential elections to run-offs and be capable of winning them sometimes. My fellow Ghanaians.

We are the men and women we have been waiting for. Let’s save our democracy. Happy Independence Day. Long live Ghana.

After years of hardship marked by high inflation, a weakening cedi, debt restructuring and sluggish business activity, President Mahama’s remarks echoed what many households and firms are beginning to feel on the ground and in their pockets, the easing pressure.

Key indicators are stabilising, macroeconomic trends are becoming more predictable, and more importantly, the early signs of a genuine recovery are emerging.

Realities in jargons
Though jargons and sometimes annoying to the ordinary person, these economic metrics and indices are better reflected in the daily cost of living and items on the streets and in corner shops nationwide.

For many households, the moderation of inflation from a peak of 54% in 2022 to around 23% in 2024 before crashing to 3.3.% in February has translated into slower increases in food, transport, and utility costs. For businesses, a relatively more stable cedi and improved supply conditions have helped reduce the uncertainty that made planning difficult in the past.

President Mahama’s national address underscored these improvements, echoing what traders in the markets, manufacturing firms, and ordinary workers have begun to feel in their pockets and bottom lines. While there is room for improvement, the direction has been encouraging.

Cocoa crisis, stormy world
But just as Ghana appeared to be rebuilding stability, events beyond the country’s borders have introduced new and immediate threats.

First was the record crash in cocoa prices in the international market. After soaring to a record $10,000 per ton in 2024, cocoa prices have since collapsed, with the global benchmark trading at about $3,026 per ton on March 4, 2026.

The slump forced Ghana to slash its producer price by 28.6% to GH¢41,392 per ton for the 2025/26 season amid a near 70% drop in world prices from their late 2024 peak, sharply reducing revenue from cocoa exports and eroding already thin farmer incomes.

Ghana is not alone. Neighbouring Ivory Coast has cut its farm gate rate to 1,200 CFA francs/kg from March as unsold stocks pile up. This underscored how the price crash is squeezing household earnings, straining state finances and straining farmer-government relations across West Africa’s cocoa belt.

The second and most contagious issue is the Israel–United States strike on Iran, and the rapidly escalating tensions across the Middle East.

The attacks have triggered renewed volatility in global commodity markets, bring into sharp focus the interconnected nature of the world. For a small, open economy like Ghana, which is heavily dependent on imported fuel, external capital flows, and commodity exports, these geopolitical shocks carry significant risks.

Already, analysts warn that prolonged instability in the Middle East could send crude oil prices sharply higher, above $100 per barrel.

Implications
For Ghana, this would mean higher fuel pump prices, increased transport fares, rising production costs for businesses, and potential upward pressure on inflation.

A spike in oil prices often triggers currency volatility as well, given Ghana’s import bill. Businesses working hard to rebuild margins could face new cost pressures, and households may once again find their budgets strained.

Beyond oil, global investor sentiment tends to deteriorate during geopolitical crises. This could affect Ghana’s access to external financing, delay investment decisions, or tighten global credit conditions just as the country is emerging from debt restructuring and attempting to re establish market confidence.

The gains highlighted in the national address, while real, are therefore at risk unless managed with foresight and agility.

Why Ghana is a step ahead
One of Ghana’s advantages, however, is experience. The country has navigated multiple global and domestic crises over the past decades, commodity price shocks, pandemics, financial sector reforms, fiscal consolidations, and international market disruptions.

Effective crisis management has often relied on a combination of strong policy responses, public cooperation, and resilience among businesses and households. The current moment calls for the same level of collective steadiness.

Fortunately, President Mahama, a former member of Parliament, minister, vice and president has seen it all. He was President when Ghana experienced one of its heaviest capital flights from 2013 into 2016 resulting from a tumbling exchange rate, alongside the debilitating energy crisis.

With tenacity, however, he fixed the power problems and exited office with Ghana having excess installed capacity – gains that have served us till now.

Thus, while the world navigates the current stormy system, local policymakers will need to tap these experiences and deploy people-centered measures. The introduction of stringent fiscal measures, the Gold Board and increased revenue efforts have helped to build the country the needed buffers, but those gains require further oiling to withstand the shocks that recent events bring.

We would need to accelerate efforts to boost domestic food production and support small and medium sized enterprises , which are the backbone of Ghanaian employment to reduce our reliance on imports.

The individual’s role
But equally important is the role of individuals and businesses. Ghanaians cannot afford to be passive observers in this unfolding global uncertainty.

Households may need to adopt more deliberate financial planning, reduce unnecessary expenses, and diversify income where possible. Businesses would have to be more proactive and discipline, anticipating the challenges and reducing exposure to the contagion.

This period also presents an opportunity for innovation. Digital tools, renewable energy solutions, improved logistics systems, and smarter business models can help firms remain competitive even in turbulent times.

More importantly, we must unite in our actions and words. The polarized nature of the world requires that nations move in unison, knowing who they are and what they want.
We must pass whatever text that these developments bring us, as we have triumphed over the bitter COVID19 pandemic, debt restructuring and the economic malaise they brought.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist

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It was an important moment. It reminded Africa that institutions matter, and that justice does not end at national borders.

But human rights do not live in Arusha.

For many Ghanaians, they live — or fail to live — in Accra.

The average Ghanaian will never file a case in Tanzania. The journalist covering a police operation in Kasoa cannot seek urgent protection from a regional bench. The reporter documenting a volatile scene must rely, in that moment, on the discipline of local authority.

And it is here that the question becomes uncomfortable.

The Ghana Journalists Association has repeatedly warned of a sharp rise in attacks and threats against journalists. By mid-2025, the number of reported abuses had already exceeded the previous annual average. By year’s end, RANA recorded more than twenty incidents. In a troubling number of cases, state actors were alleged to be involved.

January 2026 brought further reports.

A journalist shoved aside while covering a public event. Another obstructed while filming. Uniformed personnel allegedly turning force not toward disorder, but toward the camera.

One might say such incidents are isolated. One might say investigations have been launched. One might say tempers flare in difficult circumstances. All true, perhaps.

But the rule of law is not tested in easy circumstances.

It is tested precisely when authority is under strain. It is tested when a camera is raised. It is tested when scrutiny is inconvenient.

Journalists do not possess executive power. They do not command battalions. Their authority lies in observation and publication. When they are intimidated, the damage travels beyond the individual. The public loses sight. Accountability narrows. Silence expands.

Human rights seldom collapse with a crash. They erode by gradual accommodation.

The President, in his State of the Nation Address, acknowledged the rise in attacks against journalists. Recognition matters. It signals awareness. But recognition is not remedy. And remedy is not prevention. Remedy lies in visible consequences: swift, independent investigations; transparent findings; credible sanctions where wrongdoing is established.

Without that, repetition becomes foreseeable.

If journalists, with institutional backing, professional networks, and national platforms, face risk with uncertain protection, what of the citizen without headlines? The market trader? The student? The detainee in a rural station?

The strength of a constitutional democracy is not measured by the eloquence of its speeches abroad, but by the predictability of restraint at home.

Ghana’s Constitution is clear. Media freedom is structural. It exists so that power may be examined without fear. Continental courts are vital guardians of last resort. But they cannot compensate for everyday insecurity in our own streets and institutions.

President Mahama’s words in Arusha were welcome.

But we need results at home.

Are journalists safe in Ghana?

That is the question that must be answered not in Arusha, but in Accra.

Until safety is reliable and accountability routine, speeches — however eloquent — will mean little.

Human rights leadership begins at home.

Kelvin Gyimah
Executive Director
Right Accountability Network – Africa (RANA)

Behind carefully crafted rhetoric about partnership and solidarity, Russian-linked operatives and recruitment networks are working quietly and aggressively to draw young African men into a brutal European battlefield.

What is presented as an opportunity is, in reality, a conveyor belt to the trenches of war against Ukraine.

Let us be clear: this is not Africa’s war. It is not Ghana’s war. And our sons must not become expendable foot soldiers in a conflict that serves no African interest.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has dragged on since 2022, costing hundreds of thousands of lives. With its military ranks heavily depleted, Moscow has increasingly looked outward, including toward Africa, to replenish its forces.

Reports and investigations across multiple countries suggest that African nationals have been recruited under misleading promises of employment, residency, or financial reward, only to find themselves on the front lines of a grinding war where survival is measured in days, not months.

Which friend takes your child from you, flies him across continents, and places him in a bombed trench where life expectancy is terrifyingly short?

The recruitment strategy is deceptively simple. Advertisements circulate on social media platforms, messaging apps, and through informal agents promising construction jobs, security contracts, driving positions, or education opportunities in Russia.

What begins as a civilian job offer can quickly morph into a military deployment. Some recruits reportedly receive minimal training before being sent into combat zones.

Economic hardship makes this deception easier. Youth unemployment, underemployment, and currency instability across parts of Africa create fertile ground for manipulation.

A young man earning little at home is told he can make thousands of euros abroad. Signing bonuses are dangled. Fast-tracked residency is promised. For many struggling families, the offer appears life- changing. But too often, the promise ends in silence.

In Kenya, families have publicly protested after losing contact with relatives who travelled to Russia, believing they had secured civilian jobs. Distress messages have reportedly surfaced

from recruits stranded in combat zones. Russian officials have denied illegal recruitment, dismissing allegations as propaganda. Yet the pattern of testimonies from affected families tells a deeply troubling story.

Consequently, Ghana must not wait for such tragedies to multiply before acting decisively. Our country already grapples with its own security pressures, economic reforms, and social demands.

We face regional instability in West Africa, terrorism threats in the Sahel, youth unemployment, and internal development challenges. Any attempt by a foreign power to draw Ghanaian citizens into a war that is not theirs must be viewed as hostile to our sovereignty and a direct threat to our national interest.

Ghana’s position must be unambiguous: we welcome trade, investment, technology transfer, and development partnerships from any country, including Russia. But we reject, absolutely, any arrangement that exports our youth to die in foreign conflicts.

Sovereignty cannot be bargained away for geopolitical convenience. Other African states have publicly clarified their positions when confronted with recruitment allegations. Ghanaian authorities must be equally firm.

Diplomatic channels should communicate clearly that any recruitment of Ghanaian nationals for foreign military operations is unacceptable. Silence can be misinterpreted. Ambiguity invites exploitation.

At the same time, the government must address the root vulnerability: economic desperation. Policies such as Ghana’s 24-hour economic transformation agenda aim to expand production, strengthen supply chains, develop human capital, and create employment opportunities.

If implemented effectively, beyond mere political slogans and into real action, such reforms can reduce the push factors that drive young people to risk their lives abroad.

Against this backdrop, policy alone is not enough. There is a collective responsibility here.

Journalists must investigate and expose fraudulent recruitment networks. Influencers must amplify warnings rather than romanticise foreign wars. Traditional leaders must educate their

communities. Religious institutions must counsel families. Parents must question “too good to be true” offers that require young men to travel to opaque destinations under vague contracts.

In addition, public awareness campaigns should clearly explain how these recruitment pipelines operate, from online advertisements to intermediary agents to altered contracts. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, together with civic education institutions, should proactively communicate verified guidance on safe migration and known risks.

It is worth noting that Africa has endured centuries of exploitation, from the transatlantic slave trade to colonial conscription in foreign wars. We must therefore not allow a new chapter where economic vulnerability is weaponised to fill foreign trenches.

There is no doubt that Russia may present itself as a friend of Africa. But friendship is not tested in speeches or summit photographs. Friendship is tested in whether your children are safe. A true partner brings contracts, factories, technology, and scholarships. A false partner brings camouflage uniforms and transport to the battlefield.

To this end, Ghanaian youth must understand this clearly: no amount of promised money is worth a coffin draped in someone else’s flag. This is not about choosing sides in global politics. It is about protecting Ghanaian lives. It is about safeguarding sovereignty. It is about refusing to let merchants of death turn economic hardship into military supply chains.

Africa has enough of its own challenges. We do not need imported wars. And Ghana’s sons must not become expendable in battles that are not theirs.

Joecarthy is an analyst and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, development, and African diplomacy.

Contact: 0264354064

Ghanaians may not literally consume macroeconomic theory, but every meal on the table is shaped by it.

The price of kenkey, rice, cooking oil, and transport to the market are all influenced by inflation, exchange rates, interest rates, and fiscal discipline. In that sense, macroeconomics is not distant theory.

It is the invisible foundation beneath every household budget and every plate of food.

They feel inflation.
They feel currency depreciation.
They feel high interest rates.
They feel debt crises.

And it was precisely these failures that defined the debilitating and painful 2022–2023 home-grown crisis that Ghanaians experienced daily under the administration he vigorously defended.

Let us not sanitise history. In 2022 and 2023, Ghanaians woke up to daily increases in the prices of food, fuel, transport, cement, medicine, and basic household goods. Traders repriced goods almost weekly. Families could not plan. Businesses could not forecast. That instability was not theoretical. It was lived reality.

Inflation hit 54% in 2022. That was not an academic statistic. It meant food prices doubling within months, rent and utility costs surging, and salaries losing purchasing power almost immediately. Inflation at 54% is not abstract. It is a direct erosion of livelihoods.

Today, inflation has declined sharply from 23.8% in 2024 to 5.4%, and further down to 3.8% by January 2026.

What does 3.8% inflation mean? It means price stability. It means households can plan. It means traders can restock with confidence. It means wages retain value. That is not theory. That is stability at the market and the pharmacy.

At the end of 2024, the 91-day Treasury bill rate stood at 27.7%. It has now fallen to 6.4%. When government borrows at nearly 30%, it absorbs most of the available liquidity in the banking system.

Banks prefer to lend to government at high, risk-free returns rather than lend to businesses. As a result, private companies struggle to access credit to expand, hire workers, or invest in equipment. Lending rates surge. Businesses contract. Jobs are threatened. Billions of cedis are diverted into interest payments instead of development.

Lower Treasury rates mean government is no longer competing aggressively with businesses for funds. It reduces borrowing costs, improves fiscal credibility, and creates room for private sector lending. That supports business expansion, job creation, and income growth. That affects real people and real jobs.

Public debt has declined from 61.8% of GDP in 2024 to 45.3%. The Domestic Debt Exchange Programme was not theoretical. It strained financial institutions, unsettled investors, forced our pensioners to protest at the Ministry of Finance, and created widespread uncertainty. The damage was profound.

Reducing the debt burden now means lower future interest payments, improved sovereign risk perception, and a reduced likelihood of another painful restructuring. Macroeconomic discipline is what prevents crisis recurrence.

In 2022–2023, currency instability intensified inflation and hardship. Today, the cedi has appreciated significantly against major trading currencies. A stronger currency lowers import costs for fuel and medicine, reduces production costs, stabilises transport fares, and improves business confidence. Currency stability is cost-of-living stability.

Gross international reserves have risen from US$8.9 billion to US$13.8 billion, equivalent to 5.7 months of import cover. Reserves are economic insurance. When they are weak, currencies collapse and crises deepen. When they are strong, shocks can be absorbed.

The strategy to build reserves to 15 months of import cover is deliberate self-insurance against future instability.

A US$9.1 billion current account surplus reflects stronger external earnings and improved balance of payments fundamentals. A country that earns more foreign exchange than it spends strengthens its currency and stabilises its economy. That strengthens purchasing power.

To reduce all of this progress to the slogan “we do not eat macroeconomics” trivialises structural reforms that restore stability. It ignores the fact that macroeconomic collapse translates directly into hardship, and macroeconomic stability translates directly into relief.

Ghanaians remember 2022 and 2023. They remember daily price hikes. They remember uncertainty. They remember fear.

Macroeconomics may not be eaten like gobe, but when it fails, households cannot afford to eat in reality. And when it is stabilised, families regain the dignity of planning, producing, and eating in peace.

A statesman, an international crisis manager, and an international diplomat par excellence.
By Maxwell Okamafo Addo

President John Dramani Mahama was recently elected First Vice Chairperson of the African Union (AU) as Burundi’s President Évariste Ndayishimiye formally assumes the rotating chairmanship for 2026.

The elections took place at the 39th Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. As someone who believes in regional integration, I want to take this opportunity to congratulate him as he works closely with the AU Chair in coordinating the continental body’s activities and advancing its strategic priorities throughout 2026.

Ghana has historically played prominent roles in AU affairs, with former President John Kufuor having served as AU Chair in 2007. This appointment is well-deserved and a vindication of the trust and confidence reposed in him and in his programme of economic transformation by the Ghanaian people, which has seen Ghana recording strong economic growth rates and rapid infrastructural development in recent years.

I am hopeful that, under the leadership of President John Dramani Mahama as Vice Chair of the African Union, Ghana will continue to reinforce her position as one of the champions of progress and prosperity in West Africa and across the African continent. Africa looks forward to working closely with him to enhance AU relations, improve living conditions, advance mutual interests, and promote the wider interests of African peoples.

I have always described President John Dramani Mahama as a statesman, a crisis manager, and a gentleman that Africa needs. In the often turbulent and emotionally charged terrain of Ghanaian politics, where provocations are frequent and crises loom large, very few leaders have been able to balance power, responsibility, and composure the way John (JDM) Dramani Mahama has done.

His admirers describe him as Ghana’s number one political strategist, a team player, a technocrat, an astute administrator, a talent spotter, and nurturer. They give him credit for the recent massive economic improvement. He inherited a Ghana faced with a fractured polity, national security threats, and economic challenges, including skyrocketing cost of living. He has also served as ECOWAS Chairman, demonstrating his steady ascent in regional leadership.

From his earliest years in public service to his current role as a distinguished President of the Republic of Ghana, John has displayed an unusual temperament: calm, steady, and deliberate — traits that have come to define him not just as a politician, but as a statesman, a manager of crises, and a gentleman.

To call JDM a statesman is to recognise his capacity to rise above the immediacy of political squabbles, keeping his focus on the bigger picture of governance, development, and stability. His tenure as Vice President and President of the Republic of Ghana (2008–2016) was not devoid of challenges, political antagonism, and deliberate provocations.

Yet, through it all, John Dramani Mahama maintained a rare balance. He would act decisively where necessary but also retreat into calmness when passions threatened to escalate into chaos. His approach to leadership has always been grounded in diplomacy and consensus-building. Those who have interacted with him know that JDM, as he is fondly called, hardly raises his voice in public. Instead, he listens attentively, weighs situations carefully, and responds with measured calm — qualities that set him apart in a political culture often dominated by aggression and theatrics.

It is a consensus that Ghanaian politics thrives on provocations, often calculated to unsettle and destabilize opponents. Since joining politics, JDM has faced orchestrated campaigns of calumny, betrayals, and attempts to tarnish his legacy. Yet, rather than resort to rancor or bitterness, he has chosen the path of restraint and dignity.

This quality was visible not only during his presidency but also after he left office, when he was subjected to malicious investigations and controversies engineered by political opponents. While many in similar circumstances would have gone on the offensive, John Mahama maintained his composure, confident that truth and time would vindicate him. He stayed, faced the storm, and triumphed — a trait uncommon in most politicians, who often seek immunity to evade scrutiny. His ability to remain unflustered in the eye of political storms is one reason admirers call him not just a politician but a true gentleman.

As a sitting President “Ababio” representing the Republic of Ghana, JDM’s demeanor has remained consistent with his lifelong character. In a chamber often heated by divergent interests, the Bole-born politician has carried himself with a calm dignity that commands respect. His interventions are thoughtful rather than flamboyant, grounded in facts rather than noise. He does not chase headlines; instead, he contributes substance.

To many observers, this serenity might appear as indifference or passivity, but those who understand his style know that JDM is deliberate. He chooses his words carefully, ensuring that his contributions are constructive and solution-oriented rather than sensational. In many ways, his calmness as President has become an extension of his statesmanship — proof that maturity in politics is not about how loud one can be, but how wise and measured one’s contributions are.

Ironically, it is this same calmness that some have misjudged. In a political environment where aggressiveness is often mistaken for strength, John Mahama’s gentlemanly posture has been wrongly interpreted as weakness or detachment. Yet history has repeatedly shown that his calmness is not a lack of strength but a mark of restraint — the kind of self-control only true leaders possess. While others may be quick to quarrel or react emotionally, JDM embodies peace. His calmness is not silence; it is wisdom, maturity, and an understanding that true leadership sometimes requires holding back rather than lashing out.

To fully understand JDM’s personality, one must look at his background and upbringing. Born into a respectable family in Bole, the former Bole legislator was raised with the timeless Gonja values of integrity, patience, and humility. His parents instilled in him the virtues of hard work, respect for others, and self-discipline — qualities that would later define his public life.

It was no surprise, therefore, when at a remarkably young age, John Dramani Mahama was recognised by the late President Jerry John Rawlings as Deputy Minister and Minister. It was an honour and a source of hope for the youth. The conferment was not just ceremonial but symbolic: it was a recognition of future attributes rising from Assembly Man to President — a true son of Gonja culture, embodying honesty, respect, responsibility, and good character.

To be honoured once again as President of the Republic of Ghana at such an age was both an endorsement and a testimony to the gentlemanly virtues John Dramani Mahama has carried from his youth. This hardworking essence continues to shine through in his dealings with people across divides. Whether in government, business, or personal life, JDM has maintained a reputation for treating people with respect, honoring his word, and carrying himself with dignity.

It is this moral compass — anchored in Ghanaian values and nurtured from earliest days — that explains why he has remained calm, gracious, and unprovoked even in the face of adversity. John Dramani Mahama’s political journey offers a refreshing model of leadership anchored on calmness, maturity, and gentlemanliness. He is a statesman who understands the value of restraint, a crisis manager who chooses dialogue over chaos, and a gentleman whose character remains unblemished despite the roughness of Ghana’s political environment.

In celebrating his journey, one cannot ignore the deep influence of his upbringing, his recognition by Ghanaians across the globe, and his lifelong commitment to the Ghanaian ethos. In an age when politics is often defined by noise, aggression, and division, John Dramani Mahama stands as proof that true strength lies in calmness — and that the measure of a man is not how loud he speaks, but how dignified he remains when the storms of life rage around him.

About the Writer
Mr. Maxwell Okamafo Addo is a Ghanaian farmer, journalist, and social media influencer best known for his work in presidential reporting. He previously served as Media Aide to the late Vice President Kwesi Bekoe Amissah-Arthur and was a former organiser of the Presidential Press Corps under the late President John Evans Atta Mills. He has also worked as a presidential speechwriter within the sub-region.

Mr. Addo has participated in eight ECOWAS election observation missions, serving in leadership roles across West Africa. These include:

1. Team Leader, Guinea Conakry Presidential Elections (2015)
2. Team Leader, Togolese Presidential Elections (2015)
3. Team Leader, Nigeria Presidential Elections (2015)
4. Team Leader, AMI Ghana Presidential Elections (2020)
5. Team Leader, Benin Presidential Elections (2021)
6. Team Leader, Togo Legislative Elections (2024)
7. Team Leader, Long-Term Nigeria Presidential/Legislative Elections in charge of Abuja FCT (2023)
8. Lead Member, Preliminary Declaration Team Nigeria Elections Media (2023)
9. Team Leader, Lagos Nigerian Governatorial Election – Governorship (2023)

A trained, experienced, and accredited long- and short-term election observer, Mr. Addo is also a forthright public commentator, widely known for his vocal style and often controversial political, social, and Christian perspectives.

February 14, 2026, was a sad day for Ghanaian trades and the country by extension. A group of Ghanaian tomato traders en route to their trading point were targeted in a deadly terrorist attack in northern Burkina Faso, Titao to be specific.

This attack resulted in the death of about seven Ghanaian traders, severe burns, and scores of injuries.

The attack was claimed by the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM) operating in the Sahel. JNIM, an Islamist militant group linked to al-Qaeda, ambushed the truck conveying the Ghanaian traders on their routine cross-border trading voyage when they met their sudden death.

This attack underscores the growing volatility taking place in northern and eastern Burkina Faso in recent days, as of the time of writing this piece.

This unfortunate incident is symptomatic evidence of transnational security threats emerging from the Sahel, where various armed groups affiliated with JNIM and other known extremist groups have intensified their activities against the state and its citizens.

This means that the economic routes that hitherto was a safe avenue for commerce have now become a security threat for traders and transporters from sister states.

The informal cross-border trade, especially in agricultural produce such as onions and tomatoes has been an essential means of livelihood and an indicator for food security in most countries.

However, the interconnection of economic sustainability with security threats has now placed Ghanaian traders at the forefront of a wider transnational security challenge.

Serious concerns have now arisen due to the reports and emergency responses with regard to the security concerns in the context of safety on trade routes, the capacity of states to respond to such threats, inter-state coordination, intelligence sharing, and overall prevention measures, not forgetting the overarching diplomatic cooperation within the West African security and coordination framework.

Challenges that exist

Before the interventions and responses are enumerated, there is the need to highlight the point out the existing challenges that have resulted to these deaths.

There are structural challenges and reform inadequacies identified as far as West African trade agreements are concerned.

Although there are trade agreements in place that encourage the free movement of goods and services, it does not necessarily ensure protection for traders when it comes to insecurity on the ground. The tragedy involving the Ghanaian traders underscores one of the many structural challenges that persist.

The result is the ultimate suspension of tomato imports from Burkina Faso, which has disrupted the supply chain in the absence of a preventive mechanism.

The spillover effects of armed group networks who exploit porous borders and operate in areas where the local government is non-existent in the Sahel is real.

This has resulted in the challenges with regard to commercial and rural trade routes such as that of Burkina Faso and northern Ghana very perilous as has been recorded in Titao with militants executing male traders, burning their trucks, ordering the women off the vehicle, and torturing them.

The protection lapses and intelligence failure within the broader national spectrum was evident in the Titao incident.

Security experts have highlighted that the attack is symptomatic of a wider challenge with regard to predictive intelligence and policy framework that aims to protect citizens plying their trade abroad.

Interventions and Responses: Prevention measures against threats of violent extremism in the region

The demise of the Ghanaian traders has ignited calls for efficient intelligence sharing, improved border protection for cross-border traders, and deepen inter-state cooperation and security.

The Government of Ghana through the Foreign Affairs minister met with his counterpart in Burkina Faso to reactivate the Permanent Joint Commission for Cooperation (PJCC), which had been dormant for about 6 years.

The PJCC after its reactivation will focus on 7 key agreements, they include an agreement on the mutual recognition of national driver’s licenses, agreement on transport and road transit, framework agreement on cross border cooperation, memorandum of understanding on the establishment of periodic consultation frameworks between the border administrative authorities.

The rest include a memorandum of understanding regarding the creation of a joint commission to reaffirm the border between the two states, cooperation agreement on the prevention and management of disasters and humanitarian crises, agreement in the field of fighting illicit cultivation, production, manufacture and trafficking of narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances and related matters.

These key agreements are seen as a response to curb suture occurrences and ensure the two countries commit to protecting their citizens in the context of cross-border trade.

The regional security architecture needs to be enhanced to strengthen intelligence sharing especially among the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) member states.

Calls have been made to focus more on sharing data on threats and intensify joint border patrols, a reiteration some agreements such as the border cooperation and framework for enhancing border administration with regard to the PJCC.

The regional security architecture would need to dwell on the integration of security considerations into trade agreements for enhanced protection of cross border traders.

This attack has also stirred up conversations regarding Ghana’s reliance on imported commodities and the need to push resources and invest in growing the domestic agricultural capabilities.

The conversation has also been around the rethinking of trade security focusing on risk assessment mechanisms institutionally aimed at traders operating in areas where threats exist.

Security escorts arrangements coupled with efficient emergency communication systems, travel advisories and warnings have been proposed as a preemptive and protective approach for informal actors and reduce threats.

ECOWAS, in their usual show of solidarity, has backed calls for an investigation into the deaths of the traders. This reiterates the need for a coordinated effort to curb transnational terrorism and its associated effects.

Civil society is calling for a stronger and efficient regional cooperation that focuses on stronger security frameworks and integrates counter-terrorism strategies with economic resilience aimed at preventing future losses of lives. 

I am a Ghanaian citizen and I write to respectfully commend the Communications and Media Relations Team at Jubilee House for the exceptional professionalism, discipline, and strategic clarity they have demonstrated over the past year under the leadership of John Dramani Mahama.

Recent developments reflect a deliberate and commendable effort to foster a more open, respectful, and professional relationship between the Presidency and the media.

One year on, the team has firmly established itself as cohesive, focused, and effective in managing presidential communications. United in purpose, they have served as responsible gatekeepers—carefully managing, documenting, and disseminating information on the policies, activities, and initiatives of the Presidency.

Media relations at the highest level are no simple responsibility. Acting as the bridge between the Presidency and both national and international media institutions demands balance, sound judgment, and intellectual discipline. In an era where information circulates instantly and social media amplifies both truth and falsehood at equal speed, misinformation can take root before facts are properly established. In such a climate, the team’s commitment to professionalism, factual accuracy, and measured responses has been particularly noteworthy.

Their work in articulating and advancing the administration’s agenda—especially the “24-Hour Economy” policy direction—has been strategic and consistent. They have helped shape public understanding of the government’s efforts toward economic stabilisation, reform, and long-term national development. The responsiveness, coordination, and clarity of messaging reflect a communications structure that is proactive rather than reactive.

It is also important to acknowledge the quality of the team’s written statements. Their press releases have been concise, fact-based, and free from unnecessary rhetoric. They have demonstrated that presidential communication need not be wordy, inflammatory, or ambiguous. Rather, it should be clear, disciplined, and respectful of public intelligence. In doing so, they have proven that results and professionalism are the most effective antidotes to insult and misrepresentation.

While congratulating the team, I respectfully offer a forward-looking suggestion for your consideration: the establishment of a structured digital citizen engagement platform titled “Letter to Jubilee House.”

Proposal: A Citizen Engagement Portal

The proposed portal would:

• Provide a formal avenue for citizens, both at home and abroad, to submit ideas and policy proposals directly to the Presidency.
• Ensure submissions are transparently reviewed and forwarded to the relevant ministries and agencies.
• Enable citizens to view, comment on, and endorse proposals, thereby fostering participatory governance.
• Operate as a non-partisan platform dedicated solely to national development and patriotic contribution.

Such a platform would respond meaningfully to the President’s call for renewed patriotism and mindset transformation. It would institutionalise constructive civic participation, reduce bureaucratic bottlenecks, and strengthen the bridge between government and the governed.

The evolving media landscape in Ghana—particularly with the disruptive influence of digital platforms—demands a communication model that is both strategically controlled and interactively inclusive. Emphasising stability, continuity, and long-term national excellence through deliberate and strategic communication will consolidate the gains already made.

Chief of Staff, please accept my sincere appreciation for the high standards being maintained within the Presidency’s communication architecture. The current team has demonstrated that firmness can coexist with respect, and that knowledge and clarity are more powerful than hostility. They have elevated the tone of executive communication and, in so doing, strengthened democratic discourse.

I remain confident that with continued strategic leadership and innovation, the communications framework of the Presidency will grow even stronger in the years ahead.

Yours faithfully,
Maxwell Okamafo Addo

Inside a quiet conference room in the Eastern Regional capital, journalists from across the country gathered for a workshop organised by Plan International Ghana. The theme was clear and deliberate: “Reporting Responsibly on Children, Gender Equality and Vulnerable Communities.”

We were taught that words matter.

That a “victim” is a survivor.
That a “beneficiary” is a participant.
That ethical reporting can either protect a child — or expose them to further harm.

We practised child-centred reporting. We learned to ask better questions. To see people before headlines. To search for the human being behind the statistic.

Then on the third day, we left the comfort of theory behind.

We drove to Jato and Aponoapono in the Suhum Municipality of the Eastern Region of Ghana, West Africa.

That was when the words we had rehearsed met realities we could not rehearse for.

In Jato, I kept hearing villagers talk about a “laptop.”

They said it casually, almost playfully.

In most places, a laptop is a symbol of opportunity — education, connection, a future. But in Jato, a “laptop” is something else entirely.

In this small community, where many families survive on distilling akpeteshie and okada motorcycles serve as the main transport system, a laptop means something entirely different.

Here, a “laptop” is a pack of Indomie noodles.

The small rectangular pack — folded like a tiny computer — has earned that nickname. The first time I heard it, I almost smiled.

Then I learned what it really meant.

In Jato, the “Indomie laptop” has become currency.

Some okada riders — men entrusted to carry children safely across long, dusty roads — began offering young schoolgirls packs of noodles in exchange for sex. Sometimes it was noodles and sanitary pads. Sometimes noodles and exercise books.

Something small.

For something that should never be for sale.

To an outsider, it sounds impossible. How can a two- or three-cedi meal buy a child’s body?

But hunger rewrites value.

Many girls here go to school on empty stomachs. Some cannot afford sanitary pads during their menstrual cycles. Others lack basic learning materials. A warm bowl of noodles is not just food — it is relief. It is dignity for a day. It is survival.

And survival is persuasive.

The consequences are written in the community’s classrooms.

“Almost every year, we record pregnant candidates taking the BECE, and it is all because of the okada riders,” the Chief of Jato, Baffour Teitey Adjewi Narh III, said, his voice heavy with frustration and sorrow.

Teenage pregnancies have climbed steadily. School desks empty quietly. Childhoods bend under adult burdens.

Behind every number is a girl who once imagined something different for herself.

Mary — not her real name — was one of them.

“Before this project, I was dating plenty boys at a time,” she told me softly. “I didn’t understand the risks I was taking.”

She was not reckless.

She was uninformed.

She was trying to survive.

Then intervention came.

Through its Rooting for Change initiative, Plan International Ghana — with support from Tony’s Chocolonely — introduced a structured response to the cycle of abuse in cocoa-growing communities like Jato.

The goal is bold: empower at least 800 adolescents between the ages of 10 and 19 by September 2026, ensuring that at least 60 percent are girls. The project provides comprehensive sexual and reproductive health education in safe, discrimination-free spaces.

But beyond targets and timelines, what changed Jato was something simpler.

Information.
Access.
Awareness.

Sanitary pads were supplied to schools. Safe reporting centres were established for abused children. Books and learning materials were stocked to educate girls about consent, reproductive health and the risks of exploitation. Parents were engaged. Silence was challenged.

And slowly, the balance of power began to tilt.

“Since Plan International Ghana started this project, we have seen a real change,” the Chief confirmed. “Parents are more aware. Children know where to turn. Some of the risky behaviors have reduced significantly.”

Even the okada riders have noticed.

According to Ivan Ayivor of the Asentenapa Cocoa Cooperative Union, some riders recently complained that their “laptops” no longer attract girls the way they used to.

“Formerly, when we bring them laptops, the girls would follow them everywhere. Now, they don’t.”

Their frustration tells its own story.

When a pack of noodles stops being a bargaining chip, a girl begins to reclaim her choices.

Yet Jato’s story does not end with relief.

It raises harder questions.

How many other communities are quietly trading childhood for survival? How many girls are negotiating their innocence for a meal, for sanitary pads, for school supplies? How many “laptops” are changing hands in villages we have not yet visited?

In Jato, the script is beginning to change.

But hunger still whispers.

And wherever hunger speaks louder than opportunity, exploitation waits patiently.

The tragedy is not the noodles.

The tragedy is that for some girls, they once cost less than their future.

ABOUT THE WRITER

The writer, Amos Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa Kwofie, is a development communication advocate, education enthusiast and human rights believer who shares the view, as the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau once said, that children should be allowed to be children before they are pushed into adult debates.

These are the leadership qualities of the first female Vice President of Ghana, Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang.

Professor Naana Opoku-Agyemang’s dedication to work is evident in how she complements the efforts of President John Dramani Mahama. She has quietly but actively supported the President in providing the needed pivot and respect for the nation’s forward march.

In Ghana, the Vice President is the number two official in government and is regarded as the next most powerful person after the President — both in theory and in practice.

As such, Vice President Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang has proven herself to be a humble leader whose humility knows no bounds. What the people of Ghana seek is a humble, selfless, truly confident, intelligent, non-corrupt, God-fearing Vice President who is hardworking and focused.

She is well recognised for her many achievements and immense contributions to the polity, communal liberalism, growth, and the general welfare of the people of Ghana. Beyond these, she is dearly loved and respected.

She has remained in the consciousness of her friends and contemporaries as a builder of human social bridges. She is a teacher, technocrat, democrat, and a woman of transparent honesty and humility — a perfect lady and a loving mother to the less privileged in society. She is an unshakable believer in unity.

She interacts and consults extensively with the media to acquaint herself with national issues rather than seeking attention through excessive talk.

Every nation’s leadership looks for the kind of women it needs to drive policies. Some succeed and deliver on policy objectives without making noise, ensuring that the machinery of governance moves in the right direction without losing focus.

A leader succeeds by selecting the right team that buys into his vision and programmes and achieves his objectives. That is why some Presidents retain certain elements in their Cabinet for a long time.

President Mahama has maintained confidence in Professor Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang, recognising her loyalty to the party and her peaceful conduct in office.

President Mahama recently paid glowing tribute to his Vice President during a national Thanksgiving service marking one year in office. He described her as a pillar of support and an exemplar of integrity in national leadership.

“I reserve my special thanks for my Vice President, Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang, a woman of dignity and quiet strength,” the President declared.

He added that her leadership qualities and commitment to duty have been invaluable to the administration. “I could not have wished for a better assistant to help me bear the heavy load Ghanaians have entrusted to me,” he said, acknowledging the pressures of governance.

The President concluded by invoking God’s blessings upon her: “Nana Jane, God richly bless you.”

The Vice President has also played a key role in the success of the NDC government. Her mastery of public administration and her ability to balance policy priorities, political dynamics, and economic challenges have been commendable.

She has consistently called on Ghanaians to remain patient and keep faith with the government as it works toward lasting national transformation.

Professor Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang currently chairs the newly inaugurated 12-member Presidential Advisory Group on the Economy, tasked with providing strategic direction and policy advice on the management and transformation of Ghana’s economy. The committee is expected to assess prevailing economic conditions and recommend measures aimed at stabilising the macroeconomic environment, boosting investor confidence, and accelerating inclusive growth.

As the first female Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Coast, serving from 2008 to 2012, she broke barriers and demonstrated exemplary leadership. She later served as Minister for Education from 2013 to 2017, championing reforms aimed at expanding access and strengthening quality within the education sector.

Her influence extends beyond Ghana. From 2018 to 2024, she served as Chancellor of the Women’s University in Africa in Harare, Zimbabwe. She also served as President of the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) and Chairperson of the Africa Board, underscoring her continental stature in advancing gender equity and education.

She understands the workings of ministries, departments, and agencies, and appreciates the dynamics between government programmes and opposition responses. As the President’s trusted ally and chief strategist, she plays a crucial role in navigating issues between the executive and the legislature.

When she speaks, it is grounded in facts. Over the years, she has quietly brokered truces and eased tensions on several national issues, including in her capacity as Chairperson of the Police and Armed Forces Council.

Professor Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang is a quiet yet vibrant woman whose depth of knowledge is remarkable. She understands Ghana’s current economic conditions and works tirelessly with her team to address national challenges for the benefit of all.

All must rally behind the Vice President to ensure her continued success for Mother Ghana.

About The Writer

Mr Maxwell Okamafo Addo is a Ghanaian farmer, journalist, and social media influencer best known for his work in presidential reporting. His hobbies include farming and playing golf.

He previously served as Media Aide to the late Vice President Kwesi Bekoe Amissah-Arthur and Matilda Amissah-Arthur, and was a former organiser of the Presidential Press Corps under the late President John Evans Atta Mills.

He has also worked as a presidential speechwriter within the sub-region and has participated in eight ECOWAS Election Observation Missions, serving in leadership roles across West Africa, including assignments in Guinea Conakry, Togo, Nigeria, Burkina Faso, and Benin.

A trained, experienced, and accredited long- and short-term election observer, Mr Addo is also a forthright public commentator widely known for his vocal style.

At the heart of this evidence is a sustained tree-planting initiative at the T.I. Ahmadiyya Cluster of Schools, demonstrating how local action, backed by consistency and ownership, can reduce disaster risk, improve livelihoods, and enhance learning outcomes.

What began as a modest idea by a handful of teachers has grown into a mature climate adaptation intervention embraced by generations of pupils. Established in the mid-1970s and relocated to its current site in the early 1980s, the school once suffered severe damage from a powerful windstorm that ripped off the entire roof, forcing a temporary relocation to the Wa School for the Deaf.

That experience became the trigger for a data-informed response: every pupil was required to plant and nurture a tree as a protective buffer against future wind and rainstorms.

Former pupil Shamsuddin Salih recalls that tree planting was not symbolic but compulsory and sustained. Each child was responsible for nurturing a tree throughout their time at the school, embedding environmental stewardship into everyday learning.

Over time, this intervention created a dense vegetative cover that now surrounds the school, significantly reducing wind speed, improving microclimate conditions, and lowering exposure to climate-related hazards.

Today, the impact is immediately visible. The first sight upon entering the school—located between the Wa SSNIT Flats and the Wa Municipal Labour Office—is a thriving canopy of trees that envelops the entire compound. This green buffer has transformed the school into a cooler, calmer, and more resilient space, offering empirical evidence of nature-based solutions at work within an educational setting.

The initiative was further strengthened with the establishment of the junior high school and sustained leadership from educators such as former headmaster Mr. Abass Ishahaku, Mr. Yahaya Bashirudeen, Mr. Anane Asamoah, and a French teacher remembered by pupils simply as Monsieur. Their collective commitment ensured continuity, turning tree planting into an institutional culture rather than a one-off activity.

The intervention has drawn attention from education authorities. The Acting Upper West Regional Director of Education, Jonathan Kpierakoh, has described the school’s tree cover as a practical climate-risk reduction measure and has urged schools across the country to replicate the model. He has also called on households to adopt tree planting as part of broader climate resilience efforts.

Beyond environmental protection, the data shows multiple co-benefits. The trees provide shade that improves teaching and learning conditions and played a critical role during the COVID-19 pandemic, allowing safer outdoor interactions.

Economically, fruit trees—particularly cashew—have generated income that supported the construction of additional classrooms, directly linking climate action to educational infrastructure development.

According to the Head Teacher of T.I. Ahmadiyya JHS, Ibrahim Fauzy Jibraeel, the school’s green environment has contributed to its recognition through several national and international awards.

However, expansion plans for the plantation have stalled due to external pressures, including indiscriminate bush burning and the destruction of young trees by roaming cattle—highlighting the need for stronger community-level protection measures to safeguard climate investments.

Taken together, the T.I. Ahmadiyya experience provides clear climate evidence: long-term, low-cost interventions rooted in local participation can reduce disaster risk, support adaptation, and deliver social and economic returns. As climate impacts intensify, this school stands as a data-backed reminder that resilience can begin with something as simple—and as powerful—as a tree.

***

This story is brought to you by JoyNews in partnership with CDKN Ghana and the University of Ghana Centre for Climate Change and Sustainability Studies, with funding from the CLARE R4I Opportunities Fund.

The young girls did not receive financial assistance from home to enable them to feed themselves. They therefore solicited prepared noodles — popularly known as Indomie in local circles — from the riders.

As the noodle pack became popular, it earned the nickname “laptop” among the village folks for how the pack flips open, the top covering reclining like the screen of a laptop.

What appeared to be a basic meal became the attraction and craving that lured young girls to the commercial motorbike riders.

With these “laptops”, the riders lured the girls into sexual relationships, which gradually led to a spike in teenage pregnancy cases in the village.

Today, awareness campaigns and youth empowerment initiatives introduced by Plan International Ghana’s Rooting for Change project are changing the narrative.

“Before the project was introduced into our community in 2024, we were having a major challenge with teenage pregnancy in the community.

It was very high. Almost every year, we were recording pregnant teenage candidates taking the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE), and it was all because of the okada riders,” the Chief of Jato, Baffour Teitey Adjewi Narh III, said.

“The girls depended on the okada riders for food and other school needs.

Parents were not providing these essentials for their wards, and so the girls were seeking them from the riders, who ended up sleeping with them.

But because of the project they introduced in our community, we did not record any teenage pregnancy in the last BECE, that is 2025,” the elated chief disclosed.

Addressing officials from Plan International Ghana and journalists who had visited the community to assess the impact of the project, Baffour Narh said before the project, a lot of things were happening to the children in the village, especially among the girls, explaining that they were also not going to bed early.

However, after the introduction of the project, which came with sensitisation programmes, the children now went to bed early.

The journalists had earlier attended a three-day training workshop organised by Plan International Ghana to strengthen their skills in child-centred, gender-sensitive and safeguarding-compliant reporting, as well as to gain in-depth insight into their programmes and development priorities. 

The project

Implemented with funding from Tony’s Chocolonely, Plan International Ghana’s Rooting for Change project was introduced in cocoa growing communities in the Suhum Municipality to address unintended adolescent pregnancies.

Started in 2024 and expected to end in September 2026, the project is being piloted in Aponoapono and Jato under the Aboafa and Asentenapa Cocoa Cooperative unions.

With the establishment of the Community Child Protection and Labour Committee (CCPLC), the Chief said, parents had been educated on their responsibilities and how to take care of their children.

He said the children had also been sensitised to know exactly what to do and where to go should they face challenges, adding that the places included the CCPLC and the Department of Social Welfare, which were both stakeholders in children’s development.

“Now, the children are bold enough to talk to us about their problems.

They are also able to express themselves confidently in public.

They know their responsibilities as children, as well as their rights, something that was not there in the past,” he disclosed.

Other opinion leaders of the community, such as the Line Manager, Human Rights and Community Development of Asentenapa Cocoa Cooperative Union, Ivan Ayivor; the Municipal Head, Department of Social Welfare and Community Development, Ernest Evans Ewusi, and two members of the CCPLC, Michael Amoyaw and Vida Korlekie Djamgbah, all corroborated what the chief said about what pertained in the community before and after the introduction of the project.

Mr Ayivor, for instance, said recently, some of the okada riders approached him and asked what they had been telling the girls because they were now not having their way with them.

“They said formerly, when we bring them ‘laptops’, the girls would be following them up and down, but nowadays, they don’t,” he said about his encounter with the riders.

Reactivate

Mr Ewusi said the project had been able to reactivate its mandate, which was almost dormant in the past.

In interviews with some of the children, they also confirmed what the town elders said.

One of the girls, Janet (not her real name), said but for the project, she would have had multiple partners by now.

She said she used to have a boyfriend, who was not an okada rider, though.

She said she did not know the implications of her actions then that she could get pregnant, but now she did, and it was because of the education she had received.

“I have been advising the girls who are still into that behaviour to put a stop to it because it won’t help them in any way. Some listen, others do not. Some of those who listened had completed school and were now in senior high school,” she said.

George (not his real name) said that although he did not have a girlfriend in the past, he was encouraged by friends to be a go-between — a kind of relationship intermediary — for his friends and the girls.

“So, if somebody needed a girl, I would go and call them for the boys, who, after having sex with the girls, would give me money.

When the project was introduced, and they encouraged us to love ourselves, I changed, and so now when I see the boys doing that, it pains me, and I advise them against that,” he said.

The Project Manager of Rooting for Change, Bless Vieku, mentioned some of the things that had been done under the project, including the establishment of adolescent clubs, training of peer educators, establishment of girls’ football clubs, youth group partnerships and engagement with traditional and religious leaders.

Radio Univers was home to some of us because of the conducive atmosphere people like Alhaji created for us to experiment, learn, and even master the art of journalism. Even before I could complete my undergraduate studies, I would get the opportunity to work with a commercial media outlet because of the solid foundation Radio Univers had given me.

After pursuing other adventures, I would find myself back in the studios of Radio Univers as a graduate student of Communication Studies at the University of Ghana. Our curated mid-morning show, which was a compulsory requirement for the award of our degree, brought home real moments of nostalgia. What could be akin to a full-circle moment was when I was back at the Department of Communication Studies as a member of the faculty, after venturing into academia, and my students had to use the studios for the same purpose. The joy on Alhaji’s face to see me back, not as a student volunteer, not as a master’s student, but as a faculty member, was nothing short of remarkable.

Heightening the full-circle experience was when I became part of the Radio Univers Management Board and we had to work closely with Alhaji to shape Radio Univers into a more formidable campus media in the face of the shifts happening within the media space. I would get to know Alhaji better for his humaneness, openness to feedback, other people’s views, and constructive criticisms; someone who never took offense and was ready to learn.

Alhaji has also contributed to my scholarship with his invaluable insights into my collaborative research project on the extent and perceived relevance of engagements between journalism studies academics and practitioners. He was so kind with his time that he even requested I get in touch with him again if I needed any information. That study was recently published. I could not share the final published work with him before his passing, despite the promise I made to him. I blame my sometimes procrastination tendencies, which I now regret. But there is a lesson in there: life is fleeting; time waits for no man; whatever you must do, do it as if it is your last day on earth. Now, I must make sure that everyone I promised to share the article with receives it.

I also regret that I missed the opportunity to co-host his Research and Innovation Agenda programme with him as planned. I was hoping that one day I would make good my promise to him, but alas … how wicked can death be!

About two years ago, Alhaji did something profound that has found a special place in my heart. In that particular year, when there was a lot of media attention and pressure on a close relation of mine, Alhaji was one of the very few people who reached out with advice and encouragement. Knowing how closely related I was to the fellow, Alhaji knew how important it was to reach out to check on my well-being.

And last year, when I co-organised the African Journalism Educators Network (AJEN) Campus Media Symposium, Alhaji submitted a paper and presented at the event. When the event was over, this was the message Alhaji sent me, which I still have on my phone: “Thank you, Dr., for the opportunity given us to share the little that we have. I hope we haven’t disappointed. I would be grateful to have your candid critique for improvement.” Alhaji wanted feedback for improvement from me! This is what I’m talking about. Even Alhaji sought improvement. How much more me? A word to the wise …

Alhaji was also a scholar in his own right. He has made significant contributions to media scholarship, particularly on campus media. One of his significant works, which came in handy when I was recently working on a project, is the co-authored publication with Professor Felix Odartey-Wellington, accounting for the origins of Radio Univers, and the role it has played in Ghana’s mediascape, filling a significant gap in the academic literature. It will interest you to know that Radio Univers was the first radio station in Ghana to introduce a newspaper review programme, a concept that has gained widespread acceptance and practice, as well as the first non-State broadcaster to introduce on-air local language programming.

Alhaji can never be left out of any discussion about the development of independent (non-state/public) media in Ghana. His voice will echo forever. He will be sorely missed by the hundreds of volunteers that he trained and mentored, the thousands of students, the University of Ghana community, the listening public, and all.

The writer is a senior lecturer of Journalism, Media and Communication Studies at Durban University of Technology, South Africa.

Ghana and Burkina Faso share a border and those of from Upper East know how closely knitted the border communities are. Citizens of both countries cross over on daily basis for both business and family issues.

The traders’ trip there last week was, therefore one of a routine governed by the decades old trade relations between two African neighbours. In this case, it was simply to cross the border, access produce that Ghana does not currently have and return to sustain their livelihoods and feed the market back home.

But as fate would have it, that journey ended in blood, depriving families of loved ones and breadwinners. Indeed, similar journeys have resulted in deaths, mostly from road crashes.
Rather than limit it to the typical Sahelian insurgence that it has always been, we must see this very incident as a mirror held up to us, Ghanaians. When properly examined, the incident reveals the deeper consequences of our failure to deliver on the very policies that were supposed to make such journeys unnecessary.

While we do not know the details, the media reports from government officials showed that our compatriots, the food traders risked their lives in conflict zones to cart foodstuffs, including tomatoes the nation lacks now.
This begs the question what has become of the myriads of agricultural promises and investments that were announced and implemented in recent years?

Human cost of agric policy failures
Every November, Ghana’s dry season arrives with its annual certainty, starting with extreme cold and dryness before graduating to unbearable heat and dust. But unlike other countries that plan for such predictable cycles, we enter this period with agricultural scarcity that forces traders to look beyond our borders. It has been so since I was a child, growing up in the dusty footpaths of Bongo in the Upper East Region.

And while that happened, Ghana implemented series of agricultural policies, which we proudly announced, funded, launched but later abandoned.
As we mourn our mothers, sisters and loved ones, it refreshes the painful question: What became of the many laudable initiatives designed to guarantee food security, especially in the dry season?

This brings back memories of the famous One Village, One Dam and the Planting for Food and Jobs (PFJ) policies and the nearly Pwalugu Multipurpose Dam project that were once touted as gamechangers only to fizzle out, leaving behind scars of debts for the country.
In the case of the One Village, One Dam, it was touted as the solution to northern Ghana’s water and irrigation challenges.

For those aware of the agricultural potential of the north, this sounded le the solution but as is now common knowledge, the policy produced many dams that turned out to be dugouts, incapable of supporting even backyard farming during the harsh perennial harmattan.

Multiple media reports showed that in many communities, the dams dried up before the dry season even peaked. Billions of cedis were also pumped into PFJ across the two phases, yet the structure of the programme, which was heavy on subsidies but weak on irrigation, mechanisation and market linkages, meant that the country remains vulnerable to seasonal shortages.

Today, despite PFJ’s massive expenditure, Ghana cannot produce tomatoes consistently year-round, resulting in our traders continuing the perilous journey to Burkina Faso, leading to the deadly ambush.

The Pwalugu Dam was branded as the “game changer” and envisioned to provide irrigation for thousands of hectares, stabilise northern sector’s power supply, and unlock agro-industrial potential.

Years later, the site remains untouched by meaningful progress. There is no reservoir, no turbines, no irrigation canals and so no impact yet a huge debt has been incurred and borne by mother Ghana. Beyond these, numerous pilot projects, demonstration farms, mechanisation centres and irrigation schemes consumed resources and headlines but delivered little in sustained agricultural transformation, confirming our challenges with execution

The painful truth
Analysing these lead to one painful conclusion – if these policies were properly executed to success, these perilous journeys would have needless and our mothers might have just been saved.

If One Village, One Dam had delivered functional irrigation, farmers in Northern Ghana could be producing tomatoes now. If PFJ had strengthened irrigation and agro-processing value chains instead of focusing narrowly on input distribution, we could have a stable year-round supply. If the Pwalugu Dam existed today, Ghana would be exporting vegetables, not importing from conflict zones.

Indeed, our traders were not in Burkina Faso because they wanted an adventure. They were there because domestic systems failed their customers and they had to cross to Burkina in such of foodstuffs.

This is why we must now embrace this painful moment as a rallying point to not repeat our mistakes. Ghana doesn’t need dugouts nor rhetoric.
The country’s farmers need professionally engineered, climate resilient irrigation systems capable of supporting commercial agriculture.
The Pwalugu Dam cannot be left as a phantom project. Every abandoned or underperforming agricultural initiative must be audited, explained, and either revived or reprogrammed.

Food security is a national priority. When people must travel to conflict zones for tomatoes, it raises genuine questions about the state of the country’s food supply and the national security must be involved. I am happy that the matter has gotten the attention of President John Mahama and I am hopefully that he will ride on it to execute impactful policies.
There is no belabouring the point that the future lies in empowering commercial farmers, agri-processors, and investors, not solely in government-run programmes. We must create the environment for sustainable private-sector driven irrigation, mechanisation, and value chain growth.

While we mourn the deceased, I am hopeful that we will honour them by refusing to repeat the cycle of policies without implementation. By demanding seriousness in agricultural planning. By insisting that food security is a national non-negotiable.
Fortunately, Ghana has the capacity, the land, the people, and the ideas. And we have a President who has shown that he can mobilize the country’s resources to achieve the best for its today and tomorrow.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist

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On this typical Tuesday, he takes an early morning flight from Kumasi for meetings in Accra, with an evening return flight to Kumasi for another early-morning engagement the next day that could unlock a significant business deal.

By mid-morning upon arriving in Accra, the sun blazed with unusual intensity, draining energy from anyone forced to move between appointments.

Kwaku dashed from one office to another as the sun burnt hot and harsh, but stayed focused on finishing his work to catch his evening flight back to Kumasi.

But without a warning, the clouds gathered. What had been scorching skies just hours earlier began to darken as clouds gathered fast and thick, rolling in with surprising speed. Within minutes, the atmosphere flipped from heatwave to storm warning.

Then came the rain; a torrential downpour. By the time Kwaku reached the airport, the announcement board read flight delayed. Then what he feared hit him; his flight cancelled.

The same skies that had scorched him hours earlier had now grounded him completely.

Despite his careful planning, he could not return to Kumasi that evening, missing a scheduled meeting for the following day.

In just one day, Kwaku experienced two extremes — intense heat and a disruptive storm — both powerful enough to alter personal and professional outcomes.

What once felt like isolated weather incidents now seem connected, part of a broader pattern of climate volatility that was becoming harder to ignore.

Climate change is no longer an abstract headline or distant environmental debate; it is operational risk, an economic loss and human disruption happening in real time.

UN Climate chief calls for new era of climate action

Last Thursday, the UN Climate Change Executive Secretary, Simon Stiell, addressed a press conference hosted by the COP31 President Designate, Minister Murat Kurum in Istanbul, Türkiye, where he stated that climate action can deliver stability in an unstable world of arms and trade wars.

“We find ourselves in a new world disorder. This is a period of instability and insecurity. Of strong arms and trade wars. The very concept of international cooperation is under attack. These challenges are real and serious.

“Climate action can deliver stability in an unstable world of arms and trade wars. In the face of the current chaos, we can, and must, drive forward a new era of international climate cooperation,” he said.

The UN Climate Change’s plan for a new era of climate action was divided into three eras: first was to uncover the problem and respond; and the second was to get serious about solutions in building the Paris Agreement.

Simon Stiell acknowledged the Agreement did not solve the climate crisis, but showed that nations can deliver change on a major scale when they stand together.

“In the decade since Paris, clean energy investment is up tenfold – from two hundred billion dollars to over two trillion dollars a year. And, in 2025, amidst all the economic uncertainty and gale-force political headwinds, the global transition kept surging forward: clean energy investment kept growing strongly, and was more than double that of fossil fuels.

“Renewables overtook coal as the world’s top electricity source. The majority of countries produced new national climate plans that will help drive their economic growth up and – for the first time – global emissions down. And, at COP30, nations said with one voice: the global transition is now irreversible, the Paris Agreement is working, and together we will make it go further and faster,” he emphasized.

Trump challenges climate science

While the UN Climate chief is strongly advocating climate adaptation for resilience building, US President Donald Trump has continued his attack on climate science by revoking a landmark ruling that greenhouse gases endanger public health.
The key Obama-era scientific ruling in 2009 underpins all US federal actions on curbing planet-warming gases.

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) decided that key planet-warming greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide and methane, were a danger to human health.

But the reversal, according to the White House, is necessitated by the drive to make cars cheaper with an expected ease in the cost of production.

“This radical rule became the legal foundation for the Green New Scam, one of the greatest scams in history,” said President Trump, who has snubbed the Paris Agreement on Climate Change twice.

The exit of US from the Paris Agreement means that America will no longer be bound by the agreement’s requirements, such as submitting plans to reduce carbon emissions.

As the world’s second-largest greenhouse gas emitter behind only China, environmental groups say the latest move by the US is by far the most significant rollback on climate change, amidst skepticism of the potential cost savings being touted by the Trump administration.

The Third Era of Climate Action

The UN Climate Chief has observed an unprecedented threat to the decade of international climate cooperation that has delivered more real-world progress.

“From those determined to use their power to defy economic and scientific logic, and increase dependence on polluting coal, oil and gas – even though that means worsening climate disasters and spiralling costs for households and businesses. These forces are undeniably strong, but they need not prevail,” stated Stiell.

His solution to the chaos and regression is for countries to stand together, building on successes and working more closely with businesses, investors, and regional and civic leaders to deliver more real-world results in every country.

This is the third era of climate action; an era to speed-up and scale-up implementation of actions.

“It must start with a relentless focus on delivering – or even exceeding – the targets agreed in the first global stocktake, in 2023. Doubling energy efficiency and tripling clean energy by 2030. Transitioning away from all fossil fuels, in a just, fair and orderly manner. Strengthening resilience and reducing vulnerability, and ensuring more climate finance reaches people everywhere, especially the most vulnerable,” said Simon Stiell.

The expectation is for countries to be on track to meet the commitments by the second global stocktake in 2028, in boosting resilience, growing economies, and slashing emissions.

“The fact is climate adaptation is the only path to securing billions of human lives, as climate impacts get rapidly worse,” said Mr. Stiell. “As climate disasters hit food supplies and drive inflation, resilient supply chains are crucial for the price stability populations are demanding. And they are increasingly unforgiving of governments who don’t deliver it.

“So more than ever, climate action and cooperation are the answer: not despite global instability, but because of it. There is a huge amount of work before us, this year and in the years to come”.

As vulnerable people and communities in Africa are already suffering the extremes of weather conditions, the UN conference of parties (COP31) in Antalya is expected to deliver for people, prosperity and planet.

For professionals like Kwaku, what used to be a routine of moving between two cities for work has suddenly felt uncertain; the weather is no longer background noise, it is deciding outcomes.

Amidst the reality of climate science and the challenge to the impact of the science, what would a new world disorder of climate change mean for people like Kwaku?

Kofi Adu Domfeh is a journalist and Climate Reality Leader| adomfeh@gmail.com

This change has had a profound effect on local trawlers, resulting in many vessels being docked at port, unable to participate in fishing activities that are vital for their livelihoods and local economies.

Historically, the 6-nautical-mile limit allowed small-scale fishermen to access rich fishing grounds close to shore, where their boats could efficiently operate. This shorter distance usually meant that trawlers could make quicker trips, catch more fish, and return to port without the significant costs associated with longer voyages. Their operations maintained a sustainable balance between catching fish and ensuring the ocean’s resources were not depleted.

However, the expansion to 12 nautical miles means that many of these fishermen are now out of reach of their traditional fishing spots. This shift is particularly detrimental for smaller trawlers that lack the capacity, equipment, or financial resources to travel greater distances. Without access to familiar fishing grounds, many boats find themselves idle at the port, their crews unable to earn a living.

The ramifications of this shift extend beyond individual fishermen. The local economy, which often hinges on fishing activities, faces potential decline as well.

Fish markets, suppliers, and related businesses that depend on the productivity of local trawlers may see significant drops in revenue as the volume of harvested fish decreases. When the industry is vibrant, it supports jobs in multiple sectors, but with fewer boats fishing, the ripple effect throughout the community may lead to job losses and economic strain.

Moreover, some advocates argue that expanding the fishing limit could provide long-term benefits by allowing fish stocks to recover in distant waters, ultimately leading to healthier fish populations.

However, for many in the immediate term, this perspective feels remote and theoretical. The reality is that without a careful and sustainable transition plan in place, the immediate impacts on local fishermen and their families could be catastrophic. They need viable alternatives, training, and the opportunity to adapt their practices or reduce the costs associated with longer fishing trips.

Thus, the focus should also be on creating support infrastructure for the local fishing community. This could include assistance in upgrading boats, improving fuel efficiency, or providing subsidies to offset the costs of reaching further offshore. Support programmes that promote sustainable practices and diversify fishing methods could also empower local fishers to adapt more readily to the changing landscape.

As the fishing community navigates these changes, clear communication and cooperation among regulators, scientists, and fishermen will be critical. It is essential to foster dialogue where all stakeholders can voice their concerns and work together to find solutions that ensure both ecological sustainability and economic viability.

In conclusion, the transition from a 6 to a 12 nautical-mile limit poses significant challenges for local trawlers, leading to boats sitting idle and communities facing potential economic decline.

The rainy season is approaching, and stormy weather could make deep-sea operations dangerous for small trawlers. The lives of crew members could be at serious risk.

To ensure the industry’s resilience and sustainability, immediate action and collaboration are vital to help fishermen adapt to the new realities they face.