At the centre of this effort is the National Identification Authority (NIA), the institution responsible for building and maintaining Ghana’s digital identity ecosystem.

Over the past few years, the NIA has laid a quiet but powerful foundation for Ghana’s digital transformation. Today, more than 19 million Ghanaians (from 15 years and above) have been enrolled on the National Identity Register, with the vast majority issued with their Ghana Cards. This represents over 90% of the population and is one of the most successful extensive biometric identity systems on the continent.

Yet the true measure of success is not just registration — it is usage.

Across Ghana’s financial sector, the Ghana Card has become indispensable. Virtually all major banks rely on the NIA’s platform daily to verify identities in real time. From account opening to loan processing and high-value transactions, millions of verifications are conducted seamlessly and securely.

Notably, this same model extends across key public institutions such as SSNIT and the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA). In these environments, there are no long queues for repeated identity capture or verification because processes are conducted directly against the Ghana Card database — the single source of truth. Once identity is verified once, it is trusted across systems.

This is the power of a unified identity infrastructure.

It also highlights an important risk: the moment parallel or duplicate databases are created, silos emerge. These silos introduce inconsistencies, enable duplication, and ultimately create opportunities for fraud. A fragmented identity ecosystem cannot deliver trust.

A key reason this system works so effectively is by design. The Ghana Card ecosystem was built to minimize — and in many cases eliminate — human intervention in verification processes. Identity authentication is conducted digitally, directly against the National Identity Register, ensuring speed, accuracy, and consistency. By reducing manual handling, the system significantly limits opportunities for manipulation, discretion, and fraud.

This raises an important question:
If banks — operating in high-risk, tightly regulated environments — trust the NIA system without hesitation, why has SIM registration faced challenges in the past?

The answer lies not in the absence of a credible identity system, but in how that system was applied.

Previous SIM registration exercises were conducted through a largely parallel process, where biometric data was captured independently and not consistently verified directly against the National Identity Register. In effect, the system attempted to replicate identity verification and validation rather than rely on the Ghana Card as the single, authoritative source of truth.

This approach created a critical disconnect.

While the NIA had already developed a ready-to-market, real-time identity verification platform — one that was actively being used by banks and other institutions with proven success — SIM registration workflows did not fully integrate with it. As a result, identity checks were fragmented, duplication occurred, and the full value of the national identity infrastructure was not realized.

Equally important, the previous model introduced inefficiencies that were both unnecessary and costly to the public. Individuals were required to undergo fresh biometric capture — often at a fee — despite the fact that their biometric data already existed within the National Identity Register. This duplication was not only redundant but fundamentally flawed.

When identity has already been established and securely stored within a central system, there is no justification for recreating that process elsewhere. Doing so introduces friction, increases cost, and weakens system integrity. It also creates room for perverse incentives, where processes become driven by volume and fees rather than accuracy and verification.

The lesson here is clear: identity verification must not become a transactional activity. It must remain a trusted, centralized public good.

Subsequent audits only reinforced this reality, revealing that biometric validations from the previous exercise did not meaningfully match records in the national database. This outcome was not a failure of the identity system itself, but rather a reflection of the missing link — direct, seamless verification against the Ghana Card.

Simply put, the foundation existed, but it was not fully utilized.

That gap has now been addressed.

Today, the NIA operates a robust, secure, and fully functional identity verification infrastructure. We have cleared historical backlogs, introduced instant card issuance, expanded nationwide coverage, and strengthened our systems to support real-time authentication at scale.

More importantly, the Ghana Card has proven itself.

Banks trust it because it delivers consistency, accuracy, and security. They rely on a single, authoritative source of identity — the National Identity Register — which eliminates duplication and ensures that every individual is uniquely identifiable. Through proper integration, identity verification has become a seamless part of their operations.

For telecom operators, this offers a clear lesson.

Success in SIM registration will not come from technology alone. It will come from how well systems are integrated, how effectively stakeholders collaborate, and how deliberately processes are designed around the user.

Encouragingly, the new SIM registration framework reflects these lessons. With the introduction of mobile app-based self-registration and assisted digital services, using NIA’s advanced technologies such as facial recognition and liveness detection, Ghana is moving toward a more efficient, secure, and user-centred approach.

Security, in particular, remains non-negotiable.

The Ghana Card is backed by biometric verification, ensuring that identities are tied to unique physical characteristics. NIA’s liveness detection technology will further strengthen the integrity of the system by preventing the use of static images or spoofed identities.

This is a major step forward for Ghana.

It will enhance national security, reduce fraud, and ensure that every active SIM card is linked to a verified individual. It will also reinforce trust in digital services — a critical requirement for a modern, inclusive digital economy.

At the NIA, we are ready.

Our systems are already working — proven daily through their use in banking, healthcare, taxation, and other essential services. The success of this SIM registration exercise will not be built from scratch; it will be built on a foundation that already exists.

A foundation of trust.
A foundation of security.
A foundation of identity.

The banking sector has demonstrated what is possible when that foundation is properly utilized.

The telecommunications sector now has the opportunity — and responsibility — to do the same.

Ghana must not repeat the mistakes of the past. The Ghana Card must remain the single source of truth, and all systems must align around it.

If we get this right, Ghana will not only solve the challenges of SIM registration — we will take a decisive step toward a future where identity is verified once and trusted everywhere.

And that future is already within reach.

What exactly is the real rent problem in Ghana? Is it that rents are too expensive? Or is it that tenants are forced to pay too much money upfront before they can even receive the keys to a room?

The answer lies somewhere between economics, law, and a housing system that has quietly drifted away from reality. On paper, Ghana already has rules governing rent payments.

The Rent Act 1963 (Act 220) clearly states that landlords are not supposed to demand more than six months’ rent advance from tenants. The law has existed for over six decades. The Rent Control Department is tasked with enforcing it.

Yet the lived reality in cities such as Accra, Kumasi, and Takoradi tells a completely different story. Two years’ rent advance has become the norm. In some cases, landlords even demand three years.

A single room that costs GHS 700 per month can require more than GHS 16,000 upfront before a tenant moves in. For the average Ghanaian worker, that is not simply rent—it is a financial mountain.

This is where the national conversation becomes blurry. When Ghanaians complain about rent, they often speak with one voice. But beneath that shared frustration lie two very different issues.

First, there is the cost of rent itself. Urban housing prices have increased steadily over the years, especially in fast-growing cities. According to the Ghana Statistical Service, Ghana faces a housing deficit estimated at nearly two million housing units. When demand for homes rises faster than supply, prices inevitably climb.

Second, there is the structure of rent payment—the advance system that forces tenants to pay huge sums of money upfront. For many people, the true pain is not necessarily the monthly rent. The deeper problem is that they must produce two years’ worth of rent in one day.

That requirement alone locks thousands of young workers, newly married couples, and migrating professionals out of the housing market.

So the real question becomes unavoidable: Do Ghanaians want cheaper rent, or simply a more humane payment system?

To understand the problem honestly, one must also listen to the other side of the story. Many landlords did not inherit large housing estates. They built their houses gradually, block by block, often with personal savings and informal loans.

Without strong mortgage systems or housing finance, the rent advance becomes a form of capital recovery. It helps landlords recover construction costs, protect themselves from inflation, and shield themselves from tenants who may stop paying.

In a country where legal processes can be slow and eviction disputes complicated, advance payments have become a form of insurance. So what appears to tenants as exploitation often appears to landlords as financial survival.

The Silent Failure of Governments
The tragedy of Ghana’s rent crisis is that it has lasted through many administrations. From Jerry John Rawlings to John Agyekum Kufuor, through John Atta Mills, John Mahama, and Nana Akufo-Addo, housing reform has appeared repeatedly in political speeches.

Yet little has fundamentally changed. Public housing programmes have been limited. The rent law has remained largely outdated. Enforcement agencies are underfunded. And urban populations continue to expand rapidly.

The result is predictable: the housing market now runs largely on informal rules, not on the laws written in books.

What Ghanaians Actually Want

Listen carefully to the conversations in workplaces, churches, and radio discussions, and a clearer picture emerges. Most tenants are not demanding miracles. They are asking for three simple things. First, a monthly or quarterly rent payment system, similar to what exists in many parts of the world.

Second, strict enforcement of the six-month rent advance rule. Third, more housing supply, particularly affordable housing for middle- and lower-income workers. In essence, the average Ghanaian tenant is saying something simple: “Let us pay rent in a way that allows us to live and breathe.”

Housing is more than shelter. It shapes mobility, productivity, and dignity, and this is why the nation must rethink housing.

When young professionals cannot move closer to jobs because they cannot raise two years’ rent advance, economic opportunity becomes restricted. When families must borrow heavily just to secure a room, financial instability follows.

The rent advance system has quietly become one of the biggest barriers to urban mobility in Ghana. Fixing it will require more than political statements. It will require serious housing policy, stronger enforcement institutions, and innovative rental financing systems that protect both tenants and landlords.

Until that happens, the Ghanaian dream of simply finding a decent place to live will remain what it has become for too many people: A struggle that begins long before the door to the house is even opened.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Appointed in 2025, Razark has been instrumental in coordinating security agencies to tackle pressing issues like narcotic trafficking and ensuring peace across the nation.

One of his notable achievements is the intensified war on drugs, with major busts recorded since assumption of office in 2025, including the interception of 3.3 tonnes of cocaine worth $350 million at Pedu Junction near Cape Coast.

His team has also arrested several high-profile suspects, including a notorious Nigerian drug trafficker and a British national attempting to smuggle cannabis at Kotoka International Airport.

Razark’s coordination with agencies like NACOC, NIB, and the Ghana Police Service has led to significant seizures, including 713 slabs of suspected narcotics in Ashanti Region and 1,613 parcels on the Tema-Akosombo Road.

His emphasis on inter-agency collaboration and intelligence gathering has improved Ghana’s security framework.

The Silent Approach.

Razark’s top-notch approach is characterized by strategic planning, discreet operations, and effective collaboration.

His focus on cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and crisis management has made him a key player in Ghana’s security architecture.

Impact on Ghana’s Security.

The National Security Coordinator’s efforts have contributed to a safer Ghana, with reduced drug trafficking and improved public safety.

His work has earned him commendation, with some praising his ability to tackle security challenges with minimal resources.

COP Abdul-Osman Razark’s coordination with international security agencies has significantly boosted Ghana’s fight against narcotic trafficking.

Enhanced Intelligence Sharing.

Razark’s collaboration with agencies like NACOC, NIB, and international partners has improved intelligence gathering, leading to targeted operations and arrests.

Joint Operations.

Partnerships with some countries in the African sub region have resulted in joint task forces and awareness campaigns to tackle cross-border trafficking.

These efforts demonstrate Ghana’s commitment to combating narcotic trafficking, with COP Razark playing a pivotal role in strengthening international cooperation.

THE WRITER: WILLIAM GENTU.

COMMUNICATION & MEDIA PRACTITIONER,
MASTERS STUDENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY @ GIMPA.

EMAIL: FAFALIFA1@GMAIL.COM

The Original Argument No Longer Holds

To understand why this levy must go, we must revisit the rationale for its implementation. In June 2025, prices at the pump had indeed seen a decline. According to data from the Chamber of Oil Marketing Companies, prices had dropped for the seventh consecutive time that year, aided significantly by the Cedi appreciating by 34% against the dollar. Petrol had fallen to about GH¢12.38 per liter by June 2025 from GH¢14.99 per liter in January 2025, and diesel to GH¢12.88 per liter by June, 2025 from GH¢15.60 per liter in January, 2025. It was this “drastic decline” specifically a drop of GH¢2.61 for petrol and GH¢2.72 for diesel that the Minister used as a political shield to introduce the new tax.

His argument was simple, the consumer was paying less at the pump, the government could step in and take that margin to defray the energy sector debt. The Energy Sector Levies (Amendment) Act, 2025 (Act 1141) officially added approximately GH¢1 to the price build-up, bringing the total Energy Sector Shortfall and Debt Repayment Levy to GH¢1.95 for petrol and GH¢1.93 for diesel. The government effectively treated the global market disinflation as an opportunity to fill its own coffers, rather than a chance to provide lasting relief to households and businesses.

The Crushing Burden of March 2026

Fast forward to March 2026, and the market dynamics have violently reversed. The National Petroleum Authority (NPA) has announced significant hikes in price floors effective March 16, with diesel jumping to a floor of GH¢14.35 per liter and petrol to GH¢11.57 per liter. However, these are merely the minimum prices before overheads or markups are applied. The market as at Monday, 16th March 2025 saw the retail prices of diesel averagely sold above GH¢15.60 per liter and petrol sold averagely above GH¢12.60 per liter reverting to the peak prices seen in early 2025.

These increases are being driven by forces entirely outside the government’s control, same as observed in 2022 during the initial stages of Russia-Ukraine war. As of March 2026, escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East specifically the ongoing conflict involving America, Israel and Iran as well as strikes near the Strait of Hormuz have spiked global crude oil prices . This external shock makes the domestic levy untenable. In June 2025, the tax was absorbable because the Cedi had gained strength and world prices were low. Today, with global prices high and the exchange rate under renewed pressure, the GH¢1 levy is no longer a “small addition” it is the straw breaking the camel’s back.

The Mandate of the Levy Has Been Fulfilled

Perhaps the most compelling argument for the removal of the tax lies in the very success of the revenue mobilization it funded. The levy was sold to a skeptical public as a necessary tool to clear the energy sector’s legacy debt. By the government’s own admission, that mission has been accomplished.

According to the Ministry of Finance, between January and December 2025, the government paid approximately US$1.47 billion to reset the energy sector. This includes the full repayment of US$597 million drawn on the World Bank Partial Risk Guarantee, the settlement of all outstanding gas invoices to ENI and Vitol (approx. US$480 million), and the payment of roughly US$393 million in legacy debts to Independent Power Producers (IPPs). The World Bank guarantee has been fully restored, and the government has stated unequivocally that the “era of unchecked energy sector debt accumulation is over”. On pages 7 and 8 of the 2026 budget speech, the minister indicated that revenue collection has increased by about 90% and for that matter the sector was not accruing current debt.

The announcement by the finance minister on the defrayment of the sector debt nullifies any justification for the keeping Ghc1 per liter on the price build-up of petroleum products. Therefore, continuous collecting of the levy now transforms it from a “debt recovery” tool into a hidden general revenue tax. The consumer is being asked to pay for a problem that has allegedly been solved.

The Inflationary and Social Impact

Continuing this levy in the face of rising global prices is an economic own goal. CEMSE, in its commentary on the 2025 budget, warned that this levy would place “added pressure on consumers” through higher fuel prices, which would inevitably affect “transport costs and inflation”. With diesel price now exceeding GH¢15.60 per liter, highly inflationary figures are likely to rebound if the GH¢1 per liter per introduced on the price build up is not removed.

Diesel is the lifeblood of the Ghanaian economy because it powers the vehicles and cargos that carry food to the markets, the generators that back up our erratic power supply, and the machinery in the construction and mining sectors. A diesel price above GH¢15.60 will trigger an immediate spike in transportation fares and food prices. Simultaneously, petrol at GH¢13.00 will eat into the disposable incomes of commuters and private vehicle owners. To maintain a tax designed for a “debt crisis” during a “cost-of-living crisis” is to place fiscal policy at odds with the welfare of the citizenry.

Conclusion
The GH¢1 per liter levy was a product of its time introduced when prices were low to solve a debt problem. Today, prices are high and the debt is, by official record, cleared. The government has a choice to retain this tax and watch inflation spiral, or show empathy and economic prudence by withdrawing it. The consumers have paid their share and for that matter it is time for the government to fulfill its side of the bargain and remove this burdensome levy.

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The confirmation of news reports indicating former Finance Minister (2017-2024) Ken Ofori-Atta is seeking permanent residence in the USA is unfortunate as well as disappointing.

Some of us have known Ken since the 1980s – a pleasant and brilliant product of prestigious Achimota School, Columbia University and Yale University School of Management. He founded Databank in Ghana and our paths crossed in Liberia where Databank was opening.

Ken, now 66, is deeply familiar with the legal system in Ghana, and l believe that an honest bible-quoting Christian like him would have the courage of his convictions to face all odds.

From my personal experience in politics, l would agree that politics is an unpredictable path to pursue, yet a necessary avenue to serve public interest.

The position of a Finance Minister is a prestigious one, and any person in that role attracts more eyeballs than probably any other Cabinet minister or public servant. And all those put in that position have not been unaware of the kind of responsibility carried with it.

We have known Dr Kwesi Botchwey, Richard Kwame Peprah, Yaw Osafo-Maafo, Kwadwo Baah-Wiredu, Dr. Kwabena Duffuor, Seth Terkper, Dr. Mohammed Amin Adam (2024-2025), and NONE of them has sought permanent refuge abroad, and Ken knows this.

So why is Ken Nana Yaw Ofori-Atta seeking to abandon his traditional heritage, his old school mates and the values they inherited, his church fraternity and the teachings that held them together, the colleagues in the party which made him chairman of their Finance Committee, his cousin former President Akufo-Addo who appointed him as Finance Minister and who is still in the country, his many admirers who loved his regular white outfits?

The laws of Ghana, like the values in the villages and in the churches and mosques, have not changed; only the human beings and personalities keep changing positions.

I am not the only one who will be disappointed if Ken sticks to his word, as his US lawyers say: most of those I have mentioned here will also be.

For posterity, and for the history of the Republic of Ghana, this will be a bad precedent! Nothing to be proud of as part of Ghana Heritage! Come home, Ken! This is where you belong!

In the ever-colourful theatre of Ghanaian politics, a single statement can travel faster than a trotro in an empty lane. This week, the National Chairman of the National Democratic Congress, Hon. Johnson Asiedu Nketia, stirred public conversation with a remark that was as humorous as it was deeply reflective: “If all 500,000 become police officers, where will they find thieves to arrest?”

Now, to the casual listener, this may sound like a simple joke thrown into a political gathering to lighten the mood. But anyone familiar with Chairman Asiedu Nketia knows that beneath the humour often lies a serious message waiting to be unpacked. The man has a way of wrapping wisdom in satire, the same way our grandmothers wrapped bitter medicine in honey.

The facts themselves are telling. Nearly 500,000 young Ghanaians reportedly applied to join the Ghana Police Service, yet government resources can only absorb about 5,000 recruits this year. If that statistic alone does not provoke reflection about youth employment and national planning, then perhaps the Chairman’s humorous question will.

In essence, the statement highlights an important truth: a nation cannot function if everyone chooses the same path. Imagine a Ghana where half a million citizens suddenly wear police uniforms. Who then becomes the teacher to educate our children? Who grows the maize and cassava that end up on our tables? Who builds our roads, heals our sick, designs our technology, and drives our businesses?

In such a scenario, the police might eventually find themselves directing traffic for goats and chasing chickens across empty markets.

This is precisely the deeper point the Chairman appears to be making. A thriving nation depends on economic diversity. Security institutions are important, but they are only one piece of the national puzzle. The strength of any economy lies in the variety of professions and industries that keep the wheels of productivity turning.

There is also another layer of wisdom hidden in the remark. If society successfully creates opportunities for its citizens eg. jobs, businesses, skills training, and innovation. When that is highly achieved, the number of people tempted to commit crime naturally declines. In that sense, the best way to reduce crime is not simply to recruit more police officers but to build a society where people are productively engaged. It is preventive development rather than reactive policing.

Chairman Asiedu Nketia, known widely for his grassroots approach to politics, has built a reputation as a leader who speaks plainly and without unnecessary decoration. He says things as they are, sometimes with a touch of humour that leaves people laughing first and thinking later. That is the mark of a seasoned political communicator.

Of course, in today’s political climate, some observers, especially those in opposition may be tempted to search for hidden controversy in every sentence spoken by government or figures close to government. But a mature democratic society must rise above the temptation of petty political propaganda.

Opposition politics, at its best, is not about twisting statements for headlines or creating noise where none exists. It is about providing constructive criticism, proposing practical alternatives, and strengthening democratic accountability.

In this particular case, the Chairman’s remark should be seen not as an attack on aspiring police officers but as a humorous reminder that national development requires balance, planning, and realism. Governments must recruit security personnel responsibly, based on budgetary capacity and national needs, while simultaneously expanding opportunities across other sectors of the economy.

After all, a country cannot be policed into prosperity.

Ultimately, the comment reflects a deeper philosophy, the true measure of progress is not how many officers we recruit, but how many citizens we empower to live productive and dignified lives. When the economy works for the people, crime naturally becomes the exception rather than the norm.

And perhaps that is the real joke behind the Chairman’s statement: in a well-developed society with abundant opportunities, the police might indeed struggle to find thieves to arrest. Would that not be the best problem any nation could ever have?

Even when you step out of your air-conditioned vehicle to enter an office, shop, or home, you are still breathing the same polluted air. This invisible danger slowly damages our lungs and respiratory organs.

Every day, in our expanding cities, we breathe polluted air, regardless of our social status or where we live. Air pollution does not discriminate.

The transportation sector is one of the biggest contributors to this problem. Heavy traffic, ageing vehicles, and long hours of idling engines release harmful pollutants into the atmosphere. Anyone who has driven behind a vehicle releasing thick black smoke has witnessed this problem firsthand. At the same time, poor waste management systems mean that waste is frequently burned in many communities, adding more smoke and harmful particles to the air.

The health impacts of this pollution are serious. Breathing polluted air over long periods can lead to asthma, lung disease, heart problems, and other respiratory conditions. Studies have also shown that exposure to polluted air can affect unborn children and increase health risks for pregnant women.

What makes air pollution particularly dangerous is that it is often invisible. On many days, the sky looks clear, yet the air can contain tiny particles known as particulate matter. These particles are smaller than the width of a single strand of hair and can travel deep into the lungs and even enter the bloodstream.

People who spend long hours near busy roads may face the greatest risk. Market traders, street vendors, drivers, policemen, and traffic wardens often spend their entire working day in environments where vehicle emissions and dust are highest.

As our cities continue to grow, the problem could become even more serious if action is not taken.

Improving waste management is an important step. Reducing open burning and ensuring proper waste collection can significantly reduce pollution in many communities. Stronger vehicle emission standards and better public transportation systems can also help reduce pollution caused by traffic congestion.

But tackling air pollution is not only the responsibility of government and policymakers. As individuals, we also have a role to play. Avoiding the open burning of waste, maintaining vehicles properly to reduce excessive smoke, and supporting cleaner transportation options can help reduce pollution in our communities. Simple actions such as proper waste disposal and planting trees around our homes and neighbourhoods can also contribute to cleaner air.

Clean air is not a luxury. It is essential for our health and well-being. As Ghana’s cities continue to expand, protecting the air we breathe must become a priority for policymakers, communities, and individuals alike.

Clean air should not be a privilege for a few; it is a basic right that every Ghanaian deserves.

Author
Maame Serwaa Appiah

In many countries, citizens wake up each morning hoping their government succeeds. Success means better roads, stronger schools, stable prices, and opportunities for the next generation.

But in Ghana, a troubling political culture has quietly taken root, one where some people do not merely criticize the government; they pray for it to fail!

Not because failure serves the country. But because failure serves the next election.

It is a strange and dangerous psychology: a nation where political victory often depends on national disappointment. Ghana’s democracy, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1992, has largely revolved around two dominant political forces the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

Their rivalry is intense, deeply emotional, and often theatrical. Elections are fought fiercely, supporters defend their camps passionately, and political debate fills radio studios, television panels, and social media timelines. Competition in politics is not the problem. In fact, democracy thrives on competition.

The problem emerges when political competition transforms into something darker, when the opposition begins to see national difficulty as a political opportunity.

It is not unusual in Ghana’s political discourse to hear opposition voices amplify every economic hardship, every policy stumble, and every administrative misstep. That is their democratic role.

Opposition parties exist to question power, expose weaknesses, and propose alternatives.

But there is a subtle line between constructive criticism and strategic pessimism. Too often, that line disappears. In the heat of partisan rivalry, some political actors quietly begin to hope that the government’s policies fail, that the economy deteriorates, or that public frustration grows.

The logic is simple and brutally cynical: if the ruling party struggles, voters will punish them at the ballot box. In other words, the road to power is paved with national disappointment.

This mindset creates a perverse political incentive structure. Instead of contributing ideas that strengthen national programs, some actors focus on predicting collapse. Instead of offering solutions that improve governance, the emphasis shifts to highlighting failure.

Political debate becomes less about building the country and more about waiting for the government to stumble.

Ironically, opposition parties often sound their most reasonable and visionary when they are out of power.

Away from the burdens of governance, their policy ideas appear fresh, thoughtful, and people-centered. They speak passionately about accountability, fiscal discipline, and good governance. They promise transparency, humility, and national unity.

The deeper tragedy is that citizens sometimes become enthusiastic participants in this political theatre. Supporters of one party often celebrate the struggles of the other as though national hardship were a sporting victory.

Economic difficulties become partisan talking points. Governance challenges become ammunition for political insults. The conversation stops being about Ghana. It becomes about winning.

This “pull him down” mentality is not just a social habit; it has become a political strategy. Instead of building a culture where ideas compete, Ghana sometimes drifts into a culture where failure is weaponised. And that is dangerous.

Because when a government fails, the country does not pause until the next election. Businesses suffer. Families struggle. Young graduates searching for work cannot put their lives on hold until political power changes hands.

National development is not a football match where supporters cheer when the opposing team misses a penalty. When government programs collapse, everyone loses.

Infrastructure projects stall. Policy continuity disappears. Institutional confidence weakens. Investors hesitate. The economy absorbs the shock long before political actors claim their victory.

The uncomfortable truth is that a nation cannot sustainably grow if its political ecosystem quietly depends on failure. Democracy should not reward sabotage whether open or subtle. Instead, Ghana needs a different political philosophy.

A mature democracy is one where the opposition competes not by waiting for collapse but by presenting stronger alternatives. Where criticism is paired with policy. Where disagreement is grounded in ideas rather than partisan hostility.

Opposition parties should not pray for governments to fail. They should challenge governments to do better. They should design sharper policies, propose smarter reforms, and present credible visions that persuade voters through innovation rather than frustration.

The ruling party, on the other hand, must also accept that criticism is not sabotage. Healthy democracies depend on scrutiny. Governments that listen carefully to opposing ideas often become stronger, not weaker. And citizens must also rethink their role in this political ecosystem.

Partisan loyalty should not blind us to national reality. A struggling government does not hurt only its political leaders, it hurts market traders, taxi drivers, teachers, nurses, farmers, and young entrepreneurs trying to build a future.

We must learn to evaluate policies rather than slogans. Reward ideas rather than insults. And recognize that national success benefits everyone regardless of party colour.

Democratic stability alone is not enough. A democracy must also cultivate political maturity. It must encourage competition that produces better policies, not louder pessimism. It must inspire leaders who measure success by national progress rather than electoral advantage.

A country should never find itself in the uncomfortable position of hoping its government fails. Because when a nation begins to pray for political failure, it risks slowly praying against its own future. And Ghana deserves better than that.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

At the heart of her advocacy is her groundbreaking book, Gender and Change: Roles and Challenges of Ordained Women Ministers of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana, published by Gavoss Education Plc Ltd. in 2016.

The book remains one of the most comprehensive Ghanaian studies examining the lived experiences of ordained women ministers, documenting both the structural challenges they face and the transformative contributions they make to church life.

Research Rooted in Experience

In Gender and Change, Rev. Dr. Adasi moves beyond abstract theological debate to present evidence-based research grounded in Ghanaian ecclesial realities. She explores how cultural norms, historical interpretations of Scripture, and institutional traditions have shaped attitudes toward women’s ordination and leadership.

Her work critically engages long-standing interpretations of Pauline texts, arguing that many restrictive readings are products of historical context rather than enduring theological mandates. Drawing on Galatians 3:28 — “all are one in Christ Jesus” — she frames inclusion not as concession, but as faithful theological consistency.

Naming the Barriers

One of the strengths of her scholarship is its courage in addressing sensitive issues. She examines how perceptions of ritual purity, gendered authority, and inherited cultural expectations have limited women’s participation in certain sacred and leadership roles.

Importantly, she also identifies internalized patriarchy — resistance that sometimes emerges within families and congregations themselves — as a factor that institutions must consciously confront.

Yet her approach is not confrontational. It is constructive, analytical, and future-oriented.

A Vision of Complementary Leadership

Rather than advocating replacement or rivalry, Rev. Dr. Adasi envisions complementarity — men and women serving side by side, each contributing their gifts, callings, and competencies for institutional growth and renewal.

Her research demonstrates that where women are fully included, congregations often experience strengthened pastoral care, broader community engagement, and revitalized mission.

As she often notes, leadership within faith communities must be grounded in service, demonstrated competence, and integrity of calling.

A Voice with Global Resonance

While rooted in the Ghanaian context, the themes raised in Gender and Change resonate globally, as Christian denominations across the world continue to wrestle with balancing sacred tradition and contemporary understandings of justice and equality.

Through scholarship and public engagement, Rev. Dr. Grace Sintim Adasi has emerged as a leading Ghanaian voice in African women’s theology and ecclesial studies. Her work provides both intellectual depth and practical insight — offering institutions a roadmap for navigating change without abandoning faithfulness.

The conversation on women in ministry is ongoing. But through her research, writing, and advocacy, Rev. Dr. Adasi ensures that it remains informed, courageous, and grounded in theological integrity.

In Ghanaian politics, wisdom often speaks best from the Minority or opposition bench. It is sharp. Measured. Data-driven. It demands accountability and promises consultation. It sounds patriotic, restrained, and even visionary.

And suddenly, the tone shifts. The same voices that once insisted on broad stakeholder engagement now urge patience. The same politicians who demanded transparency begin to defend process. Advice becomes “noise.” Criticism becomes “agenda.” Listening becomes selective.

This is not a partisan swipe. It is a recurring democratic pattern. Whether it is the National Democratic Congress or the New Patriotic Party occupying the seat of power, the transformation feels familiar. In opposition, both sound like policy reformers. In government, both sometimes sound insulated.

The issue is not hypocrisy alone. It is structure. It is psychology. It is incentive.

Opposition is fertile intellectual ground. Without executive authority, a political party has only one real instrument: persuasion. It must win public trust through argument. It must scrutinize budgets line by line. It must expose weaknesses in government policy. It must appear responsible enough to govern and critical enough to matter.

In that space, politicians consult widely. They engage civil society. They speak the language of reform. They hold press conferences armed with statistics and moral clarity. It is easier to sound rational when you are not responsible for implementation.

Consider economic debates tied to Ghana’s engagements with institutions like the International Monetary Fund. When in opposition, parties often demand transparency, inclusive dialogue, and safeguards for vulnerable citizens. They promise a better-negotiated path. And the arguments resonate. Because from the outside, governance looks straightforward. Solutions seem clear. Trade-offs appear manageable.

Then comes government. The view from inside is different. Fiscal constraints are real. Bureaucratic systems resist speed. Global shocks disrupt the best-laid plans. Political allies expect rewards. Party loyalists expect protection.

But beyond these structural pressures lies something deeper: the psychology of power. Winning an election feels like validation. It signals that the electorate has endorsed your ideas. And once leaders feel validated, dissent can begin to feel unnecessary, even threatening.

The advisory circle narrows. Criticism from opponents is interpreted as strategy, not sincerity. Internal party discipline tightens. Public disagreement is discouraged in the name of stability. Listening becomes risk management rather than democratic practice. And slowly, the vibrant rationality of opposition gives way to the guarded defensiveness of incumbency.

In Ghana, politics is not merely ideological—it is emotional. Party loyalty often shapes identity. Elections are intense. Victories are celebrated as existential triumphs. That intensity magnifies the shift. When in opposition, a party presents itself as the guardian of national interest. When in power, it can begin to conflate party interest with national interest. Critique then feels like sabotage.

Parliamentary debates harden. Policy conversations become binary. Social media amplifies outrage instead of nuance. The space for bipartisan collaboration shrinks. Yet the irony remains striking: many of the reforms passionately demanded in opposition are the same reforms needed in government—fiscal discipline, procurement transparency, institutional independence, decentralization. Once in office, however, implementation often slows or becomes selective.

It would be easy to dismiss this pattern as political inconsistency. But governance is genuinely harder than opposition rhetoric. Campaign promises collide with fiscal realities. Global economic trends disrupt national planning. Security pressures demand swift decisions. Complex trade-offs emerge. What sounds simple outside government often becomes complicated inside it.

Acknowledging this complexity is important. But it does not excuse the abandonment of openness. Democratic maturity is not measured by how eloquently leaders criticize. It is measured by how willingly they listen when they hold authority.

The Cost of Selective Hearing

When governments dismiss ideas based on their source rather than their merit, the nation loses. Good policy may be delayed. Public trust may erode. Citizens may grow cynical. And cynicism is dangerous. When voters believe that rationality is seasonal—loud before elections and quiet after victory—they disengage. Participation drops. Debate becomes theatre. Politics becomes performance rather than progress.

Ghana’s democracy has achieved remarkable stability since 1992. Peaceful transfers of power have strengthened the Fourth Republic. That is a legacy worth protecting. But stability alone is not enough. The next stage of democratic growth requires cultural evolution from competitive politics to collaborative governance.

The real test of leadership is not how well one argues from the Minority or opposition side. It is whether one governs with the same humility once entrusted with power. Can governments institutionalize consultation rather than treat it as campaign language? Can parliamentary committees function beyond rigid party lines? Can major national reforms be shaped by cross-party consensus instead of electoral calculation?

The farmer in Tamale does not care whether a good agricultural policy originated from Majority or Minority benches. The trader in Makola measures inflation, not party colours. The graduate in Kumasi wants opportunity, not ideological choreography. Wisdom should not relocate when power changes hands.

If rationality only thrives in opposition, then our democracy risks becoming performative. If listening stops at inauguration, then governance becomes defensive.

Ghana does not lack intelligent politicians. We hear them every election cycle—thoughtful, measured, and persuasive. The challenge is consistency. The challenge is to govern with the same openness once demanded from others. Perhaps the real democratic breakthrough will not be another peaceful transfer of power but a transfer of mindset—a moment when leaders understand that electoral victory is not a monopoly on wisdom.

Until then, Ghanaians will continue to notice the shift in tone—the eloquence before power and the caution after it. And they will keep asking a simple question: Has Ghana outgrown competitive politics, or are we ready for collaborative governance?

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

I don’t know what else women can give. They have given and continue to give a lot. In the last half-century, women have gained a lot, manifested by laws against sexual violence and for property rights, as well as more girls in school than ever before.

There has also been advances in the area of political rights and inclusivity. Despite these advances, a lot remains to be done. Last week, one of my patients gave me a lesson in the patriarchal world at work.

She is in her early 80s. She informed me that her children had taken her car keys from her because they worried about her ability to drive safely. I thought her children were being proactive and reasonable. When I said so, she said, ” My husband is 5 years older, in poorer health and has poorer eyesight.

Why didn’t they take his keys too?”. She had a point. Last week, I read the possibly apocryphal story of landlords in a suburb of Accra who demand sex in exchange for rents.

There have been well-known cases of professors demanding sex-for-grades and employers demanding sex-for-jobs and getting away with. Indeed, even the UN’s own staff sent to warzones like the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to protect the vulnerable have been accused of abuses.

The Epstein cases and the “I BELIEVE HER” movements have highlighted these issues. The fight for Women’s emancipation is a fight for all of us, not just for women.

After all, they are our daughters, sisters, wives and mothers. Let’s wish all our women well and stand with them as they fight for equality.

Unfortunately, they are a bit of hypocrisy in this fight. Organizations set up to fight for women and equality have shown a disturbing penchant for abandoning women for ideological or political goals. Happy INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY!

According to the group, the incident involving the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) should serve as a serious warning about the increasing dangers facing Ghanaian soldiers deployed on peacekeeping missions in the region.

In a statement issued by peace and security analyst Akunkel Musah, the group revealed that two missiles reportedly struck an area close to where the Ghanaian Battalion was stationed in southern Lebanon on March 6, 2026, between 17:45 and 17:52 local time.

The statement noted that the Ghanaian troops were performing their official peacekeeping duties under a United Nations mandate when the incident occurred.

“These men and women were not combatants but were deployed under the United Nations mandate to help maintain peace and stability in a volatile region,” the statement said.

LACPSA-Ghana argued that the attack highlights the growing risks facing peacekeeping forces as the conflict in the region becomes more complex and unpredictable.

The group warned that the ongoing military exchanges involving Hezbollah and what it described as the Israel–United States alliance have escalated beyond the traditional scope of peacekeeping operations.

According to the statement, the conflict has shifted from sporadic clashes and small-arms engagements to high-intensity ballistic missile strikes and sophisticated military confrontations.

“These developments create conditions that even well-equipped national militaries struggle to manage, let alone peacekeeping contingents whose mandate is primarily observation, monitoring, and stabilisation,” it noted.

LACPSA-Ghana further expressed concern that the UNIFIL command structure may no longer be able to guarantee the safety of Ghanaian troops on the ground.

The group explained that peacekeeping missions rely on a minimum level of restraint among conflicting parties, warning that when hostilities escalate beyond that threshold, neutral peacekeepers become increasingly vulnerable.

The statement also raised concerns about what it described as a growing disregard for international humanitarian law in the conduct of the conflict.

According to the group, the lack of adherence to established rules of engagement significantly increases the risk of collateral damage and complicates efforts to determine accountability if peacekeepers are harmed.

LACPSA-Ghana therefore urged the government, through the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, to initiate discussions with the United Nations regarding the temporary withdrawal or redeployment of Ghanaian forces until a ceasefire is achieved.

While acknowledging Ghana’s longstanding reputation as a reliable contributor to global peacekeeping missions, the group stressed that national pride and international commitments should not come at the expense of the safety of Ghanaian soldiers.

“The evolving situation in Lebanon demands a sober and pragmatic response. Until hostilities subside and a stable ceasefire is established, the Government of Ghana should strongly consider withdrawing our peacekeeping forces from Lebanon,” the statement concluded.

Below is their full statement:

WITHDRAW GHANAIAN PEACEKEEPERS FROM LEBANON NOW; LACPSA-GHANA

The recent attack on the Ghanaian Battalion stationed at the headquarters of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in Southern Lebanon should serve as a serious wake-up call. The safety of Ghanaian soldiers deployed on peacekeeping missions must remain paramount, and the latest developments strongly suggest that the time has come for Ghana to reconsider its continued presence in Lebanon.

On March 6, 2026, between 17:45 and 17:52 (local), two missiles reportedly struck the area where Ghanaian peacekeepers were stationed while carrying out their official duties. These men and women were not combatants but were deployed under the United Nations mandate to help maintain peace and stability in a volatile region. The attack, therefore, highlights the growing dangers facing peacekeeping forces operating in an increasingly complex and unpredictable conflict environment.

Regardless of the circumstances surrounding the strike, the most responsible course of action at this moment is the immediate withdrawal of Ghanaian troops from the mission area. The ongoing military exchanges between Hezbollah and the Israel–United States alliance have escalated to a level that goes far beyond the traditional parameters of peacekeeping operations.

This is no longer a situation defined by small-arms fire, sporadic clashes, or ground confrontations that peacekeepers are typically trained to manage. Instead, the conflict has evolved into one characterised by high-intensity ballistic missile strikes and sophisticated military engagements. Such developments create conditions that even well-equipped national militaries struggle to manage, let alone peacekeeping contingents whose mandate is primarily observation, monitoring, and stabilisation.

A careful assessment of the situation on the ground suggests that the UNIFIL operational command may no longer be able to guarantee the safety of the Ghanaian Battalion. Peacekeeping missions depend on a minimum level of restraint among warring parties. When conflicts escalate beyond that threshold, the risk to neutral peacekeepers increases dramatically.

Equally troubling is the apparent disregard for international humanitarian law in the conduct of the conflict. When military engagements occur without clear respect for established international rules of war, the likelihood of collateral damage rises sharply. Under such circumstances, determining accountability in the event of harm to peacekeepers becomes extremely difficult.

The current display of military force in the region has effectively sidelined logic and order, placing everyone within the operational area at risk. Ghanaian soldiers, whose mission is peacekeeping rather than combat, should not be exposed to such unpredictable and high-risk conditions.

This situation also places Ghana’s diplomatic leadership in a difficult position. While the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, may not have the ability to influence the immediate dynamics of the battlefield, the government still retains the sovereign authority to prfioritize the safety of our troops. One practical step would be to initiate discussions with the United Nations regarding the temporary withdrawal or redeployment of Ghanaian forces until a ceasefire is achieved.

Ghana has built a proud international reputation as a reliable contributor to global peacekeeping missions. Our soldiers have served with distinction in many conflict zones across the world. However, national pride and international commitments should never come at the cost of the safety and lives of our men and women in uniform.

The evolving situation in Lebanon demands a sober and pragmatic response. Until hostilities subside and a stable ceasefire is established, the Government of Ghana should strongly consider withdrawing our peacekeeping forces from Lebanon. Protecting the lives of Ghanaian soldiers must always remain the nation’s highest priority

Akunkel Musah
Analyst: Peace, Security & Climate Change || Global Peace Campaigner
(akunkel.musah1@gmail.com )

Moments like these remind us that Ramadan is not only a period of fasting, but also a time for compassion, generosity, and renewed commitment to one another.

Ramadan calls us to reflect on our shared humanity and the responsibility we carry to uplift those around us. As a Muslim from humble beginnings, I have always believed that life finds its true meaning when we live not only for ourselves but for others.

Even in nature, we witness the beauty of mutual support—trees sharing sunlight and nutrients, animals protecting and nurturing one another. How much more should we, as human beings—honoured as the foremost of Allah’s creation and endowed with compassion and understanding—stand together in kindness and solidarity?

Allah reminds us in the Qur’an:

“The example of those who spend their wealth in the way of Allah is like a seed of grain which grows seven ears; in every ear are a hundred grains. And Allah multiplies for whom He wills.” (Qur’an 2:261)

The Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) also taught: “The best of people are those who are most beneficial to others.”

Supporting these young students during this holy month may seem a small gesture, but it reflects a timeless principle of our faith: giving is not merely an act of charity—it is an expression of faith, brotherhood, and gratitude to Allah.

May Allah accept our acts of kindness, strengthen the bonds within our communities, and guide us all to be instruments of support, compassion, and hope for one another.

Ramadan Kareem. 🌙

But here is the question no one wants to ask: Are you eating real food… or something dangerously altered?

Because what happens before that product reaches your hands may shock you.

Across parts of Africa, food adulteration has quietly become an open secret. For economic gain, some sellers mix cheaper substitutes into popular staples to increase volume and profit. Palm oil is sometimes mixed with dyes to deepen its red colour. Ground egusi may be blended with cheaper flours like cassava. Plantain flour can be diluted with lower-cost alternatives. Old stock may be re-dried, reground, and mixed with new batches.

The goal is simple: stretch the product, cut losses, maximise earnings. Now, here is where it becomes concerning for those of us abroad.

Many African stores in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom rely on bulk suppliers back home. These consolidators purchase goods from open markets or rural producers, repackage them, and ship them overseas. Once they arrive, some stores remove the original packaging, if any existed and repackage the products under their own brand names.

That is where traceability disappears. In countries like the United States, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) requires imported food products to be traceable to a registered foreign facility. Proper labelling should include:

• Manufacturer name and address
• Production and expiry dates
• Batch numbers
• Nutritional information
• Airtight, tamper-evident packaging

Similarly, the Food Standards Agency in the UK enforces strict food safety standards. Canada follows comparable regulations through federal inspection systems.

But many rebranded products sold in some African stores do not meet these standards. Instead, what you may find are:

• Loose nylon pouches
• Non-airtight plastic bags
• No manufacturer listed
• No batch numbers
• No expiry dates
• No traceable origin

If a recall becomes necessary, there is no clear chain back to the original source. Accountability vanishes.

The Chemical Risk

Beyond mixing cheaper ingredients, improper chemical use raises deeper health concerns.

In agricultural storage, certain pesticides are legally approved when used correctly, typically applied outside sealed layers of packaging. However, reports and videos circulating online suggest misuse, including applying strong chemicals directly to food storage environments in unsafe ways.https://www.youtube.com/embed/19cnfKkAvHg

Improper pesticide exposure can pose serious health risks, particularly for children, pregnant women, and individuals with chronic illnesses.

For people managing diabetes, adulterated plantain flour mixed with higher-glycemic substitutes can cause unexpected blood sugar spikes. Consumers believe they are eating one thing their bodies may be processing another.

The
Bigger Problem: Store Rebranding

An increasing trend is stores acting as unofficial manufacturers. Bulk items arrive in sacks. They are divided into smaller pouches. A store label is added. The original producer’s identity disappears.

Without original manufacturer information, consumers cannot verify:

• Whether the product was made in a certified facility
• Whether it passed quality inspection
• Whether it can be traced during contamination
• Whether it meets export compliance standards

This is not an attack on African stores. Many operate honestly and responsibly. But the system leaves room for abuse,e and consumers often assume trust where verification is absent.

How
to Protect Yourself

If you buy African staples abroad, consider these precautions:

1. Buy whole seeds when possible. Purchase whole egusi instead of pre-ground. Grind it yourself.
2. Check for original manufacturer packaging. Avoid store-branded repackaging when the source is unclear.
3. Look for proper labelling. Manufacturer address, batch number, expiry date, and nutritional panel.
4. Ensure airtight, tamper-evident seals.
5. Be cautious with unusually bright colours or altered textures.
6. Ask questions. A reputable store should be able to explain sourcing.

Consumers drive change. When people refuse poorly labelled products, stores are forced to improve standards.

This Is About Health — Not Fear

Food connects the diaspora to culture, family, and identity. But nostalgia should not override safety.

The uncomfortable truth is this: if you cannot trace where your food came from, you cannot fully trust what is inside it. And when it comes to what you feed your children, your spouse, or yourself,f uncertainty is not good enough.

Before your next purchase, pause and look closely. Because the question remains:

Can you say with certainty that what
you are eating is exactly what it claims to be?

We will puff our chests and declare that we are better than Burkina Faso, which now sells us tomatoes, and Rwanda, which now has clean streets.

We will pointlessly debate whether Ghana had a founder or founders. And we will assert shrilly that we need more time to transform Ghana, even though Deng Xiaoping laid the foundation for China’s transformation in just 15 years, while most of our “independence classmates” have left us far behind in development.

Truthfully, our biggest problem is that our democracy is failing badly. Don’t take my word for it. In the 2024 Afrobarometer survey, 52% of Ghanaians, a majority, felt no affinity for either of the major parties.

This is 15% up from the previous survey. Furthermore, only 1-in-4 Ghanaians believe Ghana is a full democracy.

In that survey, a majority of Ghanaians felt the Presidency, Tax officials and MPs are all corrupt! And during the 2025 inauguration of President Mahama, the person who got the most cheers was Sojaman Traore of Burkina Faso.

Let that sink in. In candour, while we may have been a democracy in 1992, we are becoming a kleptocratic plutocracy – a government of rich people, most of whom, Tafraky3, are thieves.

In 1992, most of us believed that our vibrant democracy would deliver development. After all, President Rawlings once said, “Democracy is not just the abstract guarantee of freedom of expression and the right to vote but also the right to food, a roof over your head and clothes on your back.”

On their part, the NPP promised to establish a “property-owning” democracy. Unfortunately, our parties have joined forces to establish a property-looting system in which the two parties trade places, with one party issuing looting mandates that extract wealth from the public space into private hands while the masses suffer.

We cannot clear our garbage. We are quietly returning to “cash and carry” and maintenance of the “no-bed” healthcare system, where newborn mothers and accident victims may die.

Despite repeated assurances, the diaspora remains unengaged. Despite all the protests, Galamsey marches on while our rivers remain polluted.

Corruption and impunity remain so rampant that a private businessman could walk onto the floor of Parliament to bribe MPs protesting the removal of Ken Ofori-Atta. Added to this, there are persistent rumours that MPs need “drinks” to do the government’s own business!!

Indeed, the malfeasance affected God’s own 100 million USD cathedral while God’s children studied under trees with empty stomachs. Don’t get me wrong, in this benighted 4th Republic, there have been bright patches and spots.

There was the surprising flourishing of Judicial independence under President Rawlings. There were Kufour’s six years of good growth and social interventions marred by the neglect of corruption.

There has been admirable responsiveness in the first year of the Mahama II administration, coupled with the Lazarusian revival of the cedi exchange rate.

And there was Captain Kojo Tsikata’s intervention that may have prevented another Rawlings coup just before the Kufuor inauguration in 2001.

And there are the general election voters who have tried repeatedly to give us good governments only to be thwarted by the political parties.

But all in all, our democracy is not working, and it is not delivering development. It is tempting, under these circumstances, to yearn for alternatives to democracy. But we must not. Those alternatives, in the long term, will be worse.

We need, instead, to stand up and reclaim our democracy. First, we need to rescue our political parties from the moneyed elites who have turned them into private clubs. We must let all who are qualified voters vote in their party primaries.

What happened in the NPP presidential primaries and in the NDC primary that produced Baba Jamal was disgraceful. They were not primaries; they were auctions.

In addition to this, the Supreme Court can help by vigorously affirming the self-evident truths contained in the suit filed by Drs Frimpong-Boateng and Nyaho-Tamakloe with Ms. Nuamah.

Second, the media need to break free of its shackles and help educate the public about patriotism and democracy.

We cannot build a democratic nation when many NPP and NDC members feel more loyal to their parties than to Ghana, to such an extent that they defend those whose theft of public resources deprives them of public benefits.

Third, it is becoming increasingly clear that if the NDC and NPP will not reform themselves in the national interest, patriots must birth a new party that would, at a minimum, push presidential elections to run-offs and be capable of winning them sometimes. My fellow Ghanaians.

We are the men and women we have been waiting for. Let’s save our democracy. Happy Independence Day. Long live Ghana.

After years of hardship marked by high inflation, a weakening cedi, debt restructuring and sluggish business activity, President Mahama’s remarks echoed what many households and firms are beginning to feel on the ground and in their pockets, the easing pressure.

Key indicators are stabilising, macroeconomic trends are becoming more predictable, and more importantly, the early signs of a genuine recovery are emerging.

Realities in jargons
Though jargons and sometimes annoying to the ordinary person, these economic metrics and indices are better reflected in the daily cost of living and items on the streets and in corner shops nationwide.

For many households, the moderation of inflation from a peak of 54% in 2022 to around 23% in 2024 before crashing to 3.3.% in February has translated into slower increases in food, transport, and utility costs. For businesses, a relatively more stable cedi and improved supply conditions have helped reduce the uncertainty that made planning difficult in the past.

President Mahama’s national address underscored these improvements, echoing what traders in the markets, manufacturing firms, and ordinary workers have begun to feel in their pockets and bottom lines. While there is room for improvement, the direction has been encouraging.

Cocoa crisis, stormy world
But just as Ghana appeared to be rebuilding stability, events beyond the country’s borders have introduced new and immediate threats.

First was the record crash in cocoa prices in the international market. After soaring to a record $10,000 per ton in 2024, cocoa prices have since collapsed, with the global benchmark trading at about $3,026 per ton on March 4, 2026.

The slump forced Ghana to slash its producer price by 28.6% to GH¢41,392 per ton for the 2025/26 season amid a near 70% drop in world prices from their late 2024 peak, sharply reducing revenue from cocoa exports and eroding already thin farmer incomes.

Ghana is not alone. Neighbouring Ivory Coast has cut its farm gate rate to 1,200 CFA francs/kg from March as unsold stocks pile up. This underscored how the price crash is squeezing household earnings, straining state finances and straining farmer-government relations across West Africa’s cocoa belt.

The second and most contagious issue is the Israel–United States strike on Iran, and the rapidly escalating tensions across the Middle East.

The attacks have triggered renewed volatility in global commodity markets, bring into sharp focus the interconnected nature of the world. For a small, open economy like Ghana, which is heavily dependent on imported fuel, external capital flows, and commodity exports, these geopolitical shocks carry significant risks.

Already, analysts warn that prolonged instability in the Middle East could send crude oil prices sharply higher, above $100 per barrel.

Implications
For Ghana, this would mean higher fuel pump prices, increased transport fares, rising production costs for businesses, and potential upward pressure on inflation.

A spike in oil prices often triggers currency volatility as well, given Ghana’s import bill. Businesses working hard to rebuild margins could face new cost pressures, and households may once again find their budgets strained.

Beyond oil, global investor sentiment tends to deteriorate during geopolitical crises. This could affect Ghana’s access to external financing, delay investment decisions, or tighten global credit conditions just as the country is emerging from debt restructuring and attempting to re establish market confidence.

The gains highlighted in the national address, while real, are therefore at risk unless managed with foresight and agility.

Why Ghana is a step ahead
One of Ghana’s advantages, however, is experience. The country has navigated multiple global and domestic crises over the past decades, commodity price shocks, pandemics, financial sector reforms, fiscal consolidations, and international market disruptions.

Effective crisis management has often relied on a combination of strong policy responses, public cooperation, and resilience among businesses and households. The current moment calls for the same level of collective steadiness.

Fortunately, President Mahama, a former member of Parliament, minister, vice and president has seen it all. He was President when Ghana experienced one of its heaviest capital flights from 2013 into 2016 resulting from a tumbling exchange rate, alongside the debilitating energy crisis.

With tenacity, however, he fixed the power problems and exited office with Ghana having excess installed capacity – gains that have served us till now.

Thus, while the world navigates the current stormy system, local policymakers will need to tap these experiences and deploy people-centered measures. The introduction of stringent fiscal measures, the Gold Board and increased revenue efforts have helped to build the country the needed buffers, but those gains require further oiling to withstand the shocks that recent events bring.

We would need to accelerate efforts to boost domestic food production and support small and medium sized enterprises , which are the backbone of Ghanaian employment to reduce our reliance on imports.

The individual’s role
But equally important is the role of individuals and businesses. Ghanaians cannot afford to be passive observers in this unfolding global uncertainty.

Households may need to adopt more deliberate financial planning, reduce unnecessary expenses, and diversify income where possible. Businesses would have to be more proactive and discipline, anticipating the challenges and reducing exposure to the contagion.

This period also presents an opportunity for innovation. Digital tools, renewable energy solutions, improved logistics systems, and smarter business models can help firms remain competitive even in turbulent times.

More importantly, we must unite in our actions and words. The polarized nature of the world requires that nations move in unison, knowing who they are and what they want.
We must pass whatever text that these developments bring us, as we have triumphed over the bitter COVID19 pandemic, debt restructuring and the economic malaise they brought.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist

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It was an important moment. It reminded Africa that institutions matter, and that justice does not end at national borders.

But human rights do not live in Arusha.

For many Ghanaians, they live — or fail to live — in Accra.

The average Ghanaian will never file a case in Tanzania. The journalist covering a police operation in Kasoa cannot seek urgent protection from a regional bench. The reporter documenting a volatile scene must rely, in that moment, on the discipline of local authority.

And it is here that the question becomes uncomfortable.

The Ghana Journalists Association has repeatedly warned of a sharp rise in attacks and threats against journalists. By mid-2025, the number of reported abuses had already exceeded the previous annual average. By year’s end, RANA recorded more than twenty incidents. In a troubling number of cases, state actors were alleged to be involved.

January 2026 brought further reports.

A journalist shoved aside while covering a public event. Another obstructed while filming. Uniformed personnel allegedly turning force not toward disorder, but toward the camera.

One might say such incidents are isolated. One might say investigations have been launched. One might say tempers flare in difficult circumstances. All true, perhaps.

But the rule of law is not tested in easy circumstances.

It is tested precisely when authority is under strain. It is tested when a camera is raised. It is tested when scrutiny is inconvenient.

Journalists do not possess executive power. They do not command battalions. Their authority lies in observation and publication. When they are intimidated, the damage travels beyond the individual. The public loses sight. Accountability narrows. Silence expands.

Human rights seldom collapse with a crash. They erode by gradual accommodation.

The President, in his State of the Nation Address, acknowledged the rise in attacks against journalists. Recognition matters. It signals awareness. But recognition is not remedy. And remedy is not prevention. Remedy lies in visible consequences: swift, independent investigations; transparent findings; credible sanctions where wrongdoing is established.

Without that, repetition becomes foreseeable.

If journalists, with institutional backing, professional networks, and national platforms, face risk with uncertain protection, what of the citizen without headlines? The market trader? The student? The detainee in a rural station?

The strength of a constitutional democracy is not measured by the eloquence of its speeches abroad, but by the predictability of restraint at home.

Ghana’s Constitution is clear. Media freedom is structural. It exists so that power may be examined without fear. Continental courts are vital guardians of last resort. But they cannot compensate for everyday insecurity in our own streets and institutions.

President Mahama’s words in Arusha were welcome.

But we need results at home.

Are journalists safe in Ghana?

That is the question that must be answered not in Arusha, but in Accra.

Until safety is reliable and accountability routine, speeches — however eloquent — will mean little.

Human rights leadership begins at home.

Kelvin Gyimah
Executive Director
Right Accountability Network – Africa (RANA)

Behind carefully crafted rhetoric about partnership and solidarity, Russian-linked operatives and recruitment networks are working quietly and aggressively to draw young African men into a brutal European battlefield.

What is presented as an opportunity is, in reality, a conveyor belt to the trenches of war against Ukraine.

Let us be clear: this is not Africa’s war. It is not Ghana’s war. And our sons must not become expendable foot soldiers in a conflict that serves no African interest.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has dragged on since 2022, costing hundreds of thousands of lives. With its military ranks heavily depleted, Moscow has increasingly looked outward, including toward Africa, to replenish its forces.

Reports and investigations across multiple countries suggest that African nationals have been recruited under misleading promises of employment, residency, or financial reward, only to find themselves on the front lines of a grinding war where survival is measured in days, not months.

Which friend takes your child from you, flies him across continents, and places him in a bombed trench where life expectancy is terrifyingly short?

The recruitment strategy is deceptively simple. Advertisements circulate on social media platforms, messaging apps, and through informal agents promising construction jobs, security contracts, driving positions, or education opportunities in Russia.

What begins as a civilian job offer can quickly morph into a military deployment. Some recruits reportedly receive minimal training before being sent into combat zones.

Economic hardship makes this deception easier. Youth unemployment, underemployment, and currency instability across parts of Africa create fertile ground for manipulation.

A young man earning little at home is told he can make thousands of euros abroad. Signing bonuses are dangled. Fast-tracked residency is promised. For many struggling families, the offer appears life- changing. But too often, the promise ends in silence.

In Kenya, families have publicly protested after losing contact with relatives who travelled to Russia, believing they had secured civilian jobs. Distress messages have reportedly surfaced

from recruits stranded in combat zones. Russian officials have denied illegal recruitment, dismissing allegations as propaganda. Yet the pattern of testimonies from affected families tells a deeply troubling story.

Consequently, Ghana must not wait for such tragedies to multiply before acting decisively. Our country already grapples with its own security pressures, economic reforms, and social demands.

We face regional instability in West Africa, terrorism threats in the Sahel, youth unemployment, and internal development challenges. Any attempt by a foreign power to draw Ghanaian citizens into a war that is not theirs must be viewed as hostile to our sovereignty and a direct threat to our national interest.

Ghana’s position must be unambiguous: we welcome trade, investment, technology transfer, and development partnerships from any country, including Russia. But we reject, absolutely, any arrangement that exports our youth to die in foreign conflicts.

Sovereignty cannot be bargained away for geopolitical convenience. Other African states have publicly clarified their positions when confronted with recruitment allegations. Ghanaian authorities must be equally firm.

Diplomatic channels should communicate clearly that any recruitment of Ghanaian nationals for foreign military operations is unacceptable. Silence can be misinterpreted. Ambiguity invites exploitation.

At the same time, the government must address the root vulnerability: economic desperation. Policies such as Ghana’s 24-hour economic transformation agenda aim to expand production, strengthen supply chains, develop human capital, and create employment opportunities.

If implemented effectively, beyond mere political slogans and into real action, such reforms can reduce the push factors that drive young people to risk their lives abroad.

Against this backdrop, policy alone is not enough. There is a collective responsibility here.

Journalists must investigate and expose fraudulent recruitment networks. Influencers must amplify warnings rather than romanticise foreign wars. Traditional leaders must educate their

communities. Religious institutions must counsel families. Parents must question “too good to be true” offers that require young men to travel to opaque destinations under vague contracts.

In addition, public awareness campaigns should clearly explain how these recruitment pipelines operate, from online advertisements to intermediary agents to altered contracts. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, together with civic education institutions, should proactively communicate verified guidance on safe migration and known risks.

It is worth noting that Africa has endured centuries of exploitation, from the transatlantic slave trade to colonial conscription in foreign wars. We must therefore not allow a new chapter where economic vulnerability is weaponised to fill foreign trenches.

There is no doubt that Russia may present itself as a friend of Africa. But friendship is not tested in speeches or summit photographs. Friendship is tested in whether your children are safe. A true partner brings contracts, factories, technology, and scholarships. A false partner brings camouflage uniforms and transport to the battlefield.

To this end, Ghanaian youth must understand this clearly: no amount of promised money is worth a coffin draped in someone else’s flag. This is not about choosing sides in global politics. It is about protecting Ghanaian lives. It is about safeguarding sovereignty. It is about refusing to let merchants of death turn economic hardship into military supply chains.

Africa has enough of its own challenges. We do not need imported wars. And Ghana’s sons must not become expendable in battles that are not theirs.

Joecarthy is an analyst and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, development, and African diplomacy.

Contact: 0264354064

Ghanaians may not literally consume macroeconomic theory, but every meal on the table is shaped by it.

The price of kenkey, rice, cooking oil, and transport to the market are all influenced by inflation, exchange rates, interest rates, and fiscal discipline. In that sense, macroeconomics is not distant theory.

It is the invisible foundation beneath every household budget and every plate of food.

They feel inflation.
They feel currency depreciation.
They feel high interest rates.
They feel debt crises.

And it was precisely these failures that defined the debilitating and painful 2022–2023 home-grown crisis that Ghanaians experienced daily under the administration he vigorously defended.

Let us not sanitise history. In 2022 and 2023, Ghanaians woke up to daily increases in the prices of food, fuel, transport, cement, medicine, and basic household goods. Traders repriced goods almost weekly. Families could not plan. Businesses could not forecast. That instability was not theoretical. It was lived reality.

Inflation hit 54% in 2022. That was not an academic statistic. It meant food prices doubling within months, rent and utility costs surging, and salaries losing purchasing power almost immediately. Inflation at 54% is not abstract. It is a direct erosion of livelihoods.

Today, inflation has declined sharply from 23.8% in 2024 to 5.4%, and further down to 3.8% by January 2026.

What does 3.8% inflation mean? It means price stability. It means households can plan. It means traders can restock with confidence. It means wages retain value. That is not theory. That is stability at the market and the pharmacy.

At the end of 2024, the 91-day Treasury bill rate stood at 27.7%. It has now fallen to 6.4%. When government borrows at nearly 30%, it absorbs most of the available liquidity in the banking system.

Banks prefer to lend to government at high, risk-free returns rather than lend to businesses. As a result, private companies struggle to access credit to expand, hire workers, or invest in equipment. Lending rates surge. Businesses contract. Jobs are threatened. Billions of cedis are diverted into interest payments instead of development.

Lower Treasury rates mean government is no longer competing aggressively with businesses for funds. It reduces borrowing costs, improves fiscal credibility, and creates room for private sector lending. That supports business expansion, job creation, and income growth. That affects real people and real jobs.

Public debt has declined from 61.8% of GDP in 2024 to 45.3%. The Domestic Debt Exchange Programme was not theoretical. It strained financial institutions, unsettled investors, forced our pensioners to protest at the Ministry of Finance, and created widespread uncertainty. The damage was profound.

Reducing the debt burden now means lower future interest payments, improved sovereign risk perception, and a reduced likelihood of another painful restructuring. Macroeconomic discipline is what prevents crisis recurrence.

In 2022–2023, currency instability intensified inflation and hardship. Today, the cedi has appreciated significantly against major trading currencies. A stronger currency lowers import costs for fuel and medicine, reduces production costs, stabilises transport fares, and improves business confidence. Currency stability is cost-of-living stability.

Gross international reserves have risen from US$8.9 billion to US$13.8 billion, equivalent to 5.7 months of import cover. Reserves are economic insurance. When they are weak, currencies collapse and crises deepen. When they are strong, shocks can be absorbed.

The strategy to build reserves to 15 months of import cover is deliberate self-insurance against future instability.

A US$9.1 billion current account surplus reflects stronger external earnings and improved balance of payments fundamentals. A country that earns more foreign exchange than it spends strengthens its currency and stabilises its economy. That strengthens purchasing power.

To reduce all of this progress to the slogan “we do not eat macroeconomics” trivialises structural reforms that restore stability. It ignores the fact that macroeconomic collapse translates directly into hardship, and macroeconomic stability translates directly into relief.

Ghanaians remember 2022 and 2023. They remember daily price hikes. They remember uncertainty. They remember fear.

Macroeconomics may not be eaten like gobe, but when it fails, households cannot afford to eat in reality. And when it is stabilised, families regain the dignity of planning, producing, and eating in peace.

A statesman, an international crisis manager, and an international diplomat par excellence.
By Maxwell Okamafo Addo

President John Dramani Mahama was recently elected First Vice Chairperson of the African Union (AU) as Burundi’s President Évariste Ndayishimiye formally assumes the rotating chairmanship for 2026.

The elections took place at the 39th Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. As someone who believes in regional integration, I want to take this opportunity to congratulate him as he works closely with the AU Chair in coordinating the continental body’s activities and advancing its strategic priorities throughout 2026.

Ghana has historically played prominent roles in AU affairs, with former President John Kufuor having served as AU Chair in 2007. This appointment is well-deserved and a vindication of the trust and confidence reposed in him and in his programme of economic transformation by the Ghanaian people, which has seen Ghana recording strong economic growth rates and rapid infrastructural development in recent years.

I am hopeful that, under the leadership of President John Dramani Mahama as Vice Chair of the African Union, Ghana will continue to reinforce her position as one of the champions of progress and prosperity in West Africa and across the African continent. Africa looks forward to working closely with him to enhance AU relations, improve living conditions, advance mutual interests, and promote the wider interests of African peoples.

I have always described President John Dramani Mahama as a statesman, a crisis manager, and a gentleman that Africa needs. In the often turbulent and emotionally charged terrain of Ghanaian politics, where provocations are frequent and crises loom large, very few leaders have been able to balance power, responsibility, and composure the way John (JDM) Dramani Mahama has done.

His admirers describe him as Ghana’s number one political strategist, a team player, a technocrat, an astute administrator, a talent spotter, and nurturer. They give him credit for the recent massive economic improvement. He inherited a Ghana faced with a fractured polity, national security threats, and economic challenges, including skyrocketing cost of living. He has also served as ECOWAS Chairman, demonstrating his steady ascent in regional leadership.

From his earliest years in public service to his current role as a distinguished President of the Republic of Ghana, John has displayed an unusual temperament: calm, steady, and deliberate — traits that have come to define him not just as a politician, but as a statesman, a manager of crises, and a gentleman.

To call JDM a statesman is to recognise his capacity to rise above the immediacy of political squabbles, keeping his focus on the bigger picture of governance, development, and stability. His tenure as Vice President and President of the Republic of Ghana (2008–2016) was not devoid of challenges, political antagonism, and deliberate provocations.

Yet, through it all, John Dramani Mahama maintained a rare balance. He would act decisively where necessary but also retreat into calmness when passions threatened to escalate into chaos. His approach to leadership has always been grounded in diplomacy and consensus-building. Those who have interacted with him know that JDM, as he is fondly called, hardly raises his voice in public. Instead, he listens attentively, weighs situations carefully, and responds with measured calm — qualities that set him apart in a political culture often dominated by aggression and theatrics.

It is a consensus that Ghanaian politics thrives on provocations, often calculated to unsettle and destabilize opponents. Since joining politics, JDM has faced orchestrated campaigns of calumny, betrayals, and attempts to tarnish his legacy. Yet, rather than resort to rancor or bitterness, he has chosen the path of restraint and dignity.

This quality was visible not only during his presidency but also after he left office, when he was subjected to malicious investigations and controversies engineered by political opponents. While many in similar circumstances would have gone on the offensive, John Mahama maintained his composure, confident that truth and time would vindicate him. He stayed, faced the storm, and triumphed — a trait uncommon in most politicians, who often seek immunity to evade scrutiny. His ability to remain unflustered in the eye of political storms is one reason admirers call him not just a politician but a true gentleman.

As a sitting President “Ababio” representing the Republic of Ghana, JDM’s demeanor has remained consistent with his lifelong character. In a chamber often heated by divergent interests, the Bole-born politician has carried himself with a calm dignity that commands respect. His interventions are thoughtful rather than flamboyant, grounded in facts rather than noise. He does not chase headlines; instead, he contributes substance.

To many observers, this serenity might appear as indifference or passivity, but those who understand his style know that JDM is deliberate. He chooses his words carefully, ensuring that his contributions are constructive and solution-oriented rather than sensational. In many ways, his calmness as President has become an extension of his statesmanship — proof that maturity in politics is not about how loud one can be, but how wise and measured one’s contributions are.

Ironically, it is this same calmness that some have misjudged. In a political environment where aggressiveness is often mistaken for strength, John Mahama’s gentlemanly posture has been wrongly interpreted as weakness or detachment. Yet history has repeatedly shown that his calmness is not a lack of strength but a mark of restraint — the kind of self-control only true leaders possess. While others may be quick to quarrel or react emotionally, JDM embodies peace. His calmness is not silence; it is wisdom, maturity, and an understanding that true leadership sometimes requires holding back rather than lashing out.

To fully understand JDM’s personality, one must look at his background and upbringing. Born into a respectable family in Bole, the former Bole legislator was raised with the timeless Gonja values of integrity, patience, and humility. His parents instilled in him the virtues of hard work, respect for others, and self-discipline — qualities that would later define his public life.

It was no surprise, therefore, when at a remarkably young age, John Dramani Mahama was recognised by the late President Jerry John Rawlings as Deputy Minister and Minister. It was an honour and a source of hope for the youth. The conferment was not just ceremonial but symbolic: it was a recognition of future attributes rising from Assembly Man to President — a true son of Gonja culture, embodying honesty, respect, responsibility, and good character.

To be honoured once again as President of the Republic of Ghana at such an age was both an endorsement and a testimony to the gentlemanly virtues John Dramani Mahama has carried from his youth. This hardworking essence continues to shine through in his dealings with people across divides. Whether in government, business, or personal life, JDM has maintained a reputation for treating people with respect, honoring his word, and carrying himself with dignity.

It is this moral compass — anchored in Ghanaian values and nurtured from earliest days — that explains why he has remained calm, gracious, and unprovoked even in the face of adversity. John Dramani Mahama’s political journey offers a refreshing model of leadership anchored on calmness, maturity, and gentlemanliness. He is a statesman who understands the value of restraint, a crisis manager who chooses dialogue over chaos, and a gentleman whose character remains unblemished despite the roughness of Ghana’s political environment.

In celebrating his journey, one cannot ignore the deep influence of his upbringing, his recognition by Ghanaians across the globe, and his lifelong commitment to the Ghanaian ethos. In an age when politics is often defined by noise, aggression, and division, John Dramani Mahama stands as proof that true strength lies in calmness — and that the measure of a man is not how loud he speaks, but how dignified he remains when the storms of life rage around him.

About the Writer
Mr. Maxwell Okamafo Addo is a Ghanaian farmer, journalist, and social media influencer best known for his work in presidential reporting. He previously served as Media Aide to the late Vice President Kwesi Bekoe Amissah-Arthur and was a former organiser of the Presidential Press Corps under the late President John Evans Atta Mills. He has also worked as a presidential speechwriter within the sub-region.

Mr. Addo has participated in eight ECOWAS election observation missions, serving in leadership roles across West Africa. These include:

1. Team Leader, Guinea Conakry Presidential Elections (2015)
2. Team Leader, Togolese Presidential Elections (2015)
3. Team Leader, Nigeria Presidential Elections (2015)
4. Team Leader, AMI Ghana Presidential Elections (2020)
5. Team Leader, Benin Presidential Elections (2021)
6. Team Leader, Togo Legislative Elections (2024)
7. Team Leader, Long-Term Nigeria Presidential/Legislative Elections in charge of Abuja FCT (2023)
8. Lead Member, Preliminary Declaration Team Nigeria Elections Media (2023)
9. Team Leader, Lagos Nigerian Governatorial Election – Governorship (2023)

A trained, experienced, and accredited long- and short-term election observer, Mr. Addo is also a forthright public commentator, widely known for his vocal style and often controversial political, social, and Christian perspectives.

February 14, 2026, was a sad day for Ghanaian trades and the country by extension. A group of Ghanaian tomato traders en route to their trading point were targeted in a deadly terrorist attack in northern Burkina Faso, Titao to be specific.

This attack resulted in the death of about seven Ghanaian traders, severe burns, and scores of injuries.

The attack was claimed by the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM) operating in the Sahel. JNIM, an Islamist militant group linked to al-Qaeda, ambushed the truck conveying the Ghanaian traders on their routine cross-border trading voyage when they met their sudden death.

This attack underscores the growing volatility taking place in northern and eastern Burkina Faso in recent days, as of the time of writing this piece.

This unfortunate incident is symptomatic evidence of transnational security threats emerging from the Sahel, where various armed groups affiliated with JNIM and other known extremist groups have intensified their activities against the state and its citizens.

This means that the economic routes that hitherto was a safe avenue for commerce have now become a security threat for traders and transporters from sister states.

The informal cross-border trade, especially in agricultural produce such as onions and tomatoes has been an essential means of livelihood and an indicator for food security in most countries.

However, the interconnection of economic sustainability with security threats has now placed Ghanaian traders at the forefront of a wider transnational security challenge.

Serious concerns have now arisen due to the reports and emergency responses with regard to the security concerns in the context of safety on trade routes, the capacity of states to respond to such threats, inter-state coordination, intelligence sharing, and overall prevention measures, not forgetting the overarching diplomatic cooperation within the West African security and coordination framework.

Challenges that exist

Before the interventions and responses are enumerated, there is the need to highlight the point out the existing challenges that have resulted to these deaths.

There are structural challenges and reform inadequacies identified as far as West African trade agreements are concerned.

Although there are trade agreements in place that encourage the free movement of goods and services, it does not necessarily ensure protection for traders when it comes to insecurity on the ground. The tragedy involving the Ghanaian traders underscores one of the many structural challenges that persist.

The result is the ultimate suspension of tomato imports from Burkina Faso, which has disrupted the supply chain in the absence of a preventive mechanism.

The spillover effects of armed group networks who exploit porous borders and operate in areas where the local government is non-existent in the Sahel is real.

This has resulted in the challenges with regard to commercial and rural trade routes such as that of Burkina Faso and northern Ghana very perilous as has been recorded in Titao with militants executing male traders, burning their trucks, ordering the women off the vehicle, and torturing them.

The protection lapses and intelligence failure within the broader national spectrum was evident in the Titao incident.

Security experts have highlighted that the attack is symptomatic of a wider challenge with regard to predictive intelligence and policy framework that aims to protect citizens plying their trade abroad.

Interventions and Responses: Prevention measures against threats of violent extremism in the region

The demise of the Ghanaian traders has ignited calls for efficient intelligence sharing, improved border protection for cross-border traders, and deepen inter-state cooperation and security.

The Government of Ghana through the Foreign Affairs minister met with his counterpart in Burkina Faso to reactivate the Permanent Joint Commission for Cooperation (PJCC), which had been dormant for about 6 years.

The PJCC after its reactivation will focus on 7 key agreements, they include an agreement on the mutual recognition of national driver’s licenses, agreement on transport and road transit, framework agreement on cross border cooperation, memorandum of understanding on the establishment of periodic consultation frameworks between the border administrative authorities.

The rest include a memorandum of understanding regarding the creation of a joint commission to reaffirm the border between the two states, cooperation agreement on the prevention and management of disasters and humanitarian crises, agreement in the field of fighting illicit cultivation, production, manufacture and trafficking of narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances and related matters.

These key agreements are seen as a response to curb suture occurrences and ensure the two countries commit to protecting their citizens in the context of cross-border trade.

The regional security architecture needs to be enhanced to strengthen intelligence sharing especially among the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) member states.

Calls have been made to focus more on sharing data on threats and intensify joint border patrols, a reiteration some agreements such as the border cooperation and framework for enhancing border administration with regard to the PJCC.

The regional security architecture would need to dwell on the integration of security considerations into trade agreements for enhanced protection of cross border traders.

This attack has also stirred up conversations regarding Ghana’s reliance on imported commodities and the need to push resources and invest in growing the domestic agricultural capabilities.

The conversation has also been around the rethinking of trade security focusing on risk assessment mechanisms institutionally aimed at traders operating in areas where threats exist.

Security escorts arrangements coupled with efficient emergency communication systems, travel advisories and warnings have been proposed as a preemptive and protective approach for informal actors and reduce threats.

ECOWAS, in their usual show of solidarity, has backed calls for an investigation into the deaths of the traders. This reiterates the need for a coordinated effort to curb transnational terrorism and its associated effects.

Civil society is calling for a stronger and efficient regional cooperation that focuses on stronger security frameworks and integrates counter-terrorism strategies with economic resilience aimed at preventing future losses of lives. 

I am a Ghanaian citizen and I write to respectfully commend the Communications and Media Relations Team at Jubilee House for the exceptional professionalism, discipline, and strategic clarity they have demonstrated over the past year under the leadership of John Dramani Mahama.

Recent developments reflect a deliberate and commendable effort to foster a more open, respectful, and professional relationship between the Presidency and the media.

One year on, the team has firmly established itself as cohesive, focused, and effective in managing presidential communications. United in purpose, they have served as responsible gatekeepers—carefully managing, documenting, and disseminating information on the policies, activities, and initiatives of the Presidency.

Media relations at the highest level are no simple responsibility. Acting as the bridge between the Presidency and both national and international media institutions demands balance, sound judgment, and intellectual discipline. In an era where information circulates instantly and social media amplifies both truth and falsehood at equal speed, misinformation can take root before facts are properly established. In such a climate, the team’s commitment to professionalism, factual accuracy, and measured responses has been particularly noteworthy.

Their work in articulating and advancing the administration’s agenda—especially the “24-Hour Economy” policy direction—has been strategic and consistent. They have helped shape public understanding of the government’s efforts toward economic stabilisation, reform, and long-term national development. The responsiveness, coordination, and clarity of messaging reflect a communications structure that is proactive rather than reactive.

It is also important to acknowledge the quality of the team’s written statements. Their press releases have been concise, fact-based, and free from unnecessary rhetoric. They have demonstrated that presidential communication need not be wordy, inflammatory, or ambiguous. Rather, it should be clear, disciplined, and respectful of public intelligence. In doing so, they have proven that results and professionalism are the most effective antidotes to insult and misrepresentation.

While congratulating the team, I respectfully offer a forward-looking suggestion for your consideration: the establishment of a structured digital citizen engagement platform titled “Letter to Jubilee House.”

Proposal: A Citizen Engagement Portal

The proposed portal would:

• Provide a formal avenue for citizens, both at home and abroad, to submit ideas and policy proposals directly to the Presidency.
• Ensure submissions are transparently reviewed and forwarded to the relevant ministries and agencies.
• Enable citizens to view, comment on, and endorse proposals, thereby fostering participatory governance.
• Operate as a non-partisan platform dedicated solely to national development and patriotic contribution.

Such a platform would respond meaningfully to the President’s call for renewed patriotism and mindset transformation. It would institutionalise constructive civic participation, reduce bureaucratic bottlenecks, and strengthen the bridge between government and the governed.

The evolving media landscape in Ghana—particularly with the disruptive influence of digital platforms—demands a communication model that is both strategically controlled and interactively inclusive. Emphasising stability, continuity, and long-term national excellence through deliberate and strategic communication will consolidate the gains already made.

Chief of Staff, please accept my sincere appreciation for the high standards being maintained within the Presidency’s communication architecture. The current team has demonstrated that firmness can coexist with respect, and that knowledge and clarity are more powerful than hostility. They have elevated the tone of executive communication and, in so doing, strengthened democratic discourse.

I remain confident that with continued strategic leadership and innovation, the communications framework of the Presidency will grow even stronger in the years ahead.

Yours faithfully,
Maxwell Okamafo Addo

Inside a quiet conference room in the Eastern Regional capital, journalists from across the country gathered for a workshop organised by Plan International Ghana. The theme was clear and deliberate: “Reporting Responsibly on Children, Gender Equality and Vulnerable Communities.”

We were taught that words matter.

That a “victim” is a survivor.
That a “beneficiary” is a participant.
That ethical reporting can either protect a child — or expose them to further harm.

We practised child-centred reporting. We learned to ask better questions. To see people before headlines. To search for the human being behind the statistic.

Then on the third day, we left the comfort of theory behind.

We drove to Jato and Aponoapono in the Suhum Municipality of the Eastern Region of Ghana, West Africa.

That was when the words we had rehearsed met realities we could not rehearse for.

In Jato, I kept hearing villagers talk about a “laptop.”

They said it casually, almost playfully.

In most places, a laptop is a symbol of opportunity — education, connection, a future. But in Jato, a “laptop” is something else entirely.

In this small community, where many families survive on distilling akpeteshie and okada motorcycles serve as the main transport system, a laptop means something entirely different.

Here, a “laptop” is a pack of Indomie noodles.

The small rectangular pack — folded like a tiny computer — has earned that nickname. The first time I heard it, I almost smiled.

Then I learned what it really meant.

In Jato, the “Indomie laptop” has become currency.

Some okada riders — men entrusted to carry children safely across long, dusty roads — began offering young schoolgirls packs of noodles in exchange for sex. Sometimes it was noodles and sanitary pads. Sometimes noodles and exercise books.

Something small.

For something that should never be for sale.

To an outsider, it sounds impossible. How can a two- or three-cedi meal buy a child’s body?

But hunger rewrites value.

Many girls here go to school on empty stomachs. Some cannot afford sanitary pads during their menstrual cycles. Others lack basic learning materials. A warm bowl of noodles is not just food — it is relief. It is dignity for a day. It is survival.

And survival is persuasive.

The consequences are written in the community’s classrooms.

“Almost every year, we record pregnant candidates taking the BECE, and it is all because of the okada riders,” the Chief of Jato, Baffour Teitey Adjewi Narh III, said, his voice heavy with frustration and sorrow.

Teenage pregnancies have climbed steadily. School desks empty quietly. Childhoods bend under adult burdens.

Behind every number is a girl who once imagined something different for herself.

Mary — not her real name — was one of them.

“Before this project, I was dating plenty boys at a time,” she told me softly. “I didn’t understand the risks I was taking.”

She was not reckless.

She was uninformed.

She was trying to survive.

Then intervention came.

Through its Rooting for Change initiative, Plan International Ghana — with support from Tony’s Chocolonely — introduced a structured response to the cycle of abuse in cocoa-growing communities like Jato.

The goal is bold: empower at least 800 adolescents between the ages of 10 and 19 by September 2026, ensuring that at least 60 percent are girls. The project provides comprehensive sexual and reproductive health education in safe, discrimination-free spaces.

But beyond targets and timelines, what changed Jato was something simpler.

Information.
Access.
Awareness.

Sanitary pads were supplied to schools. Safe reporting centres were established for abused children. Books and learning materials were stocked to educate girls about consent, reproductive health and the risks of exploitation. Parents were engaged. Silence was challenged.

And slowly, the balance of power began to tilt.

“Since Plan International Ghana started this project, we have seen a real change,” the Chief confirmed. “Parents are more aware. Children know where to turn. Some of the risky behaviors have reduced significantly.”

Even the okada riders have noticed.

According to Ivan Ayivor of the Asentenapa Cocoa Cooperative Union, some riders recently complained that their “laptops” no longer attract girls the way they used to.

“Formerly, when we bring them laptops, the girls would follow them everywhere. Now, they don’t.”

Their frustration tells its own story.

When a pack of noodles stops being a bargaining chip, a girl begins to reclaim her choices.

Yet Jato’s story does not end with relief.

It raises harder questions.

How many other communities are quietly trading childhood for survival? How many girls are negotiating their innocence for a meal, for sanitary pads, for school supplies? How many “laptops” are changing hands in villages we have not yet visited?

In Jato, the script is beginning to change.

But hunger still whispers.

And wherever hunger speaks louder than opportunity, exploitation waits patiently.

The tragedy is not the noodles.

The tragedy is that for some girls, they once cost less than their future.

ABOUT THE WRITER

The writer, Amos Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa Kwofie, is a development communication advocate, education enthusiast and human rights believer who shares the view, as the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau once said, that children should be allowed to be children before they are pushed into adult debates.

These are the leadership qualities of the first female Vice President of Ghana, Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang.

Professor Naana Opoku-Agyemang’s dedication to work is evident in how she complements the efforts of President John Dramani Mahama. She has quietly but actively supported the President in providing the needed pivot and respect for the nation’s forward march.

In Ghana, the Vice President is the number two official in government and is regarded as the next most powerful person after the President — both in theory and in practice.

As such, Vice President Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang has proven herself to be a humble leader whose humility knows no bounds. What the people of Ghana seek is a humble, selfless, truly confident, intelligent, non-corrupt, God-fearing Vice President who is hardworking and focused.

She is well recognised for her many achievements and immense contributions to the polity, communal liberalism, growth, and the general welfare of the people of Ghana. Beyond these, she is dearly loved and respected.

She has remained in the consciousness of her friends and contemporaries as a builder of human social bridges. She is a teacher, technocrat, democrat, and a woman of transparent honesty and humility — a perfect lady and a loving mother to the less privileged in society. She is an unshakable believer in unity.

She interacts and consults extensively with the media to acquaint herself with national issues rather than seeking attention through excessive talk.

Every nation’s leadership looks for the kind of women it needs to drive policies. Some succeed and deliver on policy objectives without making noise, ensuring that the machinery of governance moves in the right direction without losing focus.

A leader succeeds by selecting the right team that buys into his vision and programmes and achieves his objectives. That is why some Presidents retain certain elements in their Cabinet for a long time.

President Mahama has maintained confidence in Professor Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang, recognising her loyalty to the party and her peaceful conduct in office.

President Mahama recently paid glowing tribute to his Vice President during a national Thanksgiving service marking one year in office. He described her as a pillar of support and an exemplar of integrity in national leadership.

“I reserve my special thanks for my Vice President, Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang, a woman of dignity and quiet strength,” the President declared.

He added that her leadership qualities and commitment to duty have been invaluable to the administration. “I could not have wished for a better assistant to help me bear the heavy load Ghanaians have entrusted to me,” he said, acknowledging the pressures of governance.

The President concluded by invoking God’s blessings upon her: “Nana Jane, God richly bless you.”

The Vice President has also played a key role in the success of the NDC government. Her mastery of public administration and her ability to balance policy priorities, political dynamics, and economic challenges have been commendable.

She has consistently called on Ghanaians to remain patient and keep faith with the government as it works toward lasting national transformation.

Professor Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang currently chairs the newly inaugurated 12-member Presidential Advisory Group on the Economy, tasked with providing strategic direction and policy advice on the management and transformation of Ghana’s economy. The committee is expected to assess prevailing economic conditions and recommend measures aimed at stabilising the macroeconomic environment, boosting investor confidence, and accelerating inclusive growth.

As the first female Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Coast, serving from 2008 to 2012, she broke barriers and demonstrated exemplary leadership. She later served as Minister for Education from 2013 to 2017, championing reforms aimed at expanding access and strengthening quality within the education sector.

Her influence extends beyond Ghana. From 2018 to 2024, she served as Chancellor of the Women’s University in Africa in Harare, Zimbabwe. She also served as President of the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) and Chairperson of the Africa Board, underscoring her continental stature in advancing gender equity and education.

She understands the workings of ministries, departments, and agencies, and appreciates the dynamics between government programmes and opposition responses. As the President’s trusted ally and chief strategist, she plays a crucial role in navigating issues between the executive and the legislature.

When she speaks, it is grounded in facts. Over the years, she has quietly brokered truces and eased tensions on several national issues, including in her capacity as Chairperson of the Police and Armed Forces Council.

Professor Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang is a quiet yet vibrant woman whose depth of knowledge is remarkable. She understands Ghana’s current economic conditions and works tirelessly with her team to address national challenges for the benefit of all.

All must rally behind the Vice President to ensure her continued success for Mother Ghana.

About The Writer

Mr Maxwell Okamafo Addo is a Ghanaian farmer, journalist, and social media influencer best known for his work in presidential reporting. His hobbies include farming and playing golf.

He previously served as Media Aide to the late Vice President Kwesi Bekoe Amissah-Arthur and Matilda Amissah-Arthur, and was a former organiser of the Presidential Press Corps under the late President John Evans Atta Mills.

He has also worked as a presidential speechwriter within the sub-region and has participated in eight ECOWAS Election Observation Missions, serving in leadership roles across West Africa, including assignments in Guinea Conakry, Togo, Nigeria, Burkina Faso, and Benin.

A trained, experienced, and accredited long- and short-term election observer, Mr Addo is also a forthright public commentator widely known for his vocal style.

At the heart of this evidence is a sustained tree-planting initiative at the T.I. Ahmadiyya Cluster of Schools, demonstrating how local action, backed by consistency and ownership, can reduce disaster risk, improve livelihoods, and enhance learning outcomes.

What began as a modest idea by a handful of teachers has grown into a mature climate adaptation intervention embraced by generations of pupils. Established in the mid-1970s and relocated to its current site in the early 1980s, the school once suffered severe damage from a powerful windstorm that ripped off the entire roof, forcing a temporary relocation to the Wa School for the Deaf.

That experience became the trigger for a data-informed response: every pupil was required to plant and nurture a tree as a protective buffer against future wind and rainstorms.

Former pupil Shamsuddin Salih recalls that tree planting was not symbolic but compulsory and sustained. Each child was responsible for nurturing a tree throughout their time at the school, embedding environmental stewardship into everyday learning.

Over time, this intervention created a dense vegetative cover that now surrounds the school, significantly reducing wind speed, improving microclimate conditions, and lowering exposure to climate-related hazards.

Today, the impact is immediately visible. The first sight upon entering the school—located between the Wa SSNIT Flats and the Wa Municipal Labour Office—is a thriving canopy of trees that envelops the entire compound. This green buffer has transformed the school into a cooler, calmer, and more resilient space, offering empirical evidence of nature-based solutions at work within an educational setting.

The initiative was further strengthened with the establishment of the junior high school and sustained leadership from educators such as former headmaster Mr. Abass Ishahaku, Mr. Yahaya Bashirudeen, Mr. Anane Asamoah, and a French teacher remembered by pupils simply as Monsieur. Their collective commitment ensured continuity, turning tree planting into an institutional culture rather than a one-off activity.

The intervention has drawn attention from education authorities. The Acting Upper West Regional Director of Education, Jonathan Kpierakoh, has described the school’s tree cover as a practical climate-risk reduction measure and has urged schools across the country to replicate the model. He has also called on households to adopt tree planting as part of broader climate resilience efforts.

Beyond environmental protection, the data shows multiple co-benefits. The trees provide shade that improves teaching and learning conditions and played a critical role during the COVID-19 pandemic, allowing safer outdoor interactions.

Economically, fruit trees—particularly cashew—have generated income that supported the construction of additional classrooms, directly linking climate action to educational infrastructure development.

According to the Head Teacher of T.I. Ahmadiyya JHS, Ibrahim Fauzy Jibraeel, the school’s green environment has contributed to its recognition through several national and international awards.

However, expansion plans for the plantation have stalled due to external pressures, including indiscriminate bush burning and the destruction of young trees by roaming cattle—highlighting the need for stronger community-level protection measures to safeguard climate investments.

Taken together, the T.I. Ahmadiyya experience provides clear climate evidence: long-term, low-cost interventions rooted in local participation can reduce disaster risk, support adaptation, and deliver social and economic returns. As climate impacts intensify, this school stands as a data-backed reminder that resilience can begin with something as simple—and as powerful—as a tree.

***

This story is brought to you by JoyNews in partnership with CDKN Ghana and the University of Ghana Centre for Climate Change and Sustainability Studies, with funding from the CLARE R4I Opportunities Fund.

The young girls did not receive financial assistance from home to enable them to feed themselves. They therefore solicited prepared noodles — popularly known as Indomie in local circles — from the riders.

As the noodle pack became popular, it earned the nickname “laptop” among the village folks for how the pack flips open, the top covering reclining like the screen of a laptop.

What appeared to be a basic meal became the attraction and craving that lured young girls to the commercial motorbike riders.

With these “laptops”, the riders lured the girls into sexual relationships, which gradually led to a spike in teenage pregnancy cases in the village.

Today, awareness campaigns and youth empowerment initiatives introduced by Plan International Ghana’s Rooting for Change project are changing the narrative.

“Before the project was introduced into our community in 2024, we were having a major challenge with teenage pregnancy in the community.

It was very high. Almost every year, we were recording pregnant teenage candidates taking the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE), and it was all because of the okada riders,” the Chief of Jato, Baffour Teitey Adjewi Narh III, said.

“The girls depended on the okada riders for food and other school needs.

Parents were not providing these essentials for their wards, and so the girls were seeking them from the riders, who ended up sleeping with them.

But because of the project they introduced in our community, we did not record any teenage pregnancy in the last BECE, that is 2025,” the elated chief disclosed.

Addressing officials from Plan International Ghana and journalists who had visited the community to assess the impact of the project, Baffour Narh said before the project, a lot of things were happening to the children in the village, especially among the girls, explaining that they were also not going to bed early.

However, after the introduction of the project, which came with sensitisation programmes, the children now went to bed early.

The journalists had earlier attended a three-day training workshop organised by Plan International Ghana to strengthen their skills in child-centred, gender-sensitive and safeguarding-compliant reporting, as well as to gain in-depth insight into their programmes and development priorities. 

The project

Implemented with funding from Tony’s Chocolonely, Plan International Ghana’s Rooting for Change project was introduced in cocoa growing communities in the Suhum Municipality to address unintended adolescent pregnancies.

Started in 2024 and expected to end in September 2026, the project is being piloted in Aponoapono and Jato under the Aboafa and Asentenapa Cocoa Cooperative unions.

With the establishment of the Community Child Protection and Labour Committee (CCPLC), the Chief said, parents had been educated on their responsibilities and how to take care of their children.

He said the children had also been sensitised to know exactly what to do and where to go should they face challenges, adding that the places included the CCPLC and the Department of Social Welfare, which were both stakeholders in children’s development.

“Now, the children are bold enough to talk to us about their problems.

They are also able to express themselves confidently in public.

They know their responsibilities as children, as well as their rights, something that was not there in the past,” he disclosed.

Other opinion leaders of the community, such as the Line Manager, Human Rights and Community Development of Asentenapa Cocoa Cooperative Union, Ivan Ayivor; the Municipal Head, Department of Social Welfare and Community Development, Ernest Evans Ewusi, and two members of the CCPLC, Michael Amoyaw and Vida Korlekie Djamgbah, all corroborated what the chief said about what pertained in the community before and after the introduction of the project.

Mr Ayivor, for instance, said recently, some of the okada riders approached him and asked what they had been telling the girls because they were now not having their way with them.

“They said formerly, when we bring them ‘laptops’, the girls would be following them up and down, but nowadays, they don’t,” he said about his encounter with the riders.

Reactivate

Mr Ewusi said the project had been able to reactivate its mandate, which was almost dormant in the past.

In interviews with some of the children, they also confirmed what the town elders said.

One of the girls, Janet (not her real name), said but for the project, she would have had multiple partners by now.

She said she used to have a boyfriend, who was not an okada rider, though.

She said she did not know the implications of her actions then that she could get pregnant, but now she did, and it was because of the education she had received.

“I have been advising the girls who are still into that behaviour to put a stop to it because it won’t help them in any way. Some listen, others do not. Some of those who listened had completed school and were now in senior high school,” she said.

George (not his real name) said that although he did not have a girlfriend in the past, he was encouraged by friends to be a go-between — a kind of relationship intermediary — for his friends and the girls.

“So, if somebody needed a girl, I would go and call them for the boys, who, after having sex with the girls, would give me money.

When the project was introduced, and they encouraged us to love ourselves, I changed, and so now when I see the boys doing that, it pains me, and I advise them against that,” he said.

The Project Manager of Rooting for Change, Bless Vieku, mentioned some of the things that had been done under the project, including the establishment of adolescent clubs, training of peer educators, establishment of girls’ football clubs, youth group partnerships and engagement with traditional and religious leaders.

Radio Univers was home to some of us because of the conducive atmosphere people like Alhaji created for us to experiment, learn, and even master the art of journalism. Even before I could complete my undergraduate studies, I would get the opportunity to work with a commercial media outlet because of the solid foundation Radio Univers had given me.

After pursuing other adventures, I would find myself back in the studios of Radio Univers as a graduate student of Communication Studies at the University of Ghana. Our curated mid-morning show, which was a compulsory requirement for the award of our degree, brought home real moments of nostalgia. What could be akin to a full-circle moment was when I was back at the Department of Communication Studies as a member of the faculty, after venturing into academia, and my students had to use the studios for the same purpose. The joy on Alhaji’s face to see me back, not as a student volunteer, not as a master’s student, but as a faculty member, was nothing short of remarkable.

Heightening the full-circle experience was when I became part of the Radio Univers Management Board and we had to work closely with Alhaji to shape Radio Univers into a more formidable campus media in the face of the shifts happening within the media space. I would get to know Alhaji better for his humaneness, openness to feedback, other people’s views, and constructive criticisms; someone who never took offense and was ready to learn.

Alhaji has also contributed to my scholarship with his invaluable insights into my collaborative research project on the extent and perceived relevance of engagements between journalism studies academics and practitioners. He was so kind with his time that he even requested I get in touch with him again if I needed any information. That study was recently published. I could not share the final published work with him before his passing, despite the promise I made to him. I blame my sometimes procrastination tendencies, which I now regret. But there is a lesson in there: life is fleeting; time waits for no man; whatever you must do, do it as if it is your last day on earth. Now, I must make sure that everyone I promised to share the article with receives it.

I also regret that I missed the opportunity to co-host his Research and Innovation Agenda programme with him as planned. I was hoping that one day I would make good my promise to him, but alas … how wicked can death be!

About two years ago, Alhaji did something profound that has found a special place in my heart. In that particular year, when there was a lot of media attention and pressure on a close relation of mine, Alhaji was one of the very few people who reached out with advice and encouragement. Knowing how closely related I was to the fellow, Alhaji knew how important it was to reach out to check on my well-being.

And last year, when I co-organised the African Journalism Educators Network (AJEN) Campus Media Symposium, Alhaji submitted a paper and presented at the event. When the event was over, this was the message Alhaji sent me, which I still have on my phone: “Thank you, Dr., for the opportunity given us to share the little that we have. I hope we haven’t disappointed. I would be grateful to have your candid critique for improvement.” Alhaji wanted feedback for improvement from me! This is what I’m talking about. Even Alhaji sought improvement. How much more me? A word to the wise …

Alhaji was also a scholar in his own right. He has made significant contributions to media scholarship, particularly on campus media. One of his significant works, which came in handy when I was recently working on a project, is the co-authored publication with Professor Felix Odartey-Wellington, accounting for the origins of Radio Univers, and the role it has played in Ghana’s mediascape, filling a significant gap in the academic literature. It will interest you to know that Radio Univers was the first radio station in Ghana to introduce a newspaper review programme, a concept that has gained widespread acceptance and practice, as well as the first non-State broadcaster to introduce on-air local language programming.

Alhaji can never be left out of any discussion about the development of independent (non-state/public) media in Ghana. His voice will echo forever. He will be sorely missed by the hundreds of volunteers that he trained and mentored, the thousands of students, the University of Ghana community, the listening public, and all.

The writer is a senior lecturer of Journalism, Media and Communication Studies at Durban University of Technology, South Africa.

Ghana and Burkina Faso share a border and those of from Upper East know how closely knitted the border communities are. Citizens of both countries cross over on daily basis for both business and family issues.

The traders’ trip there last week was, therefore one of a routine governed by the decades old trade relations between two African neighbours. In this case, it was simply to cross the border, access produce that Ghana does not currently have and return to sustain their livelihoods and feed the market back home.

But as fate would have it, that journey ended in blood, depriving families of loved ones and breadwinners. Indeed, similar journeys have resulted in deaths, mostly from road crashes.
Rather than limit it to the typical Sahelian insurgence that it has always been, we must see this very incident as a mirror held up to us, Ghanaians. When properly examined, the incident reveals the deeper consequences of our failure to deliver on the very policies that were supposed to make such journeys unnecessary.

While we do not know the details, the media reports from government officials showed that our compatriots, the food traders risked their lives in conflict zones to cart foodstuffs, including tomatoes the nation lacks now.
This begs the question what has become of the myriads of agricultural promises and investments that were announced and implemented in recent years?

Human cost of agric policy failures
Every November, Ghana’s dry season arrives with its annual certainty, starting with extreme cold and dryness before graduating to unbearable heat and dust. But unlike other countries that plan for such predictable cycles, we enter this period with agricultural scarcity that forces traders to look beyond our borders. It has been so since I was a child, growing up in the dusty footpaths of Bongo in the Upper East Region.

And while that happened, Ghana implemented series of agricultural policies, which we proudly announced, funded, launched but later abandoned.
As we mourn our mothers, sisters and loved ones, it refreshes the painful question: What became of the many laudable initiatives designed to guarantee food security, especially in the dry season?

This brings back memories of the famous One Village, One Dam and the Planting for Food and Jobs (PFJ) policies and the nearly Pwalugu Multipurpose Dam project that were once touted as gamechangers only to fizzle out, leaving behind scars of debts for the country.
In the case of the One Village, One Dam, it was touted as the solution to northern Ghana’s water and irrigation challenges.

For those aware of the agricultural potential of the north, this sounded le the solution but as is now common knowledge, the policy produced many dams that turned out to be dugouts, incapable of supporting even backyard farming during the harsh perennial harmattan.

Multiple media reports showed that in many communities, the dams dried up before the dry season even peaked. Billions of cedis were also pumped into PFJ across the two phases, yet the structure of the programme, which was heavy on subsidies but weak on irrigation, mechanisation and market linkages, meant that the country remains vulnerable to seasonal shortages.

Today, despite PFJ’s massive expenditure, Ghana cannot produce tomatoes consistently year-round, resulting in our traders continuing the perilous journey to Burkina Faso, leading to the deadly ambush.

The Pwalugu Dam was branded as the “game changer” and envisioned to provide irrigation for thousands of hectares, stabilise northern sector’s power supply, and unlock agro-industrial potential.

Years later, the site remains untouched by meaningful progress. There is no reservoir, no turbines, no irrigation canals and so no impact yet a huge debt has been incurred and borne by mother Ghana. Beyond these, numerous pilot projects, demonstration farms, mechanisation centres and irrigation schemes consumed resources and headlines but delivered little in sustained agricultural transformation, confirming our challenges with execution

The painful truth
Analysing these lead to one painful conclusion – if these policies were properly executed to success, these perilous journeys would have needless and our mothers might have just been saved.

If One Village, One Dam had delivered functional irrigation, farmers in Northern Ghana could be producing tomatoes now. If PFJ had strengthened irrigation and agro-processing value chains instead of focusing narrowly on input distribution, we could have a stable year-round supply. If the Pwalugu Dam existed today, Ghana would be exporting vegetables, not importing from conflict zones.

Indeed, our traders were not in Burkina Faso because they wanted an adventure. They were there because domestic systems failed their customers and they had to cross to Burkina in such of foodstuffs.

This is why we must now embrace this painful moment as a rallying point to not repeat our mistakes. Ghana doesn’t need dugouts nor rhetoric.
The country’s farmers need professionally engineered, climate resilient irrigation systems capable of supporting commercial agriculture.
The Pwalugu Dam cannot be left as a phantom project. Every abandoned or underperforming agricultural initiative must be audited, explained, and either revived or reprogrammed.

Food security is a national priority. When people must travel to conflict zones for tomatoes, it raises genuine questions about the state of the country’s food supply and the national security must be involved. I am happy that the matter has gotten the attention of President John Mahama and I am hopefully that he will ride on it to execute impactful policies.
There is no belabouring the point that the future lies in empowering commercial farmers, agri-processors, and investors, not solely in government-run programmes. We must create the environment for sustainable private-sector driven irrigation, mechanisation, and value chain growth.

While we mourn the deceased, I am hopeful that we will honour them by refusing to repeat the cycle of policies without implementation. By demanding seriousness in agricultural planning. By insisting that food security is a national non-negotiable.
Fortunately, Ghana has the capacity, the land, the people, and the ideas. And we have a President who has shown that he can mobilize the country’s resources to achieve the best for its today and tomorrow.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist

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On this typical Tuesday, he takes an early morning flight from Kumasi for meetings in Accra, with an evening return flight to Kumasi for another early-morning engagement the next day that could unlock a significant business deal.

By mid-morning upon arriving in Accra, the sun blazed with unusual intensity, draining energy from anyone forced to move between appointments.

Kwaku dashed from one office to another as the sun burnt hot and harsh, but stayed focused on finishing his work to catch his evening flight back to Kumasi.

But without a warning, the clouds gathered. What had been scorching skies just hours earlier began to darken as clouds gathered fast and thick, rolling in with surprising speed. Within minutes, the atmosphere flipped from heatwave to storm warning.

Then came the rain; a torrential downpour. By the time Kwaku reached the airport, the announcement board read flight delayed. Then what he feared hit him; his flight cancelled.

The same skies that had scorched him hours earlier had now grounded him completely.

Despite his careful planning, he could not return to Kumasi that evening, missing a scheduled meeting for the following day.

In just one day, Kwaku experienced two extremes — intense heat and a disruptive storm — both powerful enough to alter personal and professional outcomes.

What once felt like isolated weather incidents now seem connected, part of a broader pattern of climate volatility that was becoming harder to ignore.

Climate change is no longer an abstract headline or distant environmental debate; it is operational risk, an economic loss and human disruption happening in real time.

UN Climate chief calls for new era of climate action

Last Thursday, the UN Climate Change Executive Secretary, Simon Stiell, addressed a press conference hosted by the COP31 President Designate, Minister Murat Kurum in Istanbul, Türkiye, where he stated that climate action can deliver stability in an unstable world of arms and trade wars.

“We find ourselves in a new world disorder. This is a period of instability and insecurity. Of strong arms and trade wars. The very concept of international cooperation is under attack. These challenges are real and serious.

“Climate action can deliver stability in an unstable world of arms and trade wars. In the face of the current chaos, we can, and must, drive forward a new era of international climate cooperation,” he said.

The UN Climate Change’s plan for a new era of climate action was divided into three eras: first was to uncover the problem and respond; and the second was to get serious about solutions in building the Paris Agreement.

Simon Stiell acknowledged the Agreement did not solve the climate crisis, but showed that nations can deliver change on a major scale when they stand together.

“In the decade since Paris, clean energy investment is up tenfold – from two hundred billion dollars to over two trillion dollars a year. And, in 2025, amidst all the economic uncertainty and gale-force political headwinds, the global transition kept surging forward: clean energy investment kept growing strongly, and was more than double that of fossil fuels.

“Renewables overtook coal as the world’s top electricity source. The majority of countries produced new national climate plans that will help drive their economic growth up and – for the first time – global emissions down. And, at COP30, nations said with one voice: the global transition is now irreversible, the Paris Agreement is working, and together we will make it go further and faster,” he emphasized.

Trump challenges climate science

While the UN Climate chief is strongly advocating climate adaptation for resilience building, US President Donald Trump has continued his attack on climate science by revoking a landmark ruling that greenhouse gases endanger public health.
The key Obama-era scientific ruling in 2009 underpins all US federal actions on curbing planet-warming gases.

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) decided that key planet-warming greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide and methane, were a danger to human health.

But the reversal, according to the White House, is necessitated by the drive to make cars cheaper with an expected ease in the cost of production.

“This radical rule became the legal foundation for the Green New Scam, one of the greatest scams in history,” said President Trump, who has snubbed the Paris Agreement on Climate Change twice.

The exit of US from the Paris Agreement means that America will no longer be bound by the agreement’s requirements, such as submitting plans to reduce carbon emissions.

As the world’s second-largest greenhouse gas emitter behind only China, environmental groups say the latest move by the US is by far the most significant rollback on climate change, amidst skepticism of the potential cost savings being touted by the Trump administration.

The Third Era of Climate Action

The UN Climate Chief has observed an unprecedented threat to the decade of international climate cooperation that has delivered more real-world progress.

“From those determined to use their power to defy economic and scientific logic, and increase dependence on polluting coal, oil and gas – even though that means worsening climate disasters and spiralling costs for households and businesses. These forces are undeniably strong, but they need not prevail,” stated Stiell.

His solution to the chaos and regression is for countries to stand together, building on successes and working more closely with businesses, investors, and regional and civic leaders to deliver more real-world results in every country.

This is the third era of climate action; an era to speed-up and scale-up implementation of actions.

“It must start with a relentless focus on delivering – or even exceeding – the targets agreed in the first global stocktake, in 2023. Doubling energy efficiency and tripling clean energy by 2030. Transitioning away from all fossil fuels, in a just, fair and orderly manner. Strengthening resilience and reducing vulnerability, and ensuring more climate finance reaches people everywhere, especially the most vulnerable,” said Simon Stiell.

The expectation is for countries to be on track to meet the commitments by the second global stocktake in 2028, in boosting resilience, growing economies, and slashing emissions.

“The fact is climate adaptation is the only path to securing billions of human lives, as climate impacts get rapidly worse,” said Mr. Stiell. “As climate disasters hit food supplies and drive inflation, resilient supply chains are crucial for the price stability populations are demanding. And they are increasingly unforgiving of governments who don’t deliver it.

“So more than ever, climate action and cooperation are the answer: not despite global instability, but because of it. There is a huge amount of work before us, this year and in the years to come”.

As vulnerable people and communities in Africa are already suffering the extremes of weather conditions, the UN conference of parties (COP31) in Antalya is expected to deliver for people, prosperity and planet.

For professionals like Kwaku, what used to be a routine of moving between two cities for work has suddenly felt uncertain; the weather is no longer background noise, it is deciding outcomes.

Amidst the reality of climate science and the challenge to the impact of the science, what would a new world disorder of climate change mean for people like Kwaku?

Kofi Adu Domfeh is a journalist and Climate Reality Leader| adomfeh@gmail.com

This change has had a profound effect on local trawlers, resulting in many vessels being docked at port, unable to participate in fishing activities that are vital for their livelihoods and local economies.

Historically, the 6-nautical-mile limit allowed small-scale fishermen to access rich fishing grounds close to shore, where their boats could efficiently operate. This shorter distance usually meant that trawlers could make quicker trips, catch more fish, and return to port without the significant costs associated with longer voyages. Their operations maintained a sustainable balance between catching fish and ensuring the ocean’s resources were not depleted.

However, the expansion to 12 nautical miles means that many of these fishermen are now out of reach of their traditional fishing spots. This shift is particularly detrimental for smaller trawlers that lack the capacity, equipment, or financial resources to travel greater distances. Without access to familiar fishing grounds, many boats find themselves idle at the port, their crews unable to earn a living.

The ramifications of this shift extend beyond individual fishermen. The local economy, which often hinges on fishing activities, faces potential decline as well.

Fish markets, suppliers, and related businesses that depend on the productivity of local trawlers may see significant drops in revenue as the volume of harvested fish decreases. When the industry is vibrant, it supports jobs in multiple sectors, but with fewer boats fishing, the ripple effect throughout the community may lead to job losses and economic strain.

Moreover, some advocates argue that expanding the fishing limit could provide long-term benefits by allowing fish stocks to recover in distant waters, ultimately leading to healthier fish populations.

However, for many in the immediate term, this perspective feels remote and theoretical. The reality is that without a careful and sustainable transition plan in place, the immediate impacts on local fishermen and their families could be catastrophic. They need viable alternatives, training, and the opportunity to adapt their practices or reduce the costs associated with longer fishing trips.

Thus, the focus should also be on creating support infrastructure for the local fishing community. This could include assistance in upgrading boats, improving fuel efficiency, or providing subsidies to offset the costs of reaching further offshore. Support programmes that promote sustainable practices and diversify fishing methods could also empower local fishers to adapt more readily to the changing landscape.

As the fishing community navigates these changes, clear communication and cooperation among regulators, scientists, and fishermen will be critical. It is essential to foster dialogue where all stakeholders can voice their concerns and work together to find solutions that ensure both ecological sustainability and economic viability.

In conclusion, the transition from a 6 to a 12 nautical-mile limit poses significant challenges for local trawlers, leading to boats sitting idle and communities facing potential economic decline.

The rainy season is approaching, and stormy weather could make deep-sea operations dangerous for small trawlers. The lives of crew members could be at serious risk.

To ensure the industry’s resilience and sustainability, immediate action and collaboration are vital to help fishermen adapt to the new realities they face.

He was often joined by siblings and neighbors, creating a unique chorus of heavy weights who moved in sync, not saying much, but allowing the fabric to speak for them. Those beautiful smocks, sometimes worn with matching hats and trousers, carried the weight of their authority, pride of our heritage, and the quiet dignity of men and a people rooted in something larger than them.

As children, the smock symbolized identity, power, history and who we are.
Now as an adult and with my own choices of attire, I perfectly understand why my grandfathers, dad and their siblings reserved the smock for such unique occasions.

The Mahama blouse
So when President John Dramani Mahama stepped onto Zambian soil last two weeks, wearing the same proud northern attire, I immediately understood what he intended to project: a symbol of Ghanaian heritage displayed on foreign soil with confidence and dignity.

But Zambia’s social media crowd did not understand it. A few even mistook it for a blouse, sparking the now famous “fugu debate” that has turned out to be one of the biggest marketing tools for a historic dress.

For us, what they saw as unfamiliar fashion, we know it to be centuries-old emblem of royalty, warrior strength, craftsmanship, and cultural memory. Instead of reacting with anger, Ghanaians, in our unique way rallied in a way that cut across politics, tribe, class and age.

The misunderstanding online ignited a cultural wave at home, leading to nationwide celebrations such as the free fugu photoshoot at the Independence Square, the rep your fugu Friday, and the subsequent declaration of every Wednesday as fugu day by the Ministry of Tourism and Creative Arts, as citizens proudly donned their smocks to educate, defend and promote our heritage.

This was unity in its purest form, not orchestrated by our usual politics, but by woven by cultural instinct and harnessed through modern social media.
This reminded me of my childhood lesson: when you carry your identity with confidence, the world eventually takes notice.

Mockery to busines
The beauty of this episode is that unity did not stop at symbolism. It translated into tangible economic opportunities. President Mahama himself noted that the episode gave Ghanaian weavers “branding and marketing they couldn’t have dreamed of,” pointing to the surge in global searches for fugu, batakari and smock.

Zambia’s Revenue Authority has even issued exemptions for fugu’s imports, easing charges for business people wishing to leveraging the opportunity to sell the colourful fugu to Zambians and the entire East African community.

Indeed, Zambia’s President Hichilema has expressed interest in importing fugus. Thus, in the space of days, Ghana’s cultural attire became a global export conversation, clear evidence of what happens when a nation moves as one.

Our real enemy is them, not us
For those looking beyond the marketing and business opportunities, the fugu fight revealed something bigger. As Ghanaians, we will argue tirelessly among themselves on politics, governance, policy and ideology and that is normal, if not necessary.

But when our collective identity is challenged, we stand as one people with one voice.
It reminded me and all of us that our real adversaries are not our political opponents or fellow citizens who disagree with us.

Our true enemies are the poverty that still holds too many of our people back, the diseases that weaken our communities, the ethnic, political, and generational divisions that reduce our national potential, and the external or internal narratives that mock or undermine our collective dignity.

The Zambia fugu moment showed that when we unite, even briefly, we create social energy that is powerful enough to shape global conversations, unlock business opportunities, and strengthen our national brand.

Now imagine what we can achieve with all that?
If unity around a single garment can deliver all the unmatched sales, visibility, national pride and global recognition, imagine the impact of uniting around our precious cocoa sector, industrialisation, agriculture, education, youth employment, or public health.

Imagine us uniting against illegal mining, in a way that sees it as a catalyst for development, where districts are empowered with the right expertise to properly supervise groups to mine responsibly.

Indeed, unity is a national economic strategy, far beyond a slogan.
Thus, when I think back to my father’s smock and how it made him larger than life in my young eyes, I realise that same aura wrapped itself around President Mahama during his Zambia visit.

The world simply needed time to understand it. Thanks to the united power of Ghanaians, especially those on social media, the world quickly saw and embraced it.
Now, the bigger lesson here like the threads of the fugu, individually thin but collectively unbreakable, so too is the power of the Ghanaian people when we weave ourselves together in purpose for whatever task we take on.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist

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One such moment is the ongoing conversation about the leadership of the Minority Caucus in Parliament.

At the center of that debate stands Alexander Kwamina Afenyo-Markin, the Minority Leader — a figure whose role is now being scrutinized, challenged, and, at times, unfairly maligned. But let’s be crystal clear: removing him now would not only betray party unity — it could weaken the institutional strength of the NPP in Parliament at a time when cohesion matters most.

From the outset, Afenyo-Markin’s tenure as Minority Leader has been intense, shaped by a dramatic shift in political fortune for the NPP. After the party’s loss in the 2024 general elections, the NPP found itself in the minority — a new reality demanding a sharp, strategic, and combative approach in Parliament.

Against this backdrop, Afenyo-Markin, the MP for Effutu, was entrusted with steering the party’s legislative resistance and representing its parliamentary voice.

What followed was leadership in action — not passive rhetoric. Whether publicly condemning what his caucus saw as unconstitutional mass dismissals of workers or challenging judicial decisions perceived to undermine parliamentary democracy, Afenyo-Markin did not flinch from defending principle and party interest.

This isn’t a leader hiding behind procedural language — it’s a leader front and center in democratic confrontation when it mattered most.

Why Leadership Consistency Matters Now

Leadership in times of adversity reveals true character. Ghanaians — and importantly, NPP members — need a Minority Leader who can craft a coherent opposition strategy, unite disparate voices in Parliament, and boldly articulate the party’s policy alternatives. That consistency is precisely what Afenyo-Markin has delivered.

It’s worth underscoring: despite claims in some quarters about internal plots to oust him, key voices within the caucus — including influential MPs — have publicly dismissed that narrative, affirming unity and continuity under his leadership.

This matters enormously. Political parties are not successful when they are fragmented at the leadership apex, especially in the legislature. Replacing a Minority Leader midstream — particularly after a major election loss and during a delicate transition to opposition — risks a collapse of strategic momentum, confusion among rank-and-file MPs, and a weakened front against the majority.

Why Replacing Him Now Would Be Suicidal for the NPP

Labeling a leadership change now as suicidal for the party is not hyperbole — it’s strategic realism.

It undermines the message of party unity — the very foundation political competitors will test. Parliament is not merely a debate chamber; it’s a theater of public perception. Changing leadership in response to internal pressure signals disarray.

It rewards dissent and ambition over performance and loyalty. If internal challengers see that leadership can be shifted mid-parliament without a clear, structural reason, the caucus risks incentivizing factionalism. Politics isn’t just about winning points — it’s about maintaining disciplined, predictable, and credible opposition.

It weakens continuity at a moment when policy challenges are acute. Ghana’s legislature is tackling major issues — from public sector employment disputes to overseeing executive action and interpreting court rulings with constitutional implications. A change in leadership would disrupt ongoing strategies and hand the majority political advantage.

Removing Afenyo-Markin now would be political malpractice — ceding advantage to rivals and confusing the messaging of a party still reeling from electoral setbacks and eager to rebuild trust with citizens.

Politics often reduces public figures to caricatures — but that’s not what leadership is. Afenyo-Markin’s critics sometimes frame him as brash or overly confrontational. But this misses the deeper reality: leadership that defends parliamentary democracy tends to be forceful because the stakes are high.

For instance, when he publicly called attention to what he and his caucus saw as judiciary political bias affecting parliamentary representation, he was raising issues many argue speak to the core of democratic accountability — not just party interests.

He has also taken the party’s concerns to institutional forums and reminded the nation that Parliament must be more than a rubber stamp — it must be a guardian of constitutionalism and fairness, even in times of political tension. That’s not obstinacy — that’s stewardship.

The Bigger Picture: What Ghana Needs Now

Let’s expand the lens. Ghana is not just watching the NPP’s internal leadership choices — the world is watching how opposition leadership functions in a maturing democracy. The message sent about unity, resilience, and principled dissent matters far beyond party banners.

Maintaining Afenyo-Markin as Minority Leader signals something deeper than political stability: it says the NPP can withstand challenge, debate internal differences respectfully, and hold firm to a strategic plan without capitulating to short-term pressures. That’s not just good for the party — it’s good for the country.

Some analysts have argued that the Minority Leader should be replaced to reflect broader regional representation or to satisfy internal ambitions. But political leadership is not a game of musical chairs — especially not in a Parliament that needs a steady hand and a clear voice.

Ghana’s democratic experiment thrives when its leaders are tested in adversity, not swapped out at the first sign of internal discomfort. Keeping Afenyo-Markin in place is not just a matter of loyalty — it’s recognition that strategic continuity, clarity of opposition voice, and unified leadership matter more than ephemeral political currents.

In the end, the question isn’t whether Alexander Afenyo-Markin is perfect. No politician is. But the real question is: Does replacing him now help or hurt the NPP’s ability to function effectively in Parliament and rebuild confidence with the Ghanaian public?

The answer has to be clear. Yes, there will always be calls for fresh faces and new leadership — that’s the nature of democratic discourse. But real political strategy is about knowing when to hold steady and when to change, and this moment calls for steadiness, not fracturing.

Retaining Afenyo-Markin as Minority Leader is not a surrender to ego — it’s a bold affirmation that the NPP stands for disciplined, resilient, and principled leadership. It’s not just the best choice for the party — it’s the best choice for Ghana’s democratic stability and effective parliamentary opposition.

And in political times like these, that isn’t just smart — it’s indispensable.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Hands dive in. A designer jacket, barely worn jeans, vintage tees — opportunity spills onto the pavement.

In Ghana, obroni wawu is not just clothing. It is commerce. It is culture. It is survival. But beneath the color and energy lies a harder question: What happens to the clothes that don’t sell? The torn seams. The stained shirts. The synthetic fabrics no one wants. Increasingly, the answer is troubling — they pile up on land, clog drains, and wash into the sea. What begins as affordable fashion can end as an environmental burden.

The secondhand clothing trade has become one of Ghana’s most visible informal economic engines. Yet its environmental afterlife is shaping a new conversation — one that links fashion waste to climate change, marine pollution, and urban resilience. This is not a story of villains. It is a story of systems.

Ghana is widely recognized as one of the largest importers of secondhand clothing in West Africa. Containers arrive regularly at Tema Port, packed with garments collected from Europe, North America, and parts of Asia. Traders purchase these bales without knowing exactly what’s inside. Some make profit. Others incur losses when too much of the content is unsellable.

The economic upside is undeniable. Thousands of Ghanaians — market women, head porters, tailors, resellers — depend on this ecosystem. Secondhand clothing democratizes fashion. It allows families to dress well at lower cost. It fuels entrepreneurship.

Yet estimates from market associations and environmental observers suggest a significant percentage of imported clothing — sometimes as much as 30–40 percent — is effectively waste upon arrival. These items are too damaged, too stained, too outdated, or too synthetic to resell. And Ghana does not have a comprehensive textile recycling system to absorb that volume.

When unsellable clothing accumulates, disposal options are limited. Much of it is mixed with municipal waste. Some ends up in open dumps. Some is burned. Some is abandoned in peri-urban communities. The environmental implications are layered.

Natural fibers like cotton will eventually decompose, but even that process can release methane when buried in anaerobic landfill conditions. Methane is a potent greenhouse gas — significantly more powerful than carbon dioxide over a 20-year period.

Synthetic fabrics pose a deeper problem. Polyester, nylon, and acrylic are essentially plastic-based materials derived from fossil fuels. They can take decades — sometimes centuries — to degrade. As they break down, they fragment into microplastics, contaminating soil and waterways.

In communities already grappling with waste management challenges, textile waste adds another layer of strain. Blocked drains contribute to flooding during heavy rains. Burning of synthetic fabrics releases toxic fumes. Informal disposal undermines urban planning efforts.

The climate dimension here is not abstract. It is embedded in land use, methane emissions, and fossil-fuel-derived materials accumulating in the environment.

Perhaps the most visible symbol of this crisis is along parts of Ghana’s coastline. Fishermen and environmental groups have reported clothing tangled in nets and strewn across beaches. During high tides, fabric fragments mix with plastic bottles and sachet water waste in a troubling mosaic of global consumption.

The journey is predictable: discarded clothing clogs drainage systems, is washed into streams, flows into lagoons, and eventually reaches the ocean.

Synthetic textiles shed microfibers — tiny plastic particles that enter marine ecosystems. These microplastics can be ingested by fish and shellfish, moving up the food chain and potentially into human diets. This is where the local becomes global.

Ghana is not producing these garments. It is receiving them at the end of their lifecycle. The environmental cost, however, becomes Ghana’s to manage. Coastal tourism, fishing livelihoods, and marine biodiversity all intersect at this point. Textile waste in the sea is not just aesthetic pollution. It is economic and ecological risk.

At first glance, used clothing might seem environmentally positive. Reuse extends garment life and reduces demand for new production. That is true up to a point. The complication arises when the volume of imports exceeds local reuse capacity.

Globally, the fashion industry is estimated to account for a significant share of greenhouse gas emissions due to energy-intensive production, transportation, and raw material extraction.

When garments are shipped across continents only to become waste in another country, the carbon footprint compounds: transport emissions, waste decomposition emissions, incineration emissions. In this context, Ghana becomes part of a larger climate equation — one driven by global overproduction and consumption patterns.

The uncomfortable truth is that secondhand trade sometimes functions as a pressure valve for fast fashion excess in wealthier economies. Instead of reducing production, surplus goods are redistributed. And when redistribution fails, waste is externalized.

Ghana’s waste management infrastructure was not designed to handle large volumes of textile waste. Municipal systems primarily focus on organic waste and plastics. Textiles often fall through regulatory cracks.

Moreover, traders bear disproportionate financial risk. They pay for bales upfront. When a bale contains too much waste, they absorb the loss. Disposal costs fall on individuals who have little margin. This is not merely an environmental issue. It is an economic justice issue.

Consumers can play a role by choosing durable items and properly disposing of clothing rather than discarding them into drainage systems. The objective is not to shut down the secondhand trade. It is to modernize it.

Any conversation about regulating secondhand clothing must consider livelihoods. Thousands depend on this trade. Abrupt restrictions without alternatives could disrupt incomes and deepen economic vulnerability. Therefore, reforms must be phased, consultative, and data-driven.

Climate action cannot ignore social context. Environmental sustainability must align with economic inclusion. Ghana has an opportunity to position itself as a leader in circular textile management in West Africa — turning a waste challenge into an innovation frontier.

In an era where sustainability shapes global investment decisions, environmental stewardship is part of national branding. Secondhand clothing does not have to symbolize environmental decline. With intentional policy, it can become a symbol of circular economy leadership.

The secondhand clothing trade in Ghana tells a complicated story of global inequality, local entrepreneurship, consumer aspiration, and environmental strain. The garments themselves are silent. But their afterlife speaks loudly.

If unmanaged, textile waste will continue to accumulate on land, in drains, and along coastlines. If strategically addressed, it can become a catalyst for policy reform, innovation, and climate leadership.

The question is not whether Ghanaians should wear secondhand clothes. The question is whether Ghana can redesign the system that handles them. Every shirt has a lifecycle. Every dress has an endpoint. The future will be defined by what we choose that endpoint to be — landfill, ocean, or renewal. And in that choice lies not just fashion’s fate, but a fragment of Ghana’s climate story.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

It is important to understand what this means and what it does not mean.

INTERPOL does not determine guilt or innocence. It does not conduct trials. Its role is to facilitate international police cooperation between member countries.

However, INTERPOL operates under strict constitutional rules, including a neutrality provision that prohibits involvement in matters of a political character.

If INTERPOL determines that a request does not comply with this requirement, it may delete the Red Notice. That decision reflects INTERPOL’s internal compliance standards.

It does not cancel any investigation in Ghana. It does not prevent Ghana from pursuing legal action through its own courts.

What it does affect is the international enforcement posture of the case.

Mr. Ofori-Atta is reportedly scheduled for a bond redetermination hearing in the United States in February. In U.S. immigration court, a bond hearing is not about deciding criminal liability.

The judge considers two primary questions: whether the individual poses a danger to the community and whether the individual presents a flight risk.

If the U.S. government argues that extradition is pending or that international enforcement justifies continued detention, it must provide formal documentation. Immigration judges rely on evidence presented in court, not political commentary or media narratives.

If the Red Notice has been removed, the court may look more closely at whether a formal and active extradition request exists and what stage that process has reached. However, removal of a Red Notice does not automatically mean release. Judges also evaluate factors such as family ties, residence history, prior compliance with court appearances, and overall risk assessment.

There is also a broader legal consideration. Under U.S. immigration law, a person may seek asylum if they can demonstrate persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution on account of political opinion. An international finding that a matter carries political character does not establish an asylum claim by itself. Asylum requires substantial independent evidence. However, it illustrates how political context can become legally relevant in immigration proceedings.

For Ghanaian readers, the key point is this: the INTERPOL decision does not resolve the underlying allegations. But it may influence how foreign courts evaluate detention and extradition-related arguments.

Ultimately, the February bond hearing will turn on legal standards and documented evidence, not public debate.

The author is a US-based Ghanaian Immigration Attorney and the Founder and Managing Attorney of JJ Moore & Associates, PLLC, with offices in Tennessee and Georgia, leading a globally distributed team spanning Ghana, Mexico, the United Kingdom, Jamaica, Kenya, and the United States.

The phrase expresses the idea of facing life’s challenges without hesitation and standing firm in your decisions, no matter the pressure.

In the song Drama by Kwesi Arthur and Bigg Homie Flee, lines like “ten toes, ten toes, never flinch, never fold” reinforce being grounded in your goals and not backing down when obstacles or critics arise.

At its core, never flinch means not recoiling from discomfort, fear, or difficult truths, while never fold means not giving in or surrendering your convictions when pressure—be it emotional, financial, or social—tries to change your mind.

These ideas aren’t just catchy phrases in lyrics; they reflect a deeply human desire to be strong under pressure and stay true to your values when it matters most.

So what does this have to do with saying “no”? Everything. Saying no without guilt and holding that no firmly in the face of temptation, persuasion, or money is a real-world expression of never flinch, never fold.

It’s about not flinching when someone pushes emotionally or financially, and not folding under the weight of pressure that tries to rewrite your boundaries. Standing by your decisions with integrity is not stubbornness; it’s courage.

In a world that often rewards “yes,” learning to confidently say “no” can be one of the most powerful skills you develop. Whether it’s turning down extra work, declining social invitations, or resisting pressure for money, saying no isn’t selfish—it’s self-respect in action.

Learning to say “no” is one of the strongest expressions of personal freedom and self-respect we can develop. From a young age, many of us are taught that being cooperative and agreeable are virtues.

While kindness and willingness to help are valuable, automatic agreement to every request can slowly pull us away from what truly matters in our lives. Saying “yes” all the time can lead to exhaustion, stress, frustration, and a loss of control over our own time and energy. Saying “no,” on the other hand, protects what is essential, preserves our wellbeing, and affirms our inner values.

It is normal to feel uneasy at first when we say no. We worry that we might disappoint others, that people might think less of us, or that opportunities might slip away if we decline. Sometimes the discomfort comes because we fear conflict or rejection, or because we have been conditioned to believe that personal sacrifice is always noble.

Then there is the pull of financial incentives or social pressure. Offers of money, praise, approval, or the fear of disapproval can make it seem almost impossible to hold our ground. But this is where the real work begins: saying no not just once, but many times, and then remaining firm in that decision even when external pressure tries to sway us.

When you say no because something doesn’t align with your priorities, your wellbeing, or your values, and then you change your mind because of money or pressure, you short-change yourself. You teach yourself that your boundaries are negotiable, that your peace is expendable, that your worth is tied to external approval.

Standing firm, on the other hand, builds respect for yourself. Every time you honor your own limits, you reinforce your sense of identity and integrity. You send a message to yourself—and to others—that your life is governed by intention, not obligation.

Some people fear that saying no will suddenly isolate them or close doors. In reality, clear boundaries often lead to healthier relationships. They make it easier for others to understand you, to respect your true capacities and intentions, and to interact with you honestly.

When you consistently honor your own needs and limits, the people around you learn that you are reliable—not because you say yes to everything, but because you honor your commitments and know what you can genuinely deliver.

It is also important to recognize that saying no is not about shutting others out. It is about protecting your capacity to say yes in meaningful ways. When you fill your time with “yeses” that drain you, you lose space for the people, projects, and experiences that energize you and align with your purpose.

By choosing where to invest your energy thoughtfully, your “yes” becomes more powerful, richer, and more joyful.

When a request violates your values or asks more of you than you can reasonably give, it is okay to decline. When a financial offer comes with conditions that compromise who you are, it is okay to refuse it.

When pressure builds from others who want you to change your mind, it is okay to stand firm and hold your position with dignity. Your wellbeing and peace of mind are not secondary to someone else’s expectations or desires.

Learning to say no without feeling guilty is a journey. At first, it may feel uncomfortable, awkward, or even scary. But with practice, it becomes a tool of empowerment.

You begin to realize that you are not responsible for everyone’s happiness at the expense of your own, and that your life has limits that deserve protection. Every time you honor those limits, you deepen your connection with yourself.

In the end, saying no is not rude or selfish. It is courageous. It is self-honoring. It is the practice of living according to your own truth rather than according to someone else’s demands.

The more you master this skill, the more freedom you create to live a life that feels whole, balanced, and deeply yours.

The writer, Carolyn Tetteh, is a social media executive at Adom FM.

Last Friday, Charles Amissah, a 29-year-old Engineer, riding a motorcycle, died after a hit and run on the highway in Accra.

The Emergency Medical Technician (EMT) responded within three minutes and did everything required to standard.

They took the bleeding victim to three of our best hospitals in Accra; Police hospital, Ridge and Korle-Bu, and all they declined to render emergency care and/or to admit the patient.

The EMT pleaded in vain with hospitals before the victim went into cardiac arrest and died. This should not happen in a modern country with hospitals. There should be an inquiry and accountability for this needless death.

A few years ago, when an Indian tourist died in similar circumstances in Portugal, it cost the Minister of Health her job, and beyond this, there should be a broad look at our emergency care system.

“No bed syndrome” has been with us for a long time. I recall the young woman who gave birth in Takoradi and bled to death because her husband could not fuel the ambulance.

Before then, there was the case of the woman from Dambai who was sent from hospital to hospital before she passed in the Northern region.

In 2007, during a survey I did for the Ministry of health, a Nurse from Central Region told me of her regular experiences being turned away from hospitals as she and her teams fought to get care for patients.

“Has anyone died while you drove from hospital to hospital?” I asked. “Yes, doctor”, she replied through tears.

This case is even more distressing since it happened in Accra. What do you think is happening in Tetekaasum, Yagaba Kabore and many rural areas outside Accra?

Parliament needs to review the facts and pass an Emergency Care Law that would mandate hospitals to stabilize emergency patients before transfer.

Furthermore, there needs to be a database of admission and bed status, accessible to EMS so that they don’t drive blindly around looking for a place to send patients.

It is easier to find out which clubs are open than to find the bed status of hospitals!! Haba! Aden?? As part of this law, we should require all SHS students to get BLS training.

Mr, President these are the things that show the status of your reset agenda without bias. I know you care as in MahamaCares.

Don’t let this crisis go to waste. Please get the Attorney General and the Minister of Health together on this.

May Engineer Amissah find eternal rest as his family strives to understand how we failed him. May God bless Ghana.

In modern politics, where every speech is clipped, replayed, memed, and dissected, non-verbal communication is no longer background noise. It is the message.

Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, Ghana’s former Vice President and flagbearer of the NPP, is widely recognized for his data-driven rhetoric and economic arguments. His speeches often lean heavily on statistics, structure, and analytical framing.

Yet beyond the substance lies a stylistic detail that has sparked discussion among communication observers: his tendency, at times, to hold the microphone very close to his mouth.

This may appear minor. It is not. In high-stakes political communication, the smallest physical choices can shape perception in outsized ways.

Why Microphone Technique Matters in Politics

A microphone is not merely an amplification device. It is a psychological bridge between leader and listener.

Research in communication theory consistently shows that audiences assess credibility not just through content, but through delivery, vocal modulation, facial expression, posture, and control of space. In political psychology, these non-verbal signals contribute to perceptions of competence, dominance, warmth, and authority.

When a speaker holds a microphone extremely close to the mouth, several things happen: the sound becomes more intimate and sometimes compressed. Breathing and plosive sounds (like “p” and “b”) become more pronounced.

The visual frame narrows, with the face partially obscured by the microphone. Gestural freedom reduces if one hand is fixed in a rigid position. These are technical factors, but they ripple outward into perception. For a presidential candidate, perception is currency.

Audience Perception: Intensity or Tension?

Holding a microphone very close to the mouth can project intensity. It may suggest focus, urgency, or seriousness, particularly in rally-style environments where emotional appeal is central.

However, in more formal settings—policy forums, international stages, and presidential debates—the same posture can unintentionally convey tension or guardedness. It visually shrinks the communicative space. Instead of an expansive leader addressing a nation, the image becomes tighter, more compressed.

Leadership communication, globally, tends to favor openness. Barack Obama often allowed space between the microphone and mouth, maintaining visible facial expression and relaxed jaw movement.

Angela Merkel, known for precision, typically used podium microphones, minimizing hand interference. Even leaders who prefer handheld microphones, such as Emmanuel Macron in town-hall settings, maintain moderate distance, preserving vocal clarity and facial openness.

The visual metaphor matters. Distance from the microphone signals comfort. Comfort signals control. Control signals authority.

Professional broadcast standards, whether in political speeches or media interviews, typically recommend holding a handheld microphone approximately 5 to 10 centimeters from the mouth, angled slightly to avoid direct airflow. This reduces distortion and preserves tonal balance.

Dr. Bawumia is known for a measured speaking pace and structured argumentation. His voice, naturally steady and composed, benefits from clarity. When microphone proximity compresses that clarity, it risks undermining the precision of his message, particularly when presenting economic data that requires sharp articulation.

In political communication, clarity is credibility. A candidate emphasizing economic competence must ensure that technical delivery matches intellectual rigor. Even minor distortion can subconsciously erode perceived polish.

Confidence and Authority: Body Language Signals

Confidence in leadership is communicated as much through posture as through policy. A relaxed arm, an open palm, controlled pacing across a stage—these project mastery of space.

When a microphone is held very close and tightly, it can restrict gestural range. The speaker’s upper body may appear constrained, reducing visual dynamism. When the microphone obscures part of the face or limits gestural flow, visual authority may diminish subtly. Not dramatically, but perceptibly.

This is not about flaw. It is about optimization. At the presidential level, communication is performance art backed by strategy. Every detail matters.

The Presidential Image: Optics in a Digital Age

In today’s media environment, speeches are consumed less as live experiences and more as short video clips on smartphones. That means camera framing amplifies micro-details.

If a microphone consistently dominates the lower half of the face in photographs or clips, it affects brand imagery. Presidential branding requires visual consistency, composure, and statesmanship.

Globally, presidential hopefuls often rely more heavily on podium-mounted or lapel microphones during formal addresses. These free the hands, maintain facial visibility, and project institutional gravitas. Handheld microphones are common in rallies or community engagements, but even there, the most seasoned leaders modulate proximity to maintain vocal quality and visual balance.

Political branding operates on repetition. If a certain posture becomes recurrent, it becomes part of the brand—intentionally or not. The question, then, is strategic: Does the microphone technique reinforce the image of a calm, presidential technocrat? Or does it introduce subtle visual tension inconsistent with that brand? Communication excellence is often about refinement, not reinvention.

The Broader Lesson: Presentation Shapes Political Memory

Voters rarely remember entire speeches. They remember impressions. They remember whether a candidate seemed calm or tense, open or guarded, commanding or restrained. These impressions are formed in seconds, often before a single statistic is processed.

Political communication is, at its highest level, brand architecture. Substance builds the foundation. Style constructs the façade. Both must align.

Dr. Bawumia’s strength lies in structured, data-informed argumentation. Refining microphone technique—ensuring clarity, openness, and relaxed authority—would not change his message. It would amplify it. In a presidential race, amplification is everything.

The microphone is small, but symbolic. It represents the bridge between leader and nation. How it is held, how it frames the face, how it shapes the voice—these are not cosmetic concerns. They are strategic elements of political branding.

Critiquing microphone technique is not trivial nitpicking. It is recognition that in contemporary politics, every gesture communicates. For any presidential contender anywhere in the world, the path to commanding trust runs through disciplined communication. Vocal clarity strengthens authority. Open posture enhances confidence. Professional presentation reinforces institutional readiness.

In the end, politics is persuasion. And persuasion is as much about how something is said as what is said. The microphone, then, is not just equipment. It is image. It is presence. It is power.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Last weekend, in response to the Ayawaso-East National Democratic Congress (NDC) primary, President John Mahama, the Majority caucus and the party leadership all condemned the vote-buying and promised investigations.

Though, the winner, Baba Jamal has been cleared by the NDC’s three-member committee the probed the allegations, this episode shows some awareness that we have a problem.

The Office of Special Prosecutor’s (OSP) involvement is a cruel joke on all of us.

Just before the Ayawaso-East debacle, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) completed a Presidential primary in which the top three candidates spent more than a combined 400 million Ghana Cedis! Virtually every delegate spent a weekend at a resort.

There are many who have put up mansions just from being delegates over the years. Party executives attending leadership meetings are given envelopes at the door and told what the President wants.

MPs are given inducements to do their jobs. MMDCEs and District Assembly members openly discuss paying for both Presidential nominations and confirmation votes. And these are done by officials sworn to protect our republic and execute our laws.

And while at it, we sentence goat and cassava thieves to draconian sentences! And we fill our churches and mosques week-in, week-out.

These corrupt practices described here permeate every aspect of our public life, affecting education and contracts and Judicial decisions as the plutocrats look for many to buy votes and power. As a nation we need to deal with. We have come to our Prah River, like the Ashantis under Osei Tutu Adikan.

A democracy that cannot police itself will be policed by others. There are developments that we must support.

The lawsuits by Dr. Kwabena Frimpong-Boateng and Dr Nyaho Nyaho Tamakloe is one initiative. They are seeking consequential, very non -controversial declarations about how our parties manage their primaries.

These processes are corrupt, undemocratic and exclusionary. Our parties operate private clubs controlled by secret cabals. Courts are very important, if they choose to be in such cases. In 2014, the Brazilian Judiciary unearthed the Petrobras scandal that unearthed 2.1 billion USD in bribes and 17 billion USD in lost revenue.

Our judges are citizens too. They care about Ghana- or they should. Let them be patriots and help fix Ghana and Judiciary’s repute.

The other approach is through constitutional reform that would entitle all party members to vote in Parliamentary and Presidential primaries and outlaw the exchange of money for votes.

This should be managed by the nation through voters’ registration not under control of the parties. Let’s save our democracy. Rule by the rich– plutocracy is not democracy. We must stop requiring good men to soil their hands before they can succeed in politics.

Long live Ghana.

Women and girls are underrepresented across many STEM fields globally. It is essential to bridge the gender gap not only on fairness grounds but also for the relevance, impact, and quality of work demonstrated by women and girls in science and related fields.

In building an all-inclusive STEM ecosystem, let us provide a platform for advocacy, education, action, and measurable impact in areas such as artificial intelligence, health research, scientific entrepreneurship, and cybersecurity.

Science and technology offer unique opportunities to improve the lives of people, from better healthcare to sustainability. One major challenge is the underrepresentation of women in these fields.

Together, we can break long-standing gender stereotypes and male-dominated workplace cultures. Every woman or girl deserves equal access to scientific participation to promote STEM and related fields.

Highlighting a day like this, with evidence-based research in AI, health, cybersecurity, and scientific entrepreneurship, makes women’s presence in STEM normal, expected, and celebrated.

Together, we can achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development by investing in, nurturing, and supporting women and girls in transformative STEM and related fields.

Not in a courtroom. Not before a judge. Not even after a formal separation.

It ended in his living room when his wife picked up her phone, dialled the police, and told officers she felt unsafe.

Within minutes, he was ordered to leave the house he paid for. That night, Kwame slept on the streets of London. By morning, his marriage was effectively over.

For years, a troubling question has echoed across Ghanaian communities at home and abroad: Why are many Ghanaian men living overseas no longer eager to bring their wives to join them abroad after marriage?

Closely tied to this is another uncomfortable inquiry, “Why are many Ghanaian women living in Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany no longer interested in marrying Ghanaian men and sponsoring them overseas?”

These questions point to a deeper crisis reshaping marriage among Ghanaians in the diaspora.

Marriage and family have always been the backbone of African society. Yet in a remarkably short time, the institution has undergone a dramatic transformation. Among Ghanaians living abroad and increasingly back home, marriage is now frequently linked with separation, police intervention, and divorce.

In countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, Germany, Belgium, and others, divorce statistics continue to rise steadily among African immigrant communities. Many people quietly accept this as “normal,” but behind closed doors, families are unravelling at alarming rates.

More troubling is a growing pattern shared by many husbands during ordinary marital disputes; some wives now call the police, triggering immediate removals from the home, restraining orders, or immigration consequences, often without thorough investigation in the early stages.

Two cases from London, England, illustrate how devastating this trend has become.

CASE ONE: HE SPONSORED HIS FAMILY—BUT NOT HIMSELF

A Ghanaian man living in London without legal status worked tirelessly to regularise his family’s situation. Through savings, loans, and years of labour, he successfully secured legal residency for his wife and children.

Ironically, he remained undocumented.

When he began to suspect that his wife was having an affair with a close acquaintance, he confronted her. The argument escalated. Instead of seeking family mediation or counselling, the wife called the police.

Officers arrived and ordered the man to leave the house immediately. With no legal status, no access to shelters, and no family nearby, he slept outside that night.

“I suffered to bring my family together,” the man later lamented in a viral video. “Today, I am homeless in a country I struggled to survive in.”

CASE TWO: TWO CALLS, TWO DEPORTATIONS

In another incident, a Nigerian businessman sponsored his wife and two children to live with him in London. After discovering that his wife was allegedly involved with a male co-worker, an argument erupted.

The wife called the police.

The husband was arrested and subsequently deported to Nigeria.

Angered by what he viewed as betrayal, the man reported to authorities that his wife’s immigration documents were fraudulent.

The police investigated and deported the woman as well.

Two parents removed from the country.

Two children left behind.

One family destroyed.

All because of phone calls made in anger.

THE FEAR DRIVING MEN AWAY FROM MARRIAGE

Stories like these circulate widely on social media, WhatsApp groups, and community platforms. They have created deep fear among many African men living abroad.
Some now avoid marriage altogether.

Others marry but refuse to sponsor their spouses.
Many prefer long-distance relationships rather than risk losing everything.
Marriage, once seen as a blessing, is increasingly viewed as a legal trap.

A SHIFT FROM MEDIATION TO POLICING

Traditionally, African marriages relied on conflict resolution through family elders, clan heads, chiefs, pastors, imams, and respected community leaders. Disputes were treated as family matters requiring dialogue and healing.
Today, those structures are weakening.
Police have replaced elders.
Courts have replaced family meetings.
Lawyers have replaced counsellors.

While law enforcement is essential in cases of real abuse and danger, using the police as a first response to normal marital conflict has devastating consequences.
A police record can destroy employment.

Immigration status can be jeopardised.
Children can be traumatised.
And reconciliation becomes nearly impossible.

A CALL FOR BALANCE

This is not an argument against women seeking protection.
Any woman facing physical violence, sexual abuse, or serious threats must seek immediate help from authorities.
But not every argument is abuse.
Not every disagreement is a crime.
Couples must relearn the art of dialogue, patience, counselling, and mediation.

TIME FOR A NATIONAL CONVERSATION

Chiefs, queen mothers, clergy, legal experts, and community leaders must come together to re-examine how marriages are protected in the diaspora.
If families collapse, societies collapse.
If marriage fails, the future suffers.
As Ghanaian communities wrestle with these painful realities, one truth stands clear.
One phone call made in anger can change a life forever.

In the next edition, I will examine divorce rates in Canada, major causes of marital breakdown, and possible pathways toward restoration.

Story By: Stephen Armah Quaye | Toronto, Canada

ALSO READ:

• Ghana’s Corruption Perception Index score drops from 43 to 42 in 2024 rankings

• Obra Show: Woman cries out after 11-year marriage ends in fear and separation

These losses undermine fiscal discipline, distort wage bill planning, and erode public confidence in governance.
Ghost names persist largely because Ghana’s payroll architecture, though improved, still suffers from fragmentation of data systems, weak inter agency interoperability, and delayed verification of life events particularly deaths. While Ghana has made notable progress with the introduction of the Ghana Card as a unique national identifier, the absence of a fully centralized and automated birth-and-death verification mechanism linked directly to payroll systems continues to create loopholes.

This article argues that the eradication of ghost names requires deep data centralization, anchored in existing laws and policies, and reinforced by a compulsory, automated death certification system linked to the Ghana Card and all Government of Ghana (GoG) payroll related databases.
Legal and Policy Foundations for Payroll Data Centralization in Ghana

Ghana already possesses a strong legal and policy framework capable of supporting a centralized, automated payroll verification regime. What remains is decisive implementation and institutional integration.
Key among these frameworks are:

The 1992 Constitution of Ghana, which mandates accountability, prudent use of public resources, and transparency in public administration.
The Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921), which requires effective control of public expenditure and protection of public funds.

The National Identification Authority Act, 2006 (Act 707), as amended, which establishes the Ghana Card as the primary national identification document.
The Births and Deaths Registry Act, 1965 (Act 301), which mandates the registration of all births and deaths in Ghana.

The Data Protection Act, 2012 (Act 843), which provides safeguards for the lawful processing and sharing of personal data.
The Controller and Accountant-General’s Department (CAGD) payroll management mandate, including the Integrated Personnel and Payroll Database (IPPD).

These laws collectively provide sufficient authority for government to centralize identity, life event, and payroll data under a unified verification architecture without the need for entirely new legislation, but rather through enhanced regulation, digital integration, and enforcement.

Why Ghost Names Persist Despite Existing Reforms
Several factors explain why ghost names continue to reappear on Ghana’s payroll:

1.Delayed or Non-Registration of Deaths
Many deaths, especially in rural communities, are either registered late or not registered at all with the Births and Deaths Registry, allowing deceased persons to remain “alive” in payroll systems.

2.Disconnection Between Databases
The Births and Deaths Registry, NIA, CAGD, SSNIT, and sector payroll systems often operate in silos, relying on manual notifications rather than real-time data exchange.

3.Human Discretion and Manipulation
Where verification depends on periodic audits or human reporting, opportunities arise for collusion, concealment, and delay.

4.Lack of a Single Authoritative Death Verification Trigger
There is no automated event that immediately deactivates a person’s payroll eligibility upon confirmed death.

These weaknesses demonstrate that biometric registration alone is insufficient unless coupled with continuous life status verification.
Introducing a Compulsory Automated Death Certification System
To decisively eliminate ghost names, Ghana must institutionalize a compulsory automated death certification system anchored to the Ghana Card.
Core Features of the System

Ghana Card Based Death Certification
Every death must be certified using the deceased person’s Ghana Card number.
Health facilities, traditional authorities, and accredited mortuaries would be mandated to initiate death certification digitally.
For deaths outside health facilities, designated district officers and registrars would validate and upload data.

Automated Data Grant Number
Once a death is certified, the system automatically generates a unique data grant number.

This number becomes the sole official reference for all death related processes.
Integration with the Births and Deaths Registry
The certification feeds directly into a digitized national Birth and Deaths Database, eliminating manual duplication.
Linkage to the Ghost Check Database

The death record is simultaneously pushed to a centralized Ghost Check Database, accessible to:
CAGD and IPPD
SSNIT
Public Service Commission
National Pension Regulatory Authority
Relevant MDAs and MMDAs
Automatic Payroll Deactivation
Upon confirmation, the system triggers an automatic payroll suspension for any public-sector worker linked to the deceased Ghana Card number.

This removes discretion and delay from the process.
BENEFITS TO FAMILIES AND THE STATE

Benefits to Families
The generated death certification code can be printed and used by families to:
Process pension and gratuity claims
Access insurance benefits
Handle estate administration
Support funeral-related documentation

This simplifies processes and reduces exploitation by middlemen.
Benefits to the State
Immediate removal of deceased persons from payroll
Significant reduction in wage bill leakages
Reliable real-time workforce data
Improved fiscal planning and budget credibility
WHY THIS SYSTEM WILL WORK

1. It Builds on Existing Infrastructure
   Ghana already has:
   The Ghana Card system
   IPPD payroll architecture
   Digital financial platforms
   Legal authority under Acts 301, 707, 843, and 921
   The reform focuses on integration, not reinvention.
2. It Minimizes Human Interference
   Automation eliminates delays caused by negligence, corruption, or collusion. Once a death is certified, payroll action is automatic.
3. It Strengthens Accountability
   Each certification is traceable to an authorized officer or institution, creating audit trails and deterring false reporting.
4. It Respects Data Protection Standards
   Under the Data Protection Act, data sharing would be limited to lawful purposes, with role-based access and encryption safeguards.

INSTITUTIONAL ROLES AND COORDINATION
For successful implementation:
National Identification Authority (NIA)
Maintains Ghana Card identity integrity.
Births and Deaths Registry
Serves as the authoritative life-event registrar.
Controller and

Accountant-General’s Department (CAGD)
Enforces automated payroll actions.

Ministry of Finance
Provides policy oversight and ensures fiscal alignment.

Local Government Authorities
Ensure community-level compliance and reporting.

ASSURANCE OF SUSTAINABILITY
The sustainability of this system lies in its legal enforceability, technological automation, and citizen incentives. Families benefit directly from proper certification, while institutions are legally bound to comply. Over time, this creates a culture where non registration of deaths becomes both impractical and costly.
Conclusion

Eradicating ghost names from Ghana’s payroll system is not merely a technical exercise; it is a governance imperative. Through data centralization, compulsory Ghana Card based death certification, and automated payroll controls, Ghana can finally close one of the most persistent leakages in its public finance system.

This reform aligns squarely with Ghana’s constitutional values, public financial management laws, and digital transformation agenda. By ensuring that the dead are officially recorded as such promptly, accurately, and automatically the living are protected, public resources are preserved, and confidence in state institutions is restored.

True payroll integrity begins where data integrity is non-negotiable.

EVOLUTION FROM BARTER TRADE TO CASH TRADE TO PAPERLESS SYSTEM OF TRANSACTION; THE POWER OF DYNAMISM.

I write to you with enormous respect and kind reverence for your impressive and spirited impact on the economy since you assumed office as Governor of the Bank of Ghana 🇬🇭. The stabilisation of the cedi against its major trading partners, among other positive gains, remains enviable and commendable.

It is trite that the world is moving at a Usain pace, and Ghana is not in isolation. Change is a PROJECT; it is not an EVENT. The odds must be demystified, the shackles and chains of corruption must be irredeemably broken, and the state’s resources must be jealously protected and utilised for the prime benefit of the nation’s cause.

In our resolve to combat corruption, which has become pervasive in public discourse, I humbly suggest the following for possible consideration:

1. A cashless or paperless transaction system where state agencies and ministries shall outlaw the use of fiscal cash in their operational scope. Government functionaries must only see physical cash when they are withdrawing their salaries from their bank accounts.
2. There is the need for a centralised database system encompassing all government workers, operated in such a way that ghost names, retirees, absconded staff, and invisible staff are not captured on payrolls and paid as such. This data must be interconnected with the National Identification Authority and the Births and Deaths Registry, and updated periodically in order to sanitise government payroll systems.
3. There is the need to harmonise all government pay structures into a sophisticated platform by eliminating undue duplication and crossed payments. The Bank of Ghana, the Ghana Revenue Authority, the Fair Wages and Salaries Commission, and the Public Procurement Authority must run on a single-built database that speaks one language.
4. The digitalisation agenda pursued by the erstwhile government must be celebrated, enhanced, and held in high esteem as a global model to reckon with. Everything must be operated through a modern, sophisticated digital centralised system.
5. Again, there must be an effective and efficient seamless forensic auditing system that operates with formidable data. The traditional auditing system is outdated.
6. There is the urgent need to crack the whip on betting games, which have become pervasive.

These suggestions, in my candid opinion, will not only help in the corruption elimination pursuit and the building of a vibrant and robust economy, but will also upscale investor confidence and promote possible job creation.

Sir, I trust this humble piece finds your favourable attention as we seek to contribute meaningfully to our nation’s discourse.

I sincerely salute you for your attention. Thank you endlessly.

Sincerely yours,

………………..

Nana Kweku Ofori Atta
Security Analyst & Consultant

The modern internet is architected for persistence, redundancy, and high availability rather than impermanence or contextual forgetting. While these properties enable scalability and resilience, they also introduce significant personal, reputational, and security risks.

This paper conceptualizes the internet as a form of externalized human memory and examines its implications through systems design and cybersecurity perspectives.

It introduces digital consequence literacy as a critical competency for both system architects and users, and outlines practical behavioral and design interventions for mitigating the risks associated with permanent digital records.

1.   Introduction

Contemporary information systems are designed to operate continuously, retain vast quantities of data, and optimize for rapid retrieval. Within this emphasis on performance and reliability, the human implications of persistent digital memory are often underexamined.

Unlike biological memory—which is fallible, contextual, and subject to decay—networked digital systems are optimized for accuracy, replication, and long-term retention.

This asymmetry has material consequences. Actions taken in transient social, emotional, or professional contexts can become permanently recorded artifacts, detached from intent and context.

For professionals who design and operate digital systems, understanding the implications of permanence is not only a matter of personal risk management but also an ethical responsibility inherent to system stewardship.

2.  The Internet as a Memory Prosthesis

The concept of the internet as a memory prosthesis provides a useful analytical framework. From a systems engineering perspective, the internet functions as an externalized memory layer characterized by negligible write costs and extensive redundancy. Creating digital artifacts—posts, uploads, comments—is trivial, while deletion is unreliable.

Even when content is removed from its source, replicas persist across caches, mirrors, archives, and user-controlled reproductions. As a result, deletion is typically a logical operation rather than a physical one. The system’s core design goals—fault tolerance, availability, and replication—are structurally incompatible with intentional forgetting.

This reality creates a persistent vulnerability in personal data integrity, whereby individuals progressively lose control over historical representations of themselves as data is replicated beyond their administrative domain.

3. Threat Modeling the Digital Self

Applying threat modeling methodologies to individual digital presence reveals a set of compounding risks that span privacy, reputation, and security.

3.1 Digital Footprints and Inference Risk

Every interaction with networked systems generates metadata, including search histories, location traces, transaction logs, and social interactions. Aggregated over time, these data points form a high-dimensional profile of an individual.

While such data is often perceived as benign or anonymized, it is susceptible to inference attacks, where disparate attributes are combined to infer sensitive characteristics such as political affiliation, health status, or behavioral tendencies.

3.2  Reputational Persistence

In networked social systems, reputational harm behaves as a cascading failure. A single out-of-context artifact can be copied, redistributed, and reinterpreted indefinitely.

Unlike software systems, the public internet lacks a reliable rollback mechanism. Context erosion and amplification effects can impact employability, professional credibility, and trust relationships long after the original circumstances have changed.

3.3 Security and Open-Source Intelligence

Digital footprints also function as reconnaissance assets for malicious actors. Publicly accessible personal information—technical preferences, geolocation data, or historical disclosures—can be leveraged during open-source intelligence (OSINT) gathering.

This intelligence directly supports phishing, social engineering, SIM-swapping, and identity fraud, transforming low-risk disclosures into attack-enabling inputs.

4.  Digital Consequence Literacy

Digital consequence literacy refers to the capacity to anticipate, evaluate, and manage the long-term implications of actions taken within persistent digital systems. It does not advocate disengagement or excessive caution, but rather informed participation grounded in systems awareness.

At the individual and organizational level, this includes deliberate publishing behaviors, minimization of unnecessary data disclosure, enforcement of strong authentication mechanisms, and periodic audits of one’s digital presence. These practices align with established cybersecurity principles such as least privilege, defense in depth, and proactive risk management.

From a system design perspective, digital consequence literacy necessitates privacy-aware architectures. This includes data minimization, transparent retention policies, meaningful deletion mechanisms, and the normalization of ephemerality where appropriate. User education should be treated as a core design requirement, with clear communication of data persistence and

downstream risks embedded into system interfaces and onboarding processes.

5.  Discussion

The tension between system reliability and human fallibility represents a central challenge of modern digital infrastructure. While persistence is a foundational property of resilient systems, its unmitigated application can amplify harm.

Engineers and architects play a decisive role in shaping these outcomes, both through technical decisions and the norms they model within organizations.

6.  Conclusion

The internet’s capacity for permanent memory is an emergent consequence of its architecture rather than a deliberate ethical choice. However, its social, professional, and security implications are increasingly unavoidable.

Digital consequence literacy provides a framework for navigating this reality, enabling individuals and institutions to balance technological capability with human vulnerability.

By integrating consequence-aware practices into both personal workflows and system design, technologists can help cultivate digital environments that support accountability, contextual understanding, and long-term trust without compromising innovation or scale.

The author, Jerome Geraldo is a Cybersecurity and Digital Health Professional.

That is Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh, widely known as NAPO, and the best candidate to complement Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s leadership into 2028.

In the high-stakes chess match of Ghanaian politics, you don’t just need a ticket that looks good on paper—you need one that feels right in the soul of the nation. NAPO brings that gravitas, reliability, and action-oriented mindset that makes ordinary voters lean in and vote.

From Parliament to Policy: The Rise of a Relentless Reformer

Before we talk strategy, let’s set the stage with who Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh really is. A medical doctor by training, NAPO earned his stripes not just in medicine but as a purpose-driven public servant. As Member of Parliament for Manhyia South, his electoral success wasn’t close—it was commanding, reflecting the trust his constituents have in his leadership.

His story isn’t of quiet station; it’s about impact. As Minister of Education, NAPO took the nerve-racking task of implementing the Free Senior High School (Free SHS) policy and didn’t flinch. When others whispered “too early,” he pushed forward with bold conviction and made it work. The result wasn’t just statistics; it was changed lives—teens who now chase dreams their families couldn’t afford.

Later, as Minister for Energy, he applied the same get-things-done ethos to one of Ghana’s thorniest sectors. Though critics always have something to say, many have acknowledged his competence in stabilizing parts of the energy infrastructure and engaging technical teams with clarity and purpose.

At the core of NAPO’s career is delivery in complex environments—a critical attribute for anyone eyed for the highest echelons of national leadership.

2024: The Campaign That Showed His Heart and Humor

NAPO’s presence on the 2024 campaign trail wasn’t textbook politics—it was meaningful engagement. Whether walking dusty roads in rural districts, exchanging a joke with a trader in Kumasi, or offering a gentle smile to a nervous student, his campaign was anchored in genuine connection.

There’s a reason grassroots supporters didn’t just chant slogans—they laughed with him, shared stories of his accessibility, and even teased his quick wit. Pundits have observed that behind his focused demeanor lies a man who cherishes a good laugh—from ribbing about his beloved Kumasi Asante Kotoko team to light-hearted exchanges about his school colors at youth forums.

These lighter moments aren’t trivial. They reveal a leader who understands that politics isn’t only about policies; it’s about people. It’s that rare blend: serious about nation-building, yet relatable in everyday Ghanaian life.

Endorsements, Controversies, and the True Test of Character

No politician walks through life without critics, and NAPO is no exception. Some voices questioned his style, labeling assertiveness as arrogance. Yet even critics from opposing camps, when pressed for nuance, conceded that beneath the bold exterior lies a fantastic person—a thought leader who prefers robust debate over shallow rhetoric.

That’s not just spin; it’s a testament to the fact that his opponents recognize his intellect and substance. Even within his own party, when some local group denied an early endorsement last year, party structures clarified that such decisions rest with proper consultative organs—underscoring democratic processes, not personal factions.

These moments didn’t weaken his profile; they confirmed his resilience. Leaders who face controversy and grow stronger are the ones nations turn to in turbulent times.

Strategic Glue for the NPP Ticket

Now let’s talk strategy—realpolitik with heart, logic, and national vision.

By picking NAPO as his running mate in 2024, Dr. Bawumia wasn’t just balancing a ticket; he was hard-wiring the NPP with experience, execution, and cross-regional appeal. The National Council’s unanimous endorsement of NAPO as running mate showed deep confidence in his leadership and ability to close gaps in public trust.

Why does this matter for 2028?

• Experience across Government Functions: NAPO has managed two of the most public-facing ministries in government: Education and Energy. That’s breadth and depth few politicians can claim.
• Record of Tangible Impact: Free SHS isn’t just a slogan; it’s a living legacy that millions of families credit to improved opportunity.
• Party Cohesion and Electability: His nomination wasn’t top-down; it involved wide consultation within the party hierarchy and was aimed at maximizing unity and performance. In political narratives, trust is currency, and NAPO brings credibility that’s both earned and visible.

A Leader Beyond 2024 Toward 2028 and Ghana’s Future

Ghana’s political journey isn’t a sprint—it’s a marathon run with shifting sands, deep expectations, and a citizenry that demands results. NAPO’s suitability for the role in 2028 isn’t based on nostalgia for past achievements; it’s built on the compounding value of his track record, his personality, and his readiness to serve at higher levels.

He’s already shown, publicly and repeatedly, that he’s not chasing titles for ego. Even after the campaign season, when asked about future ambitions, NAPO reaffirmed his priority: to serve the nation and strengthen the party—not chase higher personal office for its own sake. That’s leadership with purpose, not position.

His humility isn’t showmanship; it’s strategic stewardship. Leadership without self-interest builds trust; trust fuels unity; unity wins elections and sustains governance.

More than Numbers: What NAPO Represents

Numbers matter, yes—but the soul of leadership matters more. NAPO represents:

• Generational continuity with integrity: A public servant forged in community service, educated on global platforms, and grounded in grassroots realities.
• Competency with empathy: A diagnosis from his medical background blended with the heart of a policy maker.
• Vision with warmth: Capable of standing at an international forum on policy nuances and cracking a joke with a village chief about who pays for the next round of kenkey.

This combination—rare in politics—is exactly what the NPP needs to stay relevant, not just electorally, but in governing well.

The Leadership Ghana Deserves

In the end, argumentation isn’t just about facts; it’s about feeling the promise of what’s possible. Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh’s journey isn’t linear—it’s layered with accomplishment, challenge, service, resilience, and relatability.

From Manhyia South’s streets to cabinet chambers, from serious policy debates to laughter with everyday Ghanaians, he has the temperament, experience, and fire to lift Ghana higher.

Selecting NAPO as the running mate for Bawumia wasn’t just a tactical move for the 2024 elections—it was a strategic investment in Ghana’s future leadership. And as we look toward 2028, it’s clear: pairing Bawumia’s economic vision with NAPO’s executional prowess remains not just politically smart, but historically wise.

Ghana doesn’t just need good leaders; it needs leaders who get things done with heart. That’s NAPO.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Elsewhere, a patrol vehicle is stuck on a washed-out stretch of road, while an emergency call goes unanswered — not because officers do not care, but because nature has outpaced logistics. This is climate change in uniform.

For years, climate change in Ghana has been framed as an environmental or economic issue — about cocoa yields, coastal erosion, or energy transitions. But a quieter truth is emerging: climate change is also a law enforcement and public safety crisis, and the Ghana Police Service is already on the front line.

Climate change is changing how the police work. It does not announce itself with policy memos. It arrives as floods, heatwaves, storms, and displacement — and the police are often the first state institution citizens encounter when things fall apart.

Urban flooding, particularly in Accra, Kumasi, and coastal towns, has become more frequent and severe. Roads become impassable, police stations are threatened, and response times stretch dangerously thin. Officers who should be preventing crime are redeployed to crowd control, evacuation support, and traffic management in flood zones.

According to the World Bank’s Climate Risk Profile for Ghana, the country is experiencing increased intensity and frequency of extreme rainfall events, with urban areas especially vulnerable due to poor drainage and rapid, unplanned development. Every flood is not just an environmental failure; it is a security stress test.

Ghana is also getting hotter. Average temperatures are rising, and heatwaves are becoming more common. For police officers — many of whom work long hours outdoors in heavy uniforms or riot gear — this is not a minor inconvenience. Heat stress affects alertness, decision-making, physical endurance, and long-term health.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has warned that rising temperatures will increasingly affect labour productivity and human health, particularly in tropical regions. In practical terms, a hotter Ghana means a more fatigued and overstretched police force operating under tougher conditions.

From climate shocks to social tension

Climate change does not stop at the weather. It spills into society. Floods destroy livelihoods. Heat reduces productivity. Failed rains affect food prices.

When economic pressure builds, social tension often follows — petty crime, protests, migration, and conflict over scarce resources. This link between climate stress and insecurity is now well established globally. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has highlighted how environmental degradation and climate shocks can exacerbate crime and weaken governance structures.

In Ghana, the police increasingly find themselves managing climate-driven instability, even if it is not labelled as such.

The irony is stark. The institution expected to maintain order during climate disasters is itself exposed. Many police stations, barracks, and posts are located in flood-prone areas. Drainage systems are inadequate. Storms damage equipment and records. Vehicles suffer wear and tear from extreme weather. Yet climate resilience is rarely part of police infrastructure planning.

The question is unavoidable: who is protecting the protectors?

The Ghana Police Service is not only affected by climate change; it can also be a powerful force in combating it — if properly empowered and integrated into national climate strategy.

Environmental crime is climate crime. Illegal mining (galamsey), illegal logging, sand winning, and pollution of water bodies all accelerate climate vulnerability. While specialised agencies exist, enforcement often collapses without police support.

A visible, well-resourced police role in environmental law enforcement would deter environmental destruction, protect water bodies and forests, and reinforce the rule of law in climate governance. This aligns with broader governance goals highlighted by UNDP Ghana, which emphasises the role of institutions in climate adaptation.

Climate change should be built into police planning, not treated as an occasional emergency. This means training officers in disaster response and climate risk awareness, integrating climate forecasts into deployment and operations, and designing climate-resilient police stations and barracks.

The Ghana Meteorological Agency already provides climate and weather data that could inform policing decisions more strategically. This is not futuristic thinking — it is basic preparedness.

The police remain one of the most visible arms of the state, and that visibility matters. Through community policing structures, officers can reinforce environmental laws, support sanitation enforcement, and partner with local leaders on climate resilience efforts.

When climate rules are backed by trusted institutions, compliance improves. Climate action succeeds faster when it feels legitimate, not imposed.

Despite all this, climate change is still largely absent from police training curricula, national security conversations, and climate adaptation planning frameworks.

Ghana has climate policies. Ghana has security strategies. What is missing is the bridge between them. If climate change is a threat multiplier, as global evidence suggests, then excluding the police from climate planning is not just an oversight — it is a risk.

Protecting the climate is protecting public safety.

Climate change is no longer a future threat for Ghana. It is here — soaked into our roads, baked into our heat, and written into the daily work of the Ghana Police Service.

Every flood an officer responds to, every traffic jam caused by a storm, every protest triggered by economic stress — these are climate stories wearing the mask of routine policing.

If Ghana is serious about climate resilience, it must start seeing climate change not only as an environmental issue, but as a public safety imperative. Because when climate change knocks, it does not ask who is on duty — and more often than not, the police are already there.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

In Ghana, names are not just labels; they carry spiritual and cultural significance, influencing our perceptions and attitudes. Traditional names like Adom (meaning “gift from God”) and Nyamekye (meaning “God’s gift”) reflect how Ghanaians cherish names that convey values and aspirations.

For instance, in the Bible, names like Jabez, meaning “he will cause pain”, were changed to reflect a person’s destiny or character.

In the Quran, we see the example of the Prophet’s companion, whose name was changed from “Abdul Ka’bah” (slave of the Ka’bah) to “Abdullah” (slave of God).

Similarly, in Ghanaian culture, traditional names like these typify how Ghanaians value names that reflect their values and aspirations.

A Legacy of Controversy

The 1966 military coup led by Lieutenant General Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka raises questions about its constitutionality. Ghana’s 1992 Constitution rejects coups d’état and emphasizes democratic governance.

The Supreme Court’s ruling on the 31st of December Revolution celebration highlights the complexities of associating institutions with figures whose actions are debated. The court declared that using public funds to celebrate the coup was unconstitutional, as it glorified an unconstitutional takeover.

This reflects Ghana’s constitutional commitment to democratic governance. In the context of renaming the international airport, it’s essential to consider the implications of associating the institution with a figure like Kotoka, whose actions are debated in terms of constitutionality.

A name change could be an opportunity to rebrand the airport around a figure or theme that resonates with Ghana’s democratic values and cultural heritage.

Lessons from Successful Rebranding

The rebranding of Ghana Commercial Bank (GCB) is a prime example of how a comprehensive rebranding effort can revitalize an institution, making it more relevant and responsive to the needs of its customers.

GCB’s rebranding went beyond just changing its name; it involved a complete overhaul of its brand identity, including a new logo, visual identity, and messaging.

This holistic approach has contributed to the bank’s increased market share and customer engagement. Similarly, the Institute of Professional Studies (IPS) underwent a comprehensive rebranding effort, changing its name to University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA), and overhauling its brand identity to reflect its new status and mission.

This effort has lifted the face of the institution, enhancing its reputation and appeal. While rebranding can be a significant investment, the examples of GCB and UPSA demonstrate that it can be a worthwhile one. A well-executed rebranding effort can lead to increased visibility, credibility, and ultimately growth.

These examples highlight that a name change alone is not enough; a comprehensive rebranding effort is necessary to unlock the full potential of an institution. A name change without a corresponding shift in identity, messaging, and culture may not achieve the desired impact, emphasizing the need for a holistic approach to rebranding.

Crafting a National Identity

The proposed renaming of the airport presents an opportunity to reposition Ghana’s image on the global stage. By applying branding principles, we can create a name that reflects our country’s values, culture, and aspirations.

This could involve incorporating elements of our rich cultural heritage, such as traditional Ghanaian names or symbols, to create a unique and memorable brand identity.

For instance, incorporating Adinkra symbols like the “Gyaan Du” (meaning “fire pot”) which represents creativity and innovation, or the “Akrowa” (meaning “spider”) which symbolizes wisdom and cunning, could add depth and meaning to the airport’s brand identity.

By leveraging these cultural touchstones, we can create a name and brand that not only resonates with Ghanaians but also tells a compelling story to the world.

A Catalyst for Growth

Rebranding the airport could be a catalyst for revitalizing Ghana Airways and establishing the country as a major player in the global aviation industry.

A rebranded airport could attract more international flights and airlines, increase tourism and trade, enhance Ghana’s global reputation and competitiveness, and create new opportunities for economic growth and development.

Incorporating a thoughtful name change into a broader rebranding strategy that includes updates to the airport’s visual identity, messaging, and overall experience, Ghana can unlock these benefits and position itself for long-term success.

Charting the Path Forward

The Ghana Airport Company should prioritize stakeholder engagement, including public participation, to gather input and feedback on the rebranding process.

This should be complemented by thorough market research to inform the development of a unique value proposition that showcases Ghana’s culture, tourism attractions, and business opportunities.

A comprehensive brand strategy should be developed, encompassing a new logo, visual identity, and messaging that resonates with the nation’s heritage and vision. Given the current proposed name, Accra International Airport, leveraging the capital city’s reputation could be beneficial.

City-based names like London Heathrow and New York’s JFK are iconic and instantly associated with their locations. Accra’s name carries cultural and geographical significance, reflecting the city’s importance.

Furthermore, rebranding efforts should extend to Ghana Airways, positioning it as a leading international airline, with the rebranded airport serving as a strategic hub for growth.

Undertaking this holistic rebranding exercise will significantly enhance Ghana’s global reputation, drive economic growth, and showcase its rich cultural heritage to the world. It’s time to harness the power of names and rebrand our nation.

The writer is a Lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Accra, Marketing Department (Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan – 0244882425).

Rather than anticipation, this transition is often met with resignation. After years marked by financial hardship, academic pressure, and sustained effort, graduates are required to place their personal and professional plans on hold. This reality raises a fundamental question that grows more urgent with time: what purpose does National Service currently serve?

National Service was originally conceived as a bridge between education and employment, a means of nurturing patriotism, discipline, and practical experience. In practice, however, it has increasingly become a period of delay, inefficiency, and underutilization of human capital. Instead of preparing graduates for meaningful participation in the economy, the system frequently absorbs their energy without providing commensurate development or opportunity.

For many participants, National Service does not function as a training program but as a source of low-cost labor. Postings are often disconnected from individuals’ academic backgrounds and career aspirations. Graduates are assigned roles that neither enhance their skills nor contribute to professional growth. Engineers are tasked with administrative duties, scientists are assigned routine errands, and trained educators find themselves without classrooms. Innovation is stifled, and ambition is deferred.

Equally concerning is the issue of dignity and welfare. Stipends provided to service personnel are insufficient to meet basic living expenses such as housing, transportation, and food. In an economy marked by rising costs, this places young professionals under significant financial strain. Expecting productivity and excellence under such conditions contradicts any genuine commitment to national development. A society that undervalues its graduates undermines its own long-term progress.

Advocates of the system often argue that National Service promotes discipline and national consciousness. However, discipline need not be cultivated through hardship, nor should patriotism rely on compulsion. A nation that values its youth must recognize individual talent, ambition, and urgency rather than imposing a uniform program that disregards these factors.

Globally, the pace of advancement is accelerating. While graduates elsewhere are entering competitive job markets, building enterprises, or pursuing advanced training, many Ghanaian graduates remain idle, awaiting postings or completing service with limited professional return. Time is a critical resource for young people, and the current structure of National Service demands a full year with minimal tangible benefit.

If national development is the objective, then development must be redefined in practical terms. It should prioritize productivity, innovation, and opportunity. Graduates should be placed where their skills are most effective, not where administrative convenience dictates. Development thrives on choice, flexibility, and strategic investment in human capital.

The central question therefore remains unresolved: what is the value of National Service in its present form? A program that cannot consistently provide relevant training, fair compensation, and viable pathways to employment no longer fulfills its mandate.

The moment calls for decisive action. The system must either be abolished or comprehensively reformed. Viable alternatives include optional, well-paid, skill-based service programs; stronger partnerships with industry; support for entrepreneurship; and targeted funding for research and innovation. Above all, it requires trust in the capacity and potential of the youth.

A nation that marginalizes its graduates delays its own progress. Ghana’s future depends on how effectively it empowers its young professionals, and further postponement is a cost the country cannot afford.

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If you are going into an electoral battle, it pays to present a candidate who has tried, tested, and marketed, a candidate who already has a formidable foothold from which the party can consolidate its gains.

In the current race, Bawumia’s closest contender is Kennedy Agyapong, who contested the 2023 primaries and lost to Dr Bawumia. In the 2024 general elections, the NPP lost both the presidential and parliamentary elections in Kennedy Agyapong’s home constituency and home region, Assin Central Constituency and the Central Region.

Dr Bawumia, after what many believe is the worst performance by a government in Ghana’s recent history, won almost 5 million votes, representing about 42% of the national vote in the 2024 presidential election. (The exact figure is 4,877,611 of the valid votes cast, representing 41.75%.)

While Dr Bawumia won 42% of the presidential votes, the NPP won 32% of parliamentary seats. These figures show that the NPP’s defeat in 2024 represented a rejection of the party, not just the candidate.

Dr Bawumia’s home region, the North East Region, was the only region in Northern Ghana that the NPP won the presidential election and did not have minority parliamentary seats.

Dr Bawumia’s candidature lacked the goodwill that Akufo-Addo’s inherited from the Kufuor administration. Anger against the Akufo-Addo administration was mounting, and whoever contested on the NPP ticket was bound to face the wrath of voters.

If anyone is closer to winning power for the NPP, either in 2028 or 2032, Dr Bawumia stands tall among the current cast of untested hands.

2. The NPP’s Unity and Ghana’s Interest

In the Bible, we are told the story of a wise King named Solomon. In the illustration of his infinite wisdom, we are told that two women fought over the ownership of a child and ended up in King Solomon’s court. Solomon suggested that the child be cut in two so that each woman would take half. One woman agreed, but the other would rather have the child go to the other claimant than be cut in two. King Solomon said the child should be given to the one who wanted the child to live.

The unity of the NPP is under threat. And it is so because some people who want to lead the party operate with the mantra of “it is either I get it, or I destroy it.”

But in this race, there is a man who has demonstrated that when it matters most, he would put the collective interest above his personal interest. When tensions in the 2024 elections threatened to spill over, Dr Bawumia stepped up and defused them. He conceded defeat even before the Electoral Commission declared the presidential results for the first constituency. Some in his party still hold that early concession as one of his cardinal sins.

This demonstrable act of bravery, a strength of character, puts him ahead of the pack as someone the NPP can trust to hold the party together. The NPP needs a level-headed unifier, and Dr Bawumia towers above the rest in this regard.

3. A sacrificial Lamb Who Paid His Dues

Some critics of Dr Bawumia have pointed out that he is an outsider to the NPP. Apart from the fact that he is the only non-Akan in the race to lead a party described by its opponents as an “Akan party,” Dr Bawumia can’t be said to be an outsider.

When Dr Bawumia was the NPP’s running mate, Freddy Blay was still a CPP Member of Parliament for Elembele. So if Mr Blay could become the NPP’s National Chairman in 2015, why should Dr Bawumia still wear the outsider tag in 2026?

When the NPP contested the 2012 presidential election results in court, Dr. was the sacrificial lamb who testified and was cross-examined live on television. As someone with future political ambitions, agreeing to testify live on national TV could have been suicidal.

In 2016, Dr Bawumia and his wife, Samira, campaigned like donkeys for the NPP. They took the vicious attacks from their opponents, giving the presidential candidate the much-needed shield.

Today, many people call Bawumia a liar because he was the face of the 2016 election campaign and its promises. The unfulfilled promises have been hung on his neck, and some within his party have joined the opposition to taunt him.

But he was not the only beneficiary of the 2016 victory. As a result of that victory, some became ministers of state, and others landed other juicy appointments. Some got juicy government contracts worth billions of cedis, while others are in parliament today because they were appointed after the 2016 election victory, which enhanced their chances and allowed them to contest.

A major and known architect of that victory should not be denied the chance to lead because some people suddenly think he is an outsider. He has paid his dues.

4. History and Pattern Favour Bawumia

Since Ghana returned to Multiparty democracy in 1992, no party has served more than two 8-year terms, so the NPP losing an election after eight years cannot be reduced solely to the candidate.

The NPP lost in 1992 and 1996 before winning in 2000.

President Atta Mills, who led the NDC after Rawlings’ eight years in power as a democratically elected president, lost in 2000. He again lost in 2004. And in 2008, he won.

President Akufo-Addo lost in 2008. He lost again in 2012 before winning on his third attempt in 2016.

President Mahama, who completed the NDC’s two-term cycle, lost in 2016. He lost again in 2020 before winning in 2024.

The NPP said after 2016 that John Mahama, who had lost miserably, could never become President. They said the NDC could only win if they presented someone else. Today, who is the president?

Dr Bawumia is in good company and is on a good trajectory. He has almost 5 million votes to build from in his subsequent contests as the NPP’s flagbearer.

5. Sins of the Last NPP Administration

A major case against Dr Mahamudu Bawumia’s candidature has been that, as vice president and chairman of the Economic Management Team, he failed. Ghana’s economy collapsed.

Taxes, levies, reckless borrowing and spending imposed hardship on Ghanaians. So, what did voters do? They punished the NPP at the polls, both presidential and parliamentary
Hardship from the poor economy and taxes such as the E-Levy angered many Ghanaian voters.

As a member of the administration, Dr Bawumia cannot escape collective responsibility for its failures.

But if you look at the NPP flagbearer contenders, you will see names like Kennedy Agyapong, Dr Bryan Acheampong and Dr Osei Yaw Adutwum. These three contenders were in parliament. And in some cases, they had more influence than Bawumia, who could not have vetoed the economic decisions of Akufo-Addo’s cabinet. This may sound outrageous, but let’s break it down.

In the last parliament, when the E-Levy was passed, the NDC had 137 MPs, and the Majority NPP had 138.

If Kennedy Agyapong alone had voted against the E-Levy, it would not have been passed. If Bryan Acheampong alone voted against the E-Levy, it would not have passed. If Dr Osei Yaw Adutwum alone had voted against the E-Levy, it would not have been passed.

These MPs, some of whom blame Dr Bawumia for the economic failure, approved the Finance Minister’s loans and expenditure. Ken Ofori-Atta could not spend, borrow, or pass any tax without the MPs’ approval. In the second term, especially, just one of the MPs could have made a difference.

The only candidate who could be spared the sins of the last administration is Kwabena Agyei Agyepong.

The remaining three may be guiltier than Dr Bawumia in some circumstances.

6. Akufo-Addo’s Puppet Tag

In past primaries and elections, one criticism of Dr Bawumia was that voting for him would extend the Akufo-Addo dynasty.

Professor Atta Mills didn’t become Rawlings’ puppet, so that assumption does not always hold. And if the information I have is correct, President Akufo-Addo has adopted a more neutral posture in this race, as opposed to the past, when he was clearly backing Dr Bawumia. Internal sources say there is more to this. And those who say Bawumia cannot be his own man as president may be clutching at broken straws.

7. Coherence in Messaging
Among the candidates vying for the NPP’s candidature, Dr Bawumia has presented the most coherent campaign message so far. Like everyone else, some of the promises attributed to him are untenable, but if compared to his contenders, none of them come close to what he presented in the last primaries, the last election and even in this campaign.

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In the often-chaotic theatre of Ghanaian politics—where noise is mistaken for leadership and flamboyance passes for impact—one man has stood out not for the volume of his words but for the depth of his vision.

Mr Julius Debrah, Chief of Staff under President John Dramani Mahama’s NDC-led administration, has quietly but firmly redefined what it means to serve, lead, and transform.

Measured, loyal, and deeply patriotic, his leadership has left a subtle yet undeniable imprint, from the corridors of Jubilee House to some of Ghana’s most remote rural communities. His influence runs through governance reforms, digital modernisation, social empowerment, and the pursuit of sustainable national development.

Through political storms and transitions, he has remained President John Dramani Mahama’s trusted ally—a stabilising force whose calm authority ensures continuity and coherence in governance.

Far removed from the noise and theatrics of politics, Mr Debrah embodies pragmatic leadership: blending business acumen with governance intellect, discipline with empathy, and loyalty with results.

Yet, despite his achievements and humility, one lingering question persists: has Ghana truly recognised Julius Debrah’s worth, or are we quietly overlooking one of the nation’s most competent and patriotic public servants?

The Story – From Grassroots Grit to Governance Greatness

Born in the serene township of Suhum in Ghana’s Eastern Region, Mr Julius Debrah’s journey began not with privilege but perseverance. Educated at the University of Ghana, he rose through the ranks of public service with unrelenting drive, earning a reputation as one of the most disciplined and results-oriented administrators of his generation.

Before fully entering public life, Mr Debrah thrived as an entrepreneur, with interests in tourism, insurance, and real estate. These ventures sharpened his understanding of Ghana’s private sector—insights that have clearly shaped his governance philosophy. This blend of business-minded pragmatism and political intuition has defined his leadership style: results before rhetoric.

“He listens, he acts, and he delivers—without the theatre of politics.”

As Eastern Regional Minister, Minister for Local Government, and later Chief of Staff under President John Dramani Mahama, Mr Debrah built a reputation for accessibility, discipline, and follow-through. He championed initiatives such as National Sanitation Day and the National Street Naming Exercise, both aimed at bringing order, dignity, and functionality to communities. His mantra was simple: development must be seen, not said.

His reappointment as Chief of Staff in both Mahama administrations—2015 and 2025—was not mere political convenience, but recognition of loyalty, efficiency, and continuity. Few in Ghana’s modern political history have served with such quiet endurance and unwavering devotion to national duty.

The Impact – Governance, Growth, and the Human Touch

Governance With Grit And Patriotism
As Chief of Staff, Mr Julius Debrah has been a stabilising pillar within Ghana’s governance architecture. His role in strengthening the State Interests and Governance Authority (SIGA) reflects his commitment to accountability and institutional performance.

His directive to annul politically influenced public sector appointments made after the 2024 elections sent a clear signal that public service must serve Ghana’s interests, not partisan convenience. In a time when loyalty to nation is often sacrificed for political expediency, his insistence on meritocracy reaffirmed his patriotic commitment to state integrity.

He also spearheaded the drafting of Ghana’s new National Anti-Corruption Strategy, a framework designed to strengthen ethical governance and transparency, aligning with Sustainable Development Goal 16 on peace, justice, and strong institutions.

Economic Vision With Substance
Mr Debrah’s influence extends beyond policy documents into the real economy. He has consistently maintained that infrastructure is not a luxury but the foundation of job creation. His advocacy for rural roads, decentralised governance capacity, and e-government services illustrates a holistic approach to economic empowerment.

Under his supervision, Ghana’s 10-year Artificial Intelligence Strategy (2025–2035) is nearing completion. He has championed digital literacy, ministerial AI bootcamps, and the practical application of emerging technologies to position Ghana as a digital transformation hub in Africa.

His working visits to the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod) further demonstrate hands-on oversight of resource governance, ensuring transparency in mining revenue management and gold exports. These engagements underline a leader who understands that sustainability is not anti-business—it is smart business.

“Infrastructure is not an expense; it is an investment in the nation’s future.”

Social Responsibility And Human Connection
Despite his executive stature, Mr Julius Debrah remains deeply connected to ordinary Ghanaians. This was evident in the “Walk With Julius” initiative—an inclusive national health and fitness campaign that brought together citizens from all walks of life in the spirit of unity, wellness, and national pride.

The symbolism was powerful: a leader walking among his people, not above them. His belief is simple but profound—“a healthy population is a productive nation.”

Championing Sustainable Development
Mr Debrah’s initiatives align closely with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, particularly sanitation (SDG 6), innovation (SDG 9), and institutional transparency (SDG 16). His brand of patriotism is not rhetorical but measurable—service that outlives political cycles.

The Challenge – Politics, Pressure, and the Price of Principle

Navigating Political Crosswinds
In Ghana’s charged political climate, principled leadership often attracts resistance. Mr Debrah’s unwavering loyalty to President Mahama—even after the 2016 electoral defeat—has drawn both admiration and criticism. To him, loyalty is not blind allegiance, but belief in continuity, teamwork, and the national interest.

“He stayed loyal when it was easier to walk away—a rare trait in modern politics.”

The Burden Of Expectations
A Ghanaian proverb reminds us that experience brings wisdom and precision. In the demanding role of Chief of Staff, Mr Debrah embodies this truth. With composure, he absorbs political pressure, manages internal dynamics, and ensures coherence within government, even amid intense scrutiny.

While initiatives like street naming and sanitation faced bureaucratic delays, his persistence reflects resilience—a refusal to abandon reform because of political inertia.

The Price Of Principle
In systems resistant to change, his insistence on discipline and accountability has earned him opposition. Yet, his conviction remains firm: Ghana must progress through systems, not slogans.

Reflective Thoughts – The Man Ghana Has Yet To Celebrate

In a political landscape dominated by spectacle, Julius Debrah represents the power of quiet competence. He has been the steady hand behind the machinery of governance—the bridge between presidential vision and public reality.

“He is proof that power can be humble, and humility can be powerful.”

Yet, a troubling question remains: why does Ghana so often fail to celebrate those who serve faithfully behind the scenes? We applaud those who speak loudly but forget those who sustain institutions.

If competence, loyalty, and patriotism were the true benchmarks of leadership, should Julius Debrah not be counted among Ghana’s most qualified future leaders? Or are we too distracted by political noise to recognise the quiet power of service?

Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s ten thematic promises are not slogans. They are practical steps. They are designed to meet the urgent needs of everyday Ghanaians. His vision is clear: jobs, fairness, and stability.

Jobs and Livelihoods

Employment is the foundation of dignity. Without work, families cannot plan. Without income, dreams collapse. Dr. Bawumia has made job creation his top priority. Young people deserve meaningful work. They deserve fair wages. They deserve prospects for growth. Families need reliable incomes to secure their futures. His plan is straightforward: open diverse opportunities so every Ghanaian, regardless of background, can earn a stable living.

This is not theory. It is necessity. Ghana’s youth are restless. They want jobs, not speeches. They want careers, not handouts. Winning with Bawumia means a decisive commitment to job creation. It means building industries, supporting entrepreneurs, and ensuring that work pays.

Equity and Transparency

Support must be fair. Party members, private enterprises, and ordinary citizens deserve equal treatment. Transparent systems are the key. Dr. Bawumia has pledged to use direct methods such as MoMo payments to ensure benefits reach the right people—no delays, no favoritism.

This is about trust. For too long, institutions have failed. People doubt the fairness of support. They suspect bias. They see corruption. Transparency restores confidence. It assures citizens that the government works for them, not for a select few.

Food and Agriculture

Food prices are rising beyond the reach of many households. Families are squeezed. Farmers are under pressure. Dr. Bawumia’s plan is to modernize and expand agriculture—empowering farmers, equipping them with tools, and supporting them with markets.

Cheaper food strengthens families. It stabilizes the economy. Agriculture is not just about feeding the nation; it is about building resilience. It is about ensuring that Ghana can stand on its own. Modern farming means lower costs, higher yields, and stronger communities.

Reliable Energy

Electricity is not negotiable. Families need it. Businesses depend on it. Schools and hospitals cannot function without it. Yet outages continue. Bills rise. Confidence falls.

Dr. Bawumia’s focus is clear: expand solar power, invest in local solar manufacturing, reduce costs, and minimize outages. Reliable energy is the backbone of progress. Without it, industries stall. With it, Ghana can grow.

This is not about luxury. It is about survival. Families deserve dependable power. Businesses deserve stability. Solar expansion is the path forward.

Transport and Clean Energy

Public transport must change. It must be affordable. It must be reliable. It must be modern. Today, commuting is costly and frustrating. Roads are congested. Vehicles are outdated.

Dr. Bawumia’s commitment is to integrate electric vehicles and buses—cleaner transport, cheaper fares, and reliable systems. This is about dignity in daily life. It is about sustainability for the future. Efficient transport networks lift communities. They connect people to jobs, schools, and opportunities.

Private Sector Growth

Government waste drains resources. Funds are misused. Projects stall. Citizens suffer. Cutting waste frees money for what matters.

Dr. Bawumia’s approach is to empower the private sector. Entrepreneurs drive growth. Businesses create jobs. Communities thrive when the private sector is strong. Ghana’s future depends on entrepreneurs who can innovate, expand, and succeed.

This is not about slogans. It is about action. Cutting waste is discipline. Empowering business is vision. Together, they build prosperity.

Fair Taxes

Taxes should be simple. They should be predictable. Citizens should know what they owe. They should pay without confusion.

Dr. Bawumia’s plan is a flat tax system—clear payments, fair obligations. Transparency in taxation builds trust. It ensures that government revenue is collected without burdening citizens with complexity.

Business Recovery

Businesses are struggling. Economic conditions are harsh. Many cannot survive. They need support.

Dr. Bawumia has promised a tax amnesty. This will allow businesses to recover. It will help them comply. It will give them space to grow. Strong businesses mean a stronger economy. Entrepreneurs must be supported, not suffocated.

Predictable Prices

Imported goods are essential. Families rely on them. Businesses depend on them. Yet prices fluctuate wildly. Planning becomes impossible.

Dr. Bawumia’s solution is a flat-rate import duty system—to stabilize costs, give families confidence, and allow businesses to plan ahead. Predictability is survival. It is the difference between chaos and stability.

Access to Credit

Cash and credit should not be out of reach. Yet many Ghanaians struggle to access funds. Businesses cannot expand. Families cannot invest.

Dr. Bawumia’s plan is to establish a national credit scoring system. This will empower individuals and businesses. It will make credit accessible. It will open doors to investment and growth.

Access to financial resources is not a privilege. It is a right. It is the foundation of opportunity.

The Choice before Us

Ghana cannot afford delays. Students are waiting. Workers are waiting. Farmers are waiting. Entrepreneurs are waiting. They demand solutions that touch their lives.

Winning with Bawumia means prioritizing jobs, food security, reliable energy, efficient transport, and fairness. It means acting on priorities, not repeating promises.

This is not about politics. It is about people. It is about families who cannot afford food. It is about workers who cannot find jobs. It is about businesses that cannot grow.

On January 31, 2026, delegates have a choice. They can choose a leader who puts everyday Ghanaians first. They can choose priorities over promises.

Dr. Bawumia’s vision is straightforward: jobs, fairness, and stability. These are not slogans. They are commitments. They are the foundation of progress.

Ghana stands at a crossroads. The path forward is clear. Let us win with Bawumia — and let Ghana win with us.

Ebenezer holds advanced degrees in Information Technology Law from the University of Ghana and Human Rights Law from the University of Nottingham, with a background in business development and higher education strategy.

He is an advocate for fair governance, educational innovation, and policies that prioritize everyday Ghanaians.