Opinion – Adomonline.com

Are we not training our children for the past?

Gertrude Okyere — Sat, 26 Apr 2025 19:24:55 +0000

Though often celebrated for its strides in increasing access to education, Ghana’s educational system remains rooted in outdated paradigms that hinder its ability to equip students for the future.

Despite decades of independence and national growth, Ghana’s approach to education is still heavily influenced by colonial legacies and entrenched traditions of instruction that prioritise knowledge acquisition and sheer recall over practical thinking and practical skills, as well as the application of knowledge and skills in meaning-making.

In most cases, the outlook of teaching and learning focuses on the present instead of emerging issues.

Given this, a serious disconnect occurs between what students are taught and the demands of emerging job markets, which are greatly determined by the rapidly evolving technologies and their emerging trends.

To curb the increasing problems of youth unemployment and unemployability, there is a need for a critical look and a paradigm shift from the existing systems of teaching and learning and by extension, methods of assessment, to a more pragmatic system that looks into the future.

Enduring Legacy in Colonial Foundations
The foundations of the formal education system in Ghana can be traced back to the colonial era, particularly the era of British domination. Education was designed primarily to produce a small educated elite who could support the colonial administration.

Although the focus seemed to be on rote memorisation, rigid curricula, and the propagation of British values, with little regard for local context or the practical needs of the broader population, the primary aim was to train a section of Ghanaians to fill the needs of the job market per the description of the British coloniser as well as helping to maintain colonial control over the local populace.

After Ghana’s independence in 1957, several attempts have been made at reforms in the education system to reflect the needs of the nation.

Mention can be made of the Free Universal Primary Education (FUPE), The Junior Secondary School system that is aimed at introducing practical subjects and activities that allow students to acquire occupational skills, which after an apprenticeship might lead to the qualification for self-employment, the Free Compulsory Universal, Basic Education (FCUBE) programs well as more recently, the Standard Base Curriculum (SBC).

There is also been some credible attempts at integrating the study and use of ICT into the educational system at all levels.

However, despite all these reforms, the system largely retained the structural and philosophical underpinnings of the colonial era. This lingering legacy continues to influence the content, teaching and assessment of the reviewed curriculum.

It still hinges on knowledge acquisition and writing of non-differentiated standardised examinations, rather than fostering practical skills, critical thinking, and innovation necessary to succeed in the modern world.

The Emphasis on Mere Knowledge Acquisition
Perhaps a distinct flaw in Ghana’s educational system is its disproportionate emphasis on overly knowledge acquisition, which rewards the ability to recollect information as they are with very little attempt at practical thinking or application.

This academic-centric approach has its roots in a deeply ingrained belief that success is measured by academic qualifications determined through a standardised examination that does not give room for a differentiated set of questions.

Although examinations and certificates may be important indicators of knowledge, they are not enough to prepare students for the increasingly complex and dynamic demands of the job market, which is hinged on emerging trends and deep reasoning that can generate well-meaning results.

Learners are often required to memorise vast amounts of information without necessarily understanding its practical applications. This becomes a form of passive learning that stifles creativity, critical thinking, problem identification and the generation of workable solutions.

It further militates the learner’s ability to generate essential skills such as digital literacy, technical proficiency, and entrepreneurial skills, which are vital for making meaning in an interconnected technology-driven world.

This rigid nature of the educational system contributes to a decline in the fostering of the entrepreneurial mindset necessary to drive economic growth.

It could also be realised that the structure of courses and subjects taken at almost every level of the education system is usually not in configuration with the realities of entrepreneurship, innovation, and practical skills in real-world situations.

Given this, many young people become unemployable and unprepared to harness opportunities in the growing sectors of the job market.

Infrastructural and Resource Challenges
Another serious shortcoming in Ghana’s education system is the significant infrastructural and resource-related challenges.

It should be reiterated that over the years, some progress has been made in expanding access to education, particularly through the implementation of policies like free basic education and the construction and equipping of school buildings across the country, there remains a glaring discrepancy in the quality of education across the country.

Urban schools, although better resourced, are often overcrowded, while rural schools continue to grapple with inadequate facilities and a shortage of qualified teachers.

These infrastructural deficiencies further worsen the quality gap between students in different regions.

In rural areas, where resources are even scarcer, learners often attend schools with poor facilities, insufficient teaching and learning materials, and inadequate teacher training. As a result, many children do not achieve the educational outcomes and it perceived employable skills required for the job market or even self-employment.

Investing in teacher training is crucial to bridging the gap between urban and rural education. This involves providing regular professional development programs, such as workshops, seminars, and courses, to enhance teachers’ subject matter expertise and pedagogical skills.

Additionally, mentorship initiatives need to be improved to pair experienced teachers with newer educators, offering guidance and support to help them navigate the challenges of the profession.

Furthermore, technology integration training is essential in today’s digital age. Teachers should be equipped with the skills to effectively incorporate technology into their teaching practices, making learning more engaging and relevant to students’ lives.

Context-specific training is also vital, as it allows teachers to address the unique needs of their students and communities.

Moreover, continuous assessment and feedback are critical components of effective teacher training. Regular evaluation of teacher performance, accompanied by constructive feedback, supports ongoing improvement and helps teachers refine their craft.

These comprehensive investments in teacher training programs will help improve the quality of education, enhance learners’ outcomes, and better prepare them for the demands of the modern world.

The Paradigm Shift and the Way Forward
Considering the mitigating issues discussed earlier, it is undeniable that there should be a serious paradigm shift in our educational system. Recent initiatives, such as the “Free Senior High School” policy, have made significant strides in increasing access to education.

There is also a gradual review of the curriculum to suit international standards. However, the system is still grappling with the issue of just acquiring certificates through standardised education rather than acquiring knowledge and skills through practical thinking.

To stay competitive globally, Ghana must prioritise education reform, focusing on practical skills development, critical thinking, and problem-solving. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in providing resources and expertise to support education reform.

By working together, we can create an education system that truly prepares students for the demands of the modern world.

Conclusion
Ghana’s educational system, despite its progress in increasing access to schooling, remains largely attached to the educational principles of the past.

To secure a future where Ghanaian youth can compete on the global stage and contribute meaningfully to the nation’s development, the education system must evolve.

This evolution requires a fundamental shift from just the acquisition of knowledge and reproducing them through standardised examination to one of practical thinking, where students can readily identify and apply such knowledge in solving simple to complex problems of real-world challenges.

It is time Ghana’s educational system moves beyond vain knowledge and certificate acquisition to a system that aims at truly preparing its children for the future through a comprehensive, forward-thinking approach that hinges on using innovation and creativity to solve complex global problems.

Anything short of that will be preparing its growing population for the past that no longer exists.

Authors:

Mantey Jectey-Nyarko (Ph.D)
Faculty of Art
KNUST-Kumasi

Obenfo Nana Kwasi Gyetuah
GNACOPS-NED

Chieftaincy institution in Ghana at a crossroads – a perspective by Andrew Kofi Anokye (Koans)

Gertrude Okyere — Fri, 25 Apr 2025 15:44:40 +0000

In contemporary Ghana, the chieftaincy institution—an indigenous political system that selects and installs leaders based on moral standing and adherence to native customs and laws—continues to coexist with formal political structures such as the Police Service, the Courts, Parliament, and the Electoral Commission.

Together, these institutions play critical roles in shaping the lives of individuals, who, in turn, owe allegiance to both systems.

In everyday life, an individual seeking conflict resolution may choose to turn to either the traditional system or the formal legal framework.

Historically, the unity, peace, and security of kingdoms, chieftaincies, and communities were sustained by the leadership and protection provided by chiefs, sub-chiefs, and family or community leaders within the chieftaincy hierarchy.

Traditional governance revolved around these leaders, with customary arbitration, conducted by chiefs and their elders, serving as the primary means of conflict resolution from the village to the state level.

Strong institutions are vital for political stability and democratic governance. They facilitate political participation, uphold the rule of law, and promote national cohesion.

Conversely, weak or defective institutions expose a country to violence, instability, and the breakdown of democratic systems.

Despite the historically significant role of the chieftaincy institution, it is currently beset by numerous challenges, particularly conflicts.

These disputes are neither new nor confined to a single traditional area. While some administrations have engaged the chieftaincy institution constructively, others have mishandled the relationship.

The Rawlings administration maintained a balanced engagement with chiefs, setting clear boundaries.

The Kufuor and Mills administrations also managed these relationships with relative success.

However, under President Nana Akufo-Addo, the situation deteriorated as chiefs were allowed unchecked influence, resulting in impunity, increased lawlessness, and conflict.

I urge President John Mahama to avoid the path taken by his immediate predecessor—a path that stifled business and worsened the country’s economic challenges.

Today, some Ghanaians view the chieftaincy institution as having outlived its usefulness.

Although some conflicts have been peacefully resolved through both customary and legal arbitration, many others remain protracted and destructive.

One of the most persistent issues is land disputes, often caused by unscrupulous chiefs involved in the sale and resale of lands.

These actions have led to violence, civil conflict, and long-standing bitterness among families.

Additionally, the galamsey (illegal mining) menace is impossible to sustain without the complicity or endorsement of some traditional rulers.

To address the issues undermining the chieftaincy institution, I propose the following recommendations:

Amend the Chieftaincy Act and Establish Specialized Courts: The law should be revised to reflect modern realities. Specialised courts should be established in all sixteen regions of Ghana to quickly and fairly adjudicate cases involving traditional rulers who use their position to perpetuate conflict and division. I firmly believe that political parties like the NPP and NDC are not the primary threats to national peace—it is rather some deviant traditional rulers, especially those involved in land matters, who pose a greater risk to democratic progress.

Focus on Empowering Entrepreneurs Over Traditional Rulers: The government should prioritise the development of local entrepreneurs instead of investing heavily in traditional rulers. Only a small fraction—around 10 percent—of Ghanaian chiefs are truly industrious and committed to community development. For instance, the New Juaben Omanhene has established one of the largest oil palm plantations in Ghana, while many of his peers remain entangled in land disputes.

Curb Excessive Political Patronage of Chiefs: Politicians must refrain from giving undue prominence to chiefs or lavishing them with state resources such as luxury vehicles. This practice is detrimental to national economic development. The government should be honest with traditional rulers and hold them accountable, especially regarding land-related misconduct.

In conclusion, chieftaincy succession, land ownership, and party politics are widely perceived as the leading causes of violent conflict in Ghana.

The recurring and often intractable nature of these conflicts poses serious risks to democratic development and national cohesion.

Reset Agenda: The challenge of monetisation of politics – ‘When money dictates, democracy pays the ultimate price’

Faridatu Seidu — Thu, 24 Apr 2025 11:43:08 +0000

Monetisation of politics has entrenched itself so deeply in our political culture that it now threatens the very foundation of democratic governance.

From internal party contests to national elections, money has become the primary currency of political power—not ideas, not competence, not public service.

Delegates, in many instances, demand financial and material incentives as a matter of routine. This expectation has trickled down to the general electorate, where voters increasingly see financial inducements as a condition for exercising their civic right to vote. What was once considered electoral malpractice is now seen by many as the political norm.

Meanwhile, the real cost of this corrosive system is paid by ordinary citizens. Hospitals lack modern equipment and essential supplies.

For the vulnerable, these facilities often serve not as places of healing but as transit points to the next world. In parts of the country, children still learn under trees—despite the unprecedented inflow of financial resources under the previous administration—resources that could have transformed lives if spent wisely.

A Clear Example: The Akonta Mining Saga

The Akonta Mining scandal is a glaring example of how monetised politics leads to leadership failure, dysfunctional governance, and the collapse of institutional integrity. Despite operating illegally in a protected forest reserve, the company received public defence from high-ranking political figures, sending a clear message: political connections can override the rule of law.

This case typifies the state capture syndrome—where power is used not to enforce laws but to protect vested interests. Regulatory bodies were either silent or complicit. Law enforcement took no decisive action. Institutions meant to uphold environmental standards crumbled under political pressure. It revealed, in plain sight, the dangerous intersection of business, politics, and impunity.

Regulating Political Financing

There is an urgent need to ban vote buying and all forms of inducement. But that’s only one part of the solution. What’s needed is a comprehensive overhaul of how political financing is regulated in this country. This includes:

Transparent campaign financing laws with strict disclosure requirements.
Spending limits for candidates and parties to level the playing field.
Independent enforcement bodies with the power to investigate and sanction violations.
Public education to challenge and change the mindset that sees inducement as entitlement.

A Clear Mandate to Reset

President John Dramani Mahama has been given a resounding mandate to reset the nation—to clean up governance, restore accountability, and redirect national resources toward meaningful development.

That mission will be impossible if the monetisation of politics remains unchecked. The stakes are clear: either we confront this threat head-on, or we allow it to permanently undermine our democracy and development.

The urgency to act has never been greater. To succeed in the reset agenda, we must dismantle the structures and culture that allow money to dominate politics. That means real reform—not talk, not tokenism. The future of our democracy depends on it.

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Kwesi Yankah: Fighting cocaine with the cross

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Sat, 19 Apr 2025 18:29:19 +0000

Years ago, I was nearly baptized with Coke in East Palo Alto, California; an experience that could have passed for my First Day at School. A friend I was visiting was busy and signaled me to wait in the lounge.

Not long after came his colleague Eric, hanky in hand and nose oddly splashed with powder. Eric politely asked if I would mind being served with Coke while waiting.

Coke, of course, was welcome. With my long experience with Coca-Cola back in Ghana why not a Coke hospitality while waiting, better still if it came with biscuits. But I quickly checked myself and reversed my nod, when I noticed two guys following in tow, their noses dripping with a white stuff.

There was more beyond: every individual stepping out of a side room came sniffing and sniffing and sniffing a powdery substance. Was this talcum powder, my Ghanaian instincts, but I was wrong! The Coke on offer was Cocaine. Not a facial enhancement, not my Ghana Coke served from bullet-proof bottles. Soon after, a brief self-introduction in progress got more and more animated, and I found myself in the ‘high’ company of faces I had just met. I was a young man of 30.

If I had agreed for my nose to be anointed that day, I would have graduated long ago and been appointed Ambassador Emeritus for Cocaine Ghana. Cocaine Ghana? That would be unfair for Africa’s finest: originally called the Gold Coast. In our anniversary month of March, a name change to the ‘Coke Coast’ would have tainted our good image beyond repair. But we were almost there: it was the same month the nation was invaded by a mystery virus: serial discovery of huge quantities of gold bars, plus the seizure of large caches of foreign currency on wheels; then came the saga of loaded port containers mysteriously diminishing by the day.

Plus this: twin mysterious planes suspiciously lurking on our tarmac, including an air ambulance alleged to have collapsed at our Kotoka airport. The suspicion was that Ghana’s lost treasures were probably in transit to safer destinations. Or had the former Gold Coast been given away as a hub for illicit gold and Coke trade on our blind side? All this happening during a transition from one government to another, the optics were scary.

Even more dreadful were the loud silences following each treasure find. In a country where pure gold today could be declared as fake gold tomorrow; and ‘gold bars’ become ‘chop bars’ the next day, loud silences the day after were worrying. Good manners forbid talking while eating, I soon learned! April 1, while all attention was riveted on April Fools, a respected legislator refused to be fooled.

In compliance with the security advisory, ‘if you see something, say something,’ he blew a loud whistle: two mysterious flights relaxing on our air tarmac for days, had headed to a known drug Paradise in Spain. One plane had indeed been labelled as an ‘ambulance,’ but tweakai! observers would not be fooled. Our nation has gotten used to siren-blaring ambulances speeding through traffic, past 37 Military Hospital, only to unload farm produce at the Malata market.

Critically ill cassava on board! But the whistleblower was not a mere legislator; he was a ranking member on defense and interior in whose remit suspicious flights squarely fall. Above all, Rev Fordjour is one of two certified men of God in parliament. Going public with his suspicion merely meant: ‘In God We Trust, Not Ambulances.’

Hearing the whistle, JDM, our dear President, takes a bold step and orders relevant state agencies to `immediately and fully collaborate with the honorable MP so he provides all necessary info to investigate the allegations and expose any drug dealing.’ The President emphasised Ghana’s zero tolerance for drug trafficking and would not allow the country to be used as a transit point or final destination for illicit drugs.

Reset the agenda in bold. That was a master stroke that set all hearts at ease, but not for long. The next day, a Govt spokesman dramatically reverses JDM’s directive. To the spokesman, JM’s call was not for investigation, but to raise eyebrows on the whistleblower himself. `Prosecute him; arrest the liar,’ became the new mantra echoed by pro-Govt agencies. The plaintiff was now a suspect.

Apart from the minority caucus that rose to his support, Ghana largely stood and stared as the reverend minister was booed, jeered, taunted, shamed, and abused. Things came to a head on Wednesday, 9th April. Dozens of armed men stormed the Spintex residence of Reverend Fordjour. The mission was unclear, but armed men wielding AK-47 rifles with hooded faces could either be lawless bandits or true law enforcement, in these days of a peculiar democracy.

One thing was certain: those armed men were not prayer warriors. The scene soon turned into a war zone with curious onlookers, plus a visiting minority caucus virtually stunned, while traumatized kids of the legislator sobbed and wondered what was going to happen to Daddy. Call it a looming battle between armed men and a Minister of the Gospel brandishing St James Bible and a Cross.

Towards the day of Crucifixion, issues still remain unresolved, even while faith in a public inquiry fades, and evidence from a crime scene melts away in high altitudes.

Is Ghana a hub for drug trafficking? Hopefully not. Let a reset Ghana stand firm and collectively resolve to protect our good Name. In God we trust. Not in Coke!

Accra dysfunctional streetlights raise safety concerns

Gertrude Okyere — Thu, 17 Apr 2025 16:18:19 +0000

Accra streetlights! Hmm. Could this be a flicker of hope or a persistent problem? In February this year when the streetlights between the Okponglo to PRESEC Legon was restored after several months of lights out, one would have thought that the issue has been permanently evacuated.

Nonetheless, while there might be some efforts or initiatives to address the issue of dysfunctional streetlights in Accra, the problem persists, and it is uncertain whether these efforts will lead to lasting issues. I doubt!

In the build up, I took a stroll through town from Shiashie to Madina (Zongo Junction), where I counted numerous non-functioning streetlights on Tuesday night (7:45pm – 9pm), April 15 2025. This happened after I took note of these streetlights malfunctioning for the past 3 weeks, especially that of the Okponglo to PRESEC legon stretch.

Starting between the Shiashie bus stop and the Okponglo traffic light stretch, I realized that almost all the streetlights are not working.

However, the dark spot area itself is worrying and disturbing as it shoots some threat warnings to drivers and students. The Okponglo to PRESEC legon stretch has been a frequent zone of faulty lighting.

I was able to count some 200 streetlights between this very dark spots. This number may be more than that, as some of these lighting infrastructures (poles) come with double lights. It may interest you to know that on a pole of two lights, not even one is working.

Also as part of my efforts to report on this infrastructure challenge, the streetlights on the Atomic overpass (from Madina to Accra) has 25 faulty lightings. None of the lights on that side of the road is functioning currently.

The Atomic Junction – Haatso stretch is also very worrying as most of the streetlights are not functioning.

Another dark spot is the Fire Stone – Madina (Zongo Junction) stretch. All 39 installed streetlights are currently dysfunctional. This has caused streetlight outage for the past 3 weeks, creating a potential hazard.

It must however be noted that, all 39 poles has 2 lights on them, making a total of 78 non-functional lights. Among these 78, 2 lights have broken and are hanging on the pole awaiting its final downfall (somewhere around the masalakyi).

Furthermore, all streetlights from Madina (Zongo junction) to Adenta barrier are dysfunctional and unfit for purpose.

Meanwhile, on March 25 2025, as part of her promise to restore streetlights across all Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in the Greater Accra region (MMDAs) in her first 50 days in office, the Greater Accra Regional Minister, Linda Ocloo disclosed that maintenance works are ongoing on the above streets (Shiashie to Oyibi).

According to her, “there is a maintenance works on streetlights on portions on the N1 (Tetteh Quarshie to Kasoa), N6 (Achimota to Amasaman) and N4 (Shiashie to Oyibi) by the Ghana Highways Authority and the contractor is on site with works ongoing.”

However, this claim does not look feasible as I have been monitoring these roads for some time now. If a contractor is really on site, they should have been dealt with by now. The broken and hanging lights at Madina (masalakyi) should have been replaced by now.

I want to urge the Honorable Minister, to please be up to her game and be swift about prioritizing the streetlights on these major highways. Concentrate on the major roads!

For the past 3 weeks, I have witnessed how these dark spots reduced visibility, obscuring important visual cues, and making it difficult to see road markings, potential hazards, and even traffic signs.

Also, I have noticed that these faulty streetlights have created low lighting, which impairs driver’s ability to assess speed and distance, increasing the likelihood of accidents.

You see, when drivers are exposed to low lighting for a long time, it increases fatigue and stress, leading to poor judgment and accidents. And very soon, some of these dark spots (which are mostly bus stops), will increase criminal activities such as theft, assault, among others.

I do not want to hit more on the dangers these non-functional streetlights are likely to pose, as we all may be well abreast with them.

I am therefore using this medium to call on the regional minister, Linda Akweley Ocloo, the Ghana Highways Authority, and all stakeholders to act swiftly in replacing all dysfunctional streetlights, and above all, find a lasting solution to the frequent black outs of the streetlights.

The writer, Bright T. Terkpernor, is a Journalist with the Daily Dispatch and a Columnist.

Bawku Conflict: Open letter to UN Security Council President

Gertrude Okyere — Wed, 16 Apr 2025 15:20:35 +0000

April 15, 2025

To: His Excellency,
President of the United Nations Security Council
United Nations Headquarters
New York, NY, USA

Subject: Urgent Appeal for Intervention in the Ongoing Conflict in Bawku, Ghana

Dear Your Excellency,

I write to you as a concerned Ghanaian-born American citizen and a graduate student at the University of Massachusetts, United States of America, where I am pursuing a degree in Information Technology with a concentration in Cybersecurity.

It is with a heavy heart and a deep sense of urgency that I bring to your attention the violent conflict currently escalating in Bawku, a border town in Ghana’s Upper East Region, particularly affecting the community of Pusiga.

Bawku is home to approximately 125,000 people, the majority of whom are vulnerable women and children living under conditions of poverty and underdevelopment.

Just yesterday, a close friend of mine — whom I helped join the Ghana Police Service two years ago — contacted me to share firsthand accounts of the situation. Having known him for over a decade, I trust his integrity and judgment.

He described the conflict as warlike in its scale and intensity, revealing that over the past three weeks, deadly clashes between two factions have become frequent, with weapons as advanced and lethal as those used by the Ghanaian security forces.

He narrowly escaped death when a bullet missed him by inches. Sadly, three of his colleagues were struck — two died instantly, while the third had to be airlifted to Accra for urgent medical care.

According to reliable sources, more than 300 lives have been lost so far. The weapons involved suggest that the conflict has escalated far beyond localized skirmishes, posing a serious threat to the stability of the region. Despite the gravity of this crisis, the government’s response has been slow and, at times, seemingly influenced by political considerations rather than an urgent desire to restore peace.

I know Bawku and its people well. Many families survive on less than $5 a day, and countless children are either out of school or living under the constant threat of violence. This region cannot endure the loss of yet another generation to war and instability.

Your Excellency, I humbly appeal for your urgent intervention. I urge you to use your esteemed office to initiate dialogue with the government of Ghana, especially His Excellency President John Mahama, whose leadership could play a pivotal role in mediating and calming tensions. I also call upon the Security Council to bring global attention to the need for humanitarian assistance in this region.

I have been informed this morning, April 15, 2025, that the Asantehene, His Majesty Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, is scheduled to mediate between the warring factions — a promising step toward peace. However, international support and pressure are critical to ensure a lasting resolution and the immediate cessation of hostilities.

The killings must stop. I submit this appeal in good faith, with the hope that swift and decisive action from your office can help save lives and restore peace in Bawku.

With deep respect and hope,

Victor Hayibor
Graduate Student, University of Massachusetts
Naturalized U.S. Citizen
Ghanaian by Birth

Sincerity, friendship and equality: Shaping diplomacy in an era of global economic turbulence

Gertrude Okyere — Wed, 16 Apr 2025 12:28:44 +0000

As the world economy faces severe challenges of rising unilateralism and a trade war looms large on the prospects of global economic recovery, certain country’s tariff policy makes the international landscape more uncertain.

Amidst the world today undergoing major changes unseen in a century and transformative shifts in the global economic governance system, China continues to deepen the principle of sincerity, real results, amity and good faith.

For China’s Africa policy and the principle of pursuing the greater good and shared interests, and advances institutional opening-up to jointly forge an all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for the new era.

At the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held on 5^th September 2024, President Xi Jinping announced that China would voluntarily and unilaterally open its market wider, and decided to give all LDCs (Least Developed Countries) having diplomatic relations with China, including 33 countries in Africa, zero-tariff treatment for 100% tariff lines.

This move marks China becoming the first G20 member to fully cover zero-tariff treatment for LDCs.

Previously, China has maintained zero-tariff on 98% products with tariff lines originating from 27 African LDCs, signed Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) with 34 African countries, and signed the Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) with 21 African countries.

China has built up a multi-dimensional institutional framework covering market access, investment protection and tax coordination, thereby helping China-Africa economic and trade cooperation to improve quality and upgrade.

In 2024, the total trade volume between China and Africa reached 295.5 billion US dollars, a year-on-year increase of 6.1%. Export of electric vehicles has grown substantially, reflecting China’s emphasis on cooperation with African countries in the areas of green energy.

It is expected that China-Africa trade volume will steadily increase to over 300 billion US dollars in 2025, and China-Africa economic and trade cooperation still has endless potential and bright prospects.

China has created favourable conditions for African countries’ high-quality products to enter the Chinese market more conveniently and quickly, further boosting Africa’s industrial development, promoting job growth and poverty reduction.

China has also established and expanded “green channels” for African agricultural products to be exported to China, facilitated the participation of African enterprises in large-scale exhibitions such as China’s Canton Fair, the International Import Expo and the International Supply Chain Expo.

Also, China will construct digital silk roads for African specialty products to connect to the world market.

Recently, certain country used tariff as a weapon to exert maximum pressure for its own selfish gains, which severely hurts the legitimate rights and interests of all countries, violates the WTO rules, sabotages the rules-based multilateral trading regime, and destabilizes the global economic order.

As a member of the Global South, China has always insisted on “joining hands” with each other instead of “letting go” of each other’s hands, “tearing down walls”, not to “erecting walls”, and firmly helping each other with African brothers including Ghana, to promote win-win cooperation with practical actions.

On 3^rd April, the Association of China (Ghana) Mining LBG was established in the presence of Minister for Lands and Natural Resources, Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah and other senior officials, which is an important milestone in China-Ghana mining cooperation.

It will strongly support Ghana’s economic development and improve people’s livelihood. As the co-chair of the Official Creditor Committee for Ghana, China played an active coordinating role and worked constructively to facilitate the proper settlement of Ghana’s debt issue.

In the process of universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, China will work with Ghana to share the fruits of development for the benefit of both peoples.

The 4^th China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo will be held in Changsha, Hunan Province, from 12^th to 15^th June.

By then, China will provide more cooperation opportunities for African state-owned and private sectors in areas including clean energy, energy conservation and environmental protection, traditional medicine, cross-border e-commerce, modern agricultural machinery and construction machinery.

I believe China will continue to promote the implementation of pragmatic initiatives such as tariff reduction and exemption, trade facilitation arrangements and trade exhibitions, proving with facts that China will always be Africa’s good friend, good partner and good brother.

Reform now: The case for equitable delegate representation for NPP external branches

Gertrude Okyere — Tue, 15 Apr 2025 15:37:26 +0000

As the New Patriotic Party (NPP) grows in stature and global reach, the time has come to re-examine our internal architecture and ask ourselves a vital question:

Are we truly representing all parts of our great party especially those beyond our borders, fairly and effectively?

Having served as a member of the three-person committee that developed the Diaspora Strategy Plan for Election 2024, and through years of active involvement in NPP UK and diaspora activities, I have witnessed firsthand the enormous contributions that our external branches bring to the table.

These insights, grounded in extensive research and practical experience, form the basis of a call for urgent and bold constitutional reforms, reforms that I respectfully urge the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Council (NC) to consider with the seriousness they deserve.

The Reality on the Ground: A Case for Structural Recognition

Branches like NPP UK, NPP USA, NPP Germany and other external branches are not mere overseas support groups.

They are highly organised, politically active regions in their own right. With over 20 functioning chapters, each equivalent to a constituency in Ghana, they mobilise voters, shape policy debates, host fundraising events, and maintain a strong grassroots presence. These chapters mirror the operational scale of our constituencies back home.

To put this into perspective:

Ashanti Region has 47 constituencies, the highest in Ghana followed by Greater Accra, Eastern and Central Regions with 34, 33 and 23 constituencies respectively with the other regions having less than 20 constituencies.
Ahafo, North East, Savannah, Oti, Western North, Bono East, Upper West, Bono Regions range between 6 to 12 constituencies.
NPP UK, USA, Germany and others external branches operate over 20 chapters each, with strategic outreach and mobilisation spanning across their respective countries.

Yet, despite their comparable numbers and influence, external branches are allocated only 12 delegates each in party elections, while every Ghanaian constituency commands 17 delegates.

This numerical disparity leaves a yawning gap in representation that undermines the foundational principle of democracy within our party.

The Missing Voices: Youth, Women, and NASARA

The issue of underrepresentation is even more pronounced when we look at how our party wings are involved in selecting national leadership:

Only the Branch Youth Organiser and a deputy are included as voting delegates for the National Youth Organiser.
The same applies for the Women’s Wing and NASARA, with no voting power given to Chapter Organisers.

This marginalisation of grassroots leaders, those doing the everyday work of the party is a missed opportunity for real, ground-up participation. It’s time to fix that.

Proposals for Change: Building a More Inclusive and Democratic NPP

Formal Recognition of External Branches as Regional Equivalents:
The party constitution must formally acknowledge external branches as full regional bodies. This includes their right to contribute to policy development, strategic planning, and voting in all internal elections.
Recognition of Chapters as Constituencies:
Each chapter within a branch should be treated as a constituency, with corresponding privileges and responsibilities including training, resources, and voting rights.
Recalibrate Delegate Allocation:

All Branch Executives should be given voting rights.
All Chapter Executives under the branch should be delegates.
A proposed 9-member Council of Elders per external branch should be allowed delegate status.

Expand Delegate Participation for Party Wings:

All Branch Youth Wing Executives and Chapter Youth Organisers should vote in the election of the National Youth Organiser.
The same principle should apply to the Women’s Wing and NASARA Wing, ensuring that all organisers regardless of their level have a seat at the decision-making table.

Strategic Justification: Why This Matters Now

In 2023, remittances from the Ghanaian diaspora hit $4.7 billion, according to the Bank of Ghana.

A significant proportion of this came from patriotic Ghanaians many of them NPP members, who not only support families back home but also fund party campaigns, donate to welfare initiatives, and invest in policy-driven causes.

During the 2020 and 2024 elections, external branches mobilised hundreds of thousands of cedis to directly support campaigns across Ghana.

In NPP UK alone, I was part of several initiatives that linked fundraising with constituency-level support on the ground.

We also contributed to the party’s policy platform through white papers, diaspora engagement plans, and digital voter outreach.

The truth is: our external branches are already operating as full partners in the party’s success. The constitution just needs to catch up.

Conclusion: Time for Action

The NPP has always stood for progress, inclusivity, and visionary leadership. These values must now be reflected in how we govern ourselves internally.

We are not asking for privilege; we are asking for fairness. For representation that reflects responsibility. For a constitution that recognises that the party lives and thrives not only in Accra, Kumasi, and Tamale but also in London, Washington, Hamburg, and Toronto.

I urge the NEC and the NC to consider these proposals as more than constitutional tweaks. They are strategic recalibrations to build a more resilient, inclusive, and globally united NPP.

Let us lead by example. Let us include everyone. Let us rise together.

Thank you.

About author:

Dr. Kingsley Ahenkora-Duodu

Branch Deputy Youth Organiser, NPP UK
Former Youth Organiser – Leeds Chapter
Former PRO – TESCON UK
Former TESCON President – Universities in Leeds
Member – NPP 2024 Manifesto Committee for Youth and Sports

Building peace in Bawku; A blueprint from Alavanyo- Nkonya and the role of the media

Gertrude Okyere — Tue, 15 Apr 2025 13:19:50 +0000

As violence and tensions continue to disrupt life in Bawku, a comparative look at the Alavanyo-Nkonya conflict offers valuable insights into how communities and the media can work together to build lasting peace.

The Alavanyo-Nkonya conflict in the Volta Region dates back to the early 1900s, rooted in a land dispute between the two neighbouring ethnic communities.

The situation escalated in the 1990s and 2000s, resulting in repeated clashes and loss of lives.

In contrast, the Bawku conflict in the Upper East Region is driven by both chieftaincy and ethnic tensions, mainly between the Kusasis and Mamprusis.

This conflict has seen multiple flare-ups, often accompanied by violence, displacement, and instability — and the media has played very different roles.

In Alavanyo-Nkonya, state-owned newspapers such as the Daily Graphic and Ghanaian Times were instrumental in promoting peace.

They provided accurate information, published peace messages, collaborated with local leaders, and highlighted early warnings to prevent violence. Their efforts elevated the conflict to national attention and encouraged collective action.

However, in Bawku, local radio stations have come under fire for spreading hate speech and inflaming tensions. The National Media Commission (NMC) has issued warnings to media outlets accused of inciting violence rather than promoting unity.

Unlike Alavanyo-Nkonya, there has been limited focus on using the media as a peacebuilding tool in Bawku.

Community action made a significant difference in Alavanyo-Nkonya. Traditional rulers, elders, and youth groups formed peace committees, participated in peace education programs, and launched initiatives — sometimes supported by citizens abroad — to mediate tensions and build trust.

In Bawku, however, the path forward still depends on what the people choose to do. Community members, youth leaders, chiefs, and influencers must actively promote dialogue over violence.

They need to challenge false narratives, reject incitement, and push for peace initiatives within their communities.

The Alavanyo-Nkonya experience provides a blueprint for Bawku:

Media Use: Train and encourage the media to focus on accurate, peace-centered reporting.
Community Involvement: Establish peace committees involving youth, women, chiefs, and elders.
Dialogue: Create consistent opportunities for community-level peace talks.
Youth Engagement: Empower young people to reject violence and lead peace campaigns.
Traditional Leadership: Ensure chiefs remain neutral and serve as facilitators of peace, not partisans in conflict.

It must be noted that the role of the media in conflict can be double-edged — it can either ignite tensions or heal divisions.

In Alavanyo-Nkonya, responsible journalism contributed significantly to calming tensions and building national awareness.

In Bawku, the media must shift toward peace journalism — reporting that unites rather than divides. This includes rejecting inflammatory language, correcting misinformation, and prioritizing sensitivity in conflict reporting.

But the media cannot do it alone. Peace must begin with the people. Citizens must take ownership of the situation by promoting interethnic dialogue, rejecting violence, supporting peace campaigns, and working with institutions to ensure safety and stability.

As the Alavanyo-Nkonya story shows, peace is possible — but only when both the media and the community work together with a shared commitment to reconciliation and healing.

Bawku’s future depends on this choice.

Author:
Dr. Sadiq Adu-Twum
Lecturer, Pentecost University (Department of Communication Studies) and Research Fellow, West Africa Centre for Counter-Extremism.

Bosompem Richmond writes: IGP Yohuno’s approach to Bawku conflict dangerous

Gertrude Okyere — Sat, 12 Apr 2025 13:50:46 +0000

I strongly disagree with the recent approach taken by the Inspector General of Police(IGP) Christian Tetteh Yohuno, regarding the ongoing insecurity in Bawku.

Promising special recruitment into the Ghana Police Service for the youth of Bawku, conditional upon them laying down their arms is not only short-sighted, but also potentially dangerous to national cohesion and equity.

Is the current Inspector General of Police suggesting that recruiting warlords and armed individuals is the best way forward for improving the Ghana Police Service? Has the situation within the Service deteriorated to the point where such individuals are being considered for recruitment?

The current police administration must not compromise the future of our nation by allowing the enlistment of such dangerous elements. This development is deeply concerning, and we will actively oppose it by closely scrutinizing the upcoming police recruitment process.

This strategy sets a troubling precedent. It sends the wrong message to other youth across the country: that violence can be a pathway to opportunities.

If care is not taken, this move could incite similar acts of unrest in other regions, with the hope of receiving preferential treatment. Ghanaians deserve equal opportunity, not rewards for violent behavior.

While the situation in Bawku is dire and demands urgent attention, we must be strategic and fair in our approach. Security measures should focus on justice, reconciliation, and development not short-term appeasement. Sustainable peace cannot be built on promises that could undermine national unity and fairness.

It is crucial that we explore holistic and inclusive measures to address the root causes of the Bawku conflict. Engagement with traditional leaders, youth empowerment programs, mental health support, job creation, and long-term investment in education and infrastructure are all more sustainable paths toward peace.

I urge fellow citizens to rise and respectfully challenge this move by the Police. We must hold our leaders accountable to ensure that decisions made in the name of peace do not come at the cost of justice and equality for all.

Bosompem Richmond
Madina
Accra

Joshua Asumeng Badu’s dedication positions him as an extraordinary DCE candidate

Gertrude Okyere — Fri, 11 Apr 2025 16:16:41 +0000

Joshua Asumeng Badu, a seasoned political figure and loyal party supporter, has expressed his strong desire to serve as the next District Chief Executive (DCE) for the Akyemansa District in the Eastern Region.

With a Bachelor of Science degree in Logistics and Supply Chain and an extensive background in political service, Badu brings a unique combination of leadership, dedication, and grassroots experience that positions him well for the role.

Badu’s political career began in 2010 when he was elected Assembly Member for the Mempedwee-Anafuo Electoral Area in Akim Ofoase. Since then, he has steadily risen through the ranks of local political leadership, holding significant positions such as the Constituency Chairman of Ofoase-Ayirebi from 2014 to 2022 and serving as Campaign Coordinator for the 2020 general elections.

His contributions to the party’s development have been both significant and personal. He has offered his guest house for Executive Committee meetings, fully financed constituency programs, and rented and furnished a party office. His selfless efforts have been essential to the party’s grassroots operations.

During election years, Badu consistently provided campaign materials, snacks for agents, and financial support to keep the party’s machinery running smoothly.

Having contested parliamentary primaries twice, Badu’s commitment to his party remains steadfast. Most recently, he was part of the Regional Monitoring Team during the 2024 limited registration exercise.

Badu’s bid for the DCE position is not just a political ambition but a commitment to driving development in Akyemansa through visionary leadership and a deep understanding of local governance.

Those familiar with his record believe Badu is not only a capable choice but an extraordinary one, poised to transform Akyemansa with results-oriented leadership.

Lost values, broken systems: The growing wave of indiscipline in education

Gertrude Okyere — Fri, 11 Apr 2025 12:14:53 +0000

The Ghana National Education Campaign Coalition (GNECC) is deeply troubled by the alarming increase in indiscipline within our pre-tertiary education system.

Reports of violence, brutality, and even murder in senior high schools are deeply concerning and raise serious questions about the direction in which our educational institutions are headed.

Schools, which should be places for nurturing knowledge, character, and safety, are increasingly becoming environments of fear and unrest.

We must ask: What has gone wrong? Is it the erosion of values, the weakening of disciplinary structures, or the breakdown in the school-home-community relationship?

Whatever the root cause, the consequences are far-reaching and demand urgent attention. Parents are left questioning the safety and well-being of their children in schools that are entrusted with their growth and development.

To address this crisis, a multifaceted approach involving all stakeholders is required.

Regular guidance and counseling services should be implemented in schools to help address the psychological and emotional issues faced by students.

Monthly counseling sessions can provide a structured platform for students to express their concerns and receive necessary support.

Strengthening the parent-teacher relationship is equally crucial, as it will enable teachers to monitor and address student behavior effectively.

Additionally, mandatory searches upon entry and surprise inspections of students’ personal belongings can help deter the introduction of unwanted items in schools.

Mental health awareness programs should also be prioritized to address the growing psychological needs of students.

Moreover, historical practices like Saturday inspections, which have proven effective in curbing indiscipline, should be reintroduced.

A collaborative management approach, where the central government works alongside religious bodies that run faith-based schools, could further enhance the effectiveness of oversight.

Religious bodies can focus on qualitative aspects such as school inspections, teaching standards, and moral guidance, while the government handles quantitative concerns like teacher salaries, infrastructure development, and resource provision.

This division of labor has the potential to yield positive outcomes in creating a safer and more productive learning environment.

GNECC strongly condemns the increasing violence in our schools and calls for immediate and sustained action to safeguard the future of our children and the development of our nation.

Need for ethnic balance in MMDCE appointments

Gertrude Okyere — Fri, 11 Apr 2025 12:06:21 +0000

The 1992 Constitution guarantees Ghana’s status as a unitary state. This means that there’ll be no regional assemblies that would give rise to a semblance of federalism.

Decentralisation ensures District Assemblies with Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) as administrative heads and the Executive’s representation at the District level.

With the nomination, vetting and appointment of his Ministers and formation of Cabinet done within the time frame he promised, all that remains for the completion of President Mahama’s governance structure at all levels is the appointment of MMDCEs.

The appointment process of the MMDCEs has been going on for some time now. After interviewing and shortlisting, the candidates selected are in the final stretch of being appointed.

A cursory look at the candidates in the almost all the regions reveals a heavy representation of indigenes from the respective regions. Candidates in the northern regions being almost exclusively of northern extraction, likewise for the Volta, Ashanti and other regions.

However, looking at the list of nominees for MMDCE positions in the Greater Accra Region, it occurs that there’s prevalence of non-indigenes in some of the Metropolitan, Municipal and Districts Assemblies.

This trend is worsened by potential MMDCEs who aren’t indigenes having MPs in those areas who are also non-indigenes.

This situation takes the political administration of such MMDAs and Constituencies totally out of the hands of indigenes where at least one of political authorities in such areas can be an indigenes to ensure balance.

Some argue that this trend is so because Accra and the Greater Accra Region for that matter is the most cosmopolitan city and region of Ghana.

A similar argument of cosmopolitan nature can be made for the Ashanti Region; however, in that region, the MMDCEs billed for appointment are all indigenes to the best of my knowledge.

It is true that the 1992 Constitution and Ghana’s political culture frowns on politics that suggest tribalism.

Appointments based on merit are what are expected. If that is the case, the same situation must cut across all regions and not just one. What is good for the goose is good for the gander.

In this regard, the appointing authorities must be mindful of the fact that indigenes, in this case, those of the Greater Accra Region, contributed in no mean manner to the overwhelming electoral victory of the NDC in the region.

It is imperative that in the appointment of MMDCEs in the Greater Accra Region, Ga-Dangmes who are meritorious be considered for the position in those various MMDAs to ensure balance.

All we can say if this worthy suggestion is not heeded to is that, four years is a short time in political cycles and the Ga-Dangmes are watching!

NDC cannot end Double Track by 2027; they lack understanding of the policy

Gertrude Okyere — Thu, 10 Apr 2025 17:12:33 +0000

In opposition, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) made it their mission to demonize the double-track policy, labeling it a “failure” and vowing to eliminate it within 90 days of assuming office.

Today, our Education Minister, Haruna Iddrisu, says the policy will remain until 2027.

That’s not just a U-turn; it’s a manifestation of their prior ignorance and lack of understanding regarding the policy.

Let’s be clear: Free SHS was not just a political promise, but a constitutional duty and a catalyst for socioeconomic progress.

Its success led to a surge in enrollment, naturally straining infrastructure and resources—a global norm when access expands.

Yet Ghana defied the odds with the innovative double-track system, a practical solution to manage the increased demand.

Double-track reduced class sizes, improved teacher-student ratios, extended teaching hours, and created jobs.

Importantly, it advanced gender parity and gave underprivileged students access to elite schools like PRESEC, Wesley Girls, and Prempeh College—institutions that doubled their intake to accommodate thousands who previously had no chance.

The real challenge in phasing out the policy has never been infrastructure alone, but preference. Each year, over 100,000 spaces go unused because students can’t be placed in schools they didn’t choose, despite availability.

The result? Overcrowding in some schools and under-enrollment in others. Until we bridge the quality gap between schools, buildings alone won’t solve this imbalance.

That’s why our administration introduced STEM schools and upgraded them to Category A to shift demand and offer quality alternatives.

So, contrary to the misinformation the NDC spread, time has again proven that the double-track was never a flaw, but a bold, strategic solution that expanded access without compromising quality.

The institution of Parliament of Ghana: A general overview

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Thu, 10 Apr 2025 16:51:30 +0000

Introduction – General Overview

In governance systems, the three arms of government—executive, legislature, and judiciary—work together to ensure a functioning democracy.

The Parliament of Ghana, one of these arms, plays a central role in the country’s governance. As outlined in Article 93 of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana, the primary responsibility of Parliament is to exercise legislative power in line with the Constitution.

Parliament’s functions include law-making, serving as a check on executive power through financial oversight, responding to citizens’ grievances, and engaging in debates on national issues. In Ghana, parliamentarians are directly elected from constituencies, representing the people of Ghana in the legislature.

Historical Background

Ghana, then the Gold Coast, established its first Legislative Council in 1850, which advised the colonial Governor on enacting legislation.

The Council was purely advisory, with the Governor holding all executive and legislative powers. In 1916, the Council was reconstituted to include six Africans, out of a total of eleven officials and the Governor.

With the Guggisberg Constitution of 1925, the Governor still held full control over the legislature. However, the 1946 Burns Constitution allowed for the majority of the Legislative Council members to be elected representatives.

The Governor ceased to be the ex-officio President, a trend that continued until 1951, when the first Speaker of the Legislature was elected under the 1950 Constitution.

In 1951, 75 Members of the legislature were elected, including three ex-officio Members and six special Members representing commercial and mining interests.

The 1954 transitional Constitution saw the first Speaker and 104 Members elected on political party lines.

After Ghana’s full independence in 1957, the country adopted a system modeled after the Westminster model. In 1960, ten women were elected to fill specially created seats, allowing women to participate in parliamentary life.

In 1964, Ghana adopted a one-party system. The Parliament’s instability grew after the 1966 military coup, which dissolved the National Assembly.

Parliament resumed in 1969, but instability persisted due to military rule. The 1981 coup led to another suspension of parliamentary democracy until 1993, when constitutional rule was restored, marking the beginning of Ghana’s longest uninterrupted republican status with a stable Parliament from 1993 to 2021.

Parliamentary Committees

The Parliament of Ghana operates through several committees to aid in its functioning:

Standing Committees
Select Committees
Ad-Hoc Committees

Among the 14 standing committees are the Appointments, Public Accounts, Special Budget, Judicial, Privileges, and Members Holding Office of Profit Committees. Select Committees such as Communication, Education, Health, Agriculture and Cocoa Affairs, Lands and Forestry, Roads and Transport, and Works and Housing also play essential roles, with the Poverty Reduction Strategy Committee being the only ad hoc committee.

Amendments to Committees

On June 27, 2023, Parliament introduced a new standing order to improve the functioning of its committees. These changes led to the creation of 34 committees, including new ones such as the Ways and Means, Human Rights, Private Members, and Judiciary Committees. Additionally, the Economic and Finance, and Power and Energy committees were decoupled. The Assurances Committee was given enhanced powers to directly call on state agencies.

Some leadership changes also occurred, with opposition members now chairing the Public Accounts Committee and other key committees.

Current State of Parliament

Members of Parliament (MPs) meet regularly to deliberate on a wide range of issues, from budgets and bills to national concerns. The Speaker introduces matters on the floor, while the Clerk of Parliament facilitates parliamentary business. While the public gallery allows citizens to witness debates, they are not allowed to partake in the proceedings.

The Eighth Parliament of the Fourth Republic saw significant changes, including the transition of leadership from the NDC to the NPP. The Majority Leader is Hon. Osei Kyei-Mensah Bonsu, while the Minority Leader was Hon. Haruna Iddrisu, until recently when Mahama Ayariga took over.

The Speakers of Parliament

Ghana has had 13 speakers from 1951 to 2021, with seven under the Fourth Republic. Notably, Joyce Adeline Bamford Addo remains the only female Speaker. Other prominent speakers include Rt. Hon. Daniel Francis Annan, Rt. Hon. Peter Ala Adjetey, and Rt. Hon. Alban Kingsford Bagbin, the current Speaker.

The Parliamentary Service Board, established in 1993, facilitates the work of Parliament and ensures smooth functioning. Parliament’s work involves extensive scrutiny of financial, legal, and public sector issues, all of which contribute to the democratic process.

Conclusion

Ghana’s Parliament has experienced significant evolution, from its early advisory role to the current functioning, democratic body.

It has faced numerous challenges, including political instability and disagreements between the NPP and NDC factions. The Eighth Parliament, in particular, marked the first time in Ghana’s history with a hung Parliament, with a mix of opposition and ruling party members creating a delicate balance of power.

Ghana’s Parliament plays an essential role in the country’s democracy and rule of law. However, it remains the duty of citizens to remain vigilant and engage with parliamentary processes to ensure accountability and progress.

Note: Material support from parliamentary portals has been utilized in writing this piece.

Built by brains

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Sat, 05 Apr 2025 14:55:18 +0000

Energy efficiency in the built environment is critical for sustainable development, especially in an urbanizing Ghana.

Adrian Odamtten, a mechanical engineer in the built environment, is advancing this field in meaningful ways with hopes that it becomes the norm at home.

With over 50 building energy models and reports showing a minimum of 10% cost savings over baseline, Odamtten is credentialed in integrated design processes and energy systems management. According to him, efficiency is the harvest of a careful, continuously improving plan.

“With electricity demand rising across all sectors, we need integrated solutions and energy efficiency measures to keep Ghana’s built spaces functional and affordable. We must apply a converging lens to the long-term facets of our builds and forecast beyond the present. Our continuously evolving usage of energy systems amidst environmental concerns presents a difficult challenge,” he reflects.

Energy modeling—the use of mathematical simulations to predict and optimize energy system performance—is central to improving efficiency in buildings. On a macroenergetic level, models involve analyzing consumption patterns, generation, transmission, and distribution, using predictive methods to identify the most cost-effective and sustainable solutions for the country’s energy needs.

On a microenergetic level, a commercial property would employ tools to predict annual energy requirements using hard parameters like site placement, and modulate mechanical, electrical, plumbing, and architectural systems to quantify building loads.

Historical data is also crucial for existing buildings to identify operational inefficiencies and guide material improvements. Odamtten’s work spans the residential, commercial, and industrial sectors, integrating load analyses and mechanical system designs. He predicts annual energy needs for commercial properties to enhance operational efficiency, painting a compelling picture of how modeling can reduce notable energy waste.

Efficient buildings are key to cutting emissions, aligning with Ghana’s commitments to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) and 13 (Climate Action). Energy-efficient structures would curb Ghana’s carbon footprint, projected to increase from 28 Mt CO₂e in 2021 to over 140 Mt by 2050 under a business-as-usual scenario, per the National Energy Transition Plan. Globally, buildings account for 39% of energy-related CO₂ emissions, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA), underscoring the relevance of mechanical engineers like Adrian in a developing context.

Ghana’s growing electricity consumption—industrial (42.3%), residential (40.5%), and commercial (16.9%) sectors, per 2022 IEA data—highlights the need for efficiency in built spaces. Odamtten’s past achievements in energy analysis have incorporated renewable sources like solar into new construction or rehabilitation projects, reducing the burden on the national grid. More importantly, his models reflect optimized energy use across projects, lowering consumption pressures.

Technology supports this push for efficiency, even in challenging environments. Professionals like Odamtten utilize cross-disciplinary collaborative tools that lead to more integrated solutions addressing the technical, social, and economic aspects of energy provision. Building Information Modeling (BIM) tools are at the heart of an Integrated Design Process.

“We should see the Digital Twin rise to prominence in the upcoming years,” Adrian adds.

A Digital Twin is a virtual replica of a physical energy system that mirrors its real-world counterpart in real time. This proactive approach to system management, combined with a resilient and secure digital infrastructure, can lead to more efficient resource use and quicker response times in emergencies. However, Ghana still needs an intermediary between the analog and digital realms, and a quantum leap between the two should not be expected.

Indoor Air Quality (IAQ) is also tied to efficient built environments, and Odamtten addresses this through modeling. IAQ is emerging as a critical issue, particularly in urban areas where energy consumption is rising. He estimates that metal oxide gas sensors, for example, help control levels of pollutants like carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen dioxide (NO₂), and particulate matter (PM2.5).

The ground is fertile for growth in the energy sector and the built environment. Adrian believes that as Ghana develops its energy infrastructure, there will be a need for professionals who can build, maintain, and optimize models—engineers focused on energy-efficient practices, ready to solve the complex challenges brought on by urbanization.

Adrian Thomas Odamtten is a highly skilled Mechanical Engineering professional with a BA in Economics from Lawrence University, USA and a BSc and MSc Mechanical Engineering from Washington University in St Louis USA. His expertise is in the areas of operational efficiency, energy-efficient design and mechanical systems. He leverages parametric modeling and load analyses tools to optimize equipment selection and system design.

Institutionalising CSR: A legislative imperative for Ghana

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Fri, 04 Apr 2025 11:20:56 +0000

Mr. Speaker,

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) encapsulates a corporation’s ethical obligation to conduct its business in a manner that is economically viable, socially responsible, and environmentally sustainable, while simultaneously safeguarding the interests of a diverse range of stakeholders, including employees, consumers, local communities, and the broader ecosystem.

The global corporate landscape has evolved to recognize CSR not merely as a philanthropic gesture but as a strategic imperative that fosters sustainable economic growth, social equity, and environmental stewardship. Ghana, however, has yet to fully harness the transformative potential of CSR, a reality that has resulted in untapped economic opportunities that other nations have strategically capitalised upon.

Mr. Speaker,

Empirical evidence underscores the profound economic and socio-developmental impact of structured CSR frameworks. For instance, the enactment of the Companies Act of 2013 in India mandates CSR expenditure for corporations with a net worth exceeding ₹500 crore (approximately USD 67 million). Research findings indicate a marked increase in CSR investments post-legislation, yielding tangible benefits such as enhanced corporate reputation, increased employee engagement, and amplified social impact, as corroborated by the KPMG 2020 report.

Similarly, within the African continent, South Africa’s Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) Act of 2003 has been instrumental in compelling corporations to invest in socio-economic development initiatives. The outcomes have been remarkable, leading to sustained economic growth, employment generation, and social integration, as documented in the 2018-2019 B-BBEE annual report. It is imperative to note that in South Africa, the B-BBEE Act has led to an increase in black ownership of companies from 1.9% in 2001 to 23.3% in 2019. Additionally, the Act has contributed to the creation of over 500,000 jobs. It is also important to note that Nigeria has the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) Act, which requires companies operating in the oil and gas sector to invest in local content development. Kenya has the Companies Act 2015, which requires companies to disclose their CSR activities.

Furthermore, Brazil’s Corporate Social Responsibility Law (Law No. 12,101/2009) has incentivized corporate investments in social and environmental initiatives, yielding measurable improvements in access to education and healthcare services. Additionally, Denmark’s Financial Statements Act mandates CSR reporting, enhancing transparency, corporate accountability, and stakeholder engagement, as evidenced by the Danish Business Authority’s 2020 report. These jurisdictions exemplify the tangible benefits of legislated CSR frameworks, underscoring the necessity for Ghana to adopt a structured and binding CSR policy.

Mr. Speaker,

While Ghana has made some incremental progress in advancing CSR, particularly in the extractive industries, the absence of a standardized regulatory framework has led to inconsistencies in corporate accountability and impact measurement. The Ghana Chamber of Mines reports that the mining sector allocated over GHS 1.4 billion (approximately USD 230 million) to CSR initiatives in 2020, a notable increase from GHS 1.1 billion (USD 180 million) in 2019. Despite these investments, CSR engagement in Ghana remains largely voluntary, with no mandatory reporting requirements to ensure transparency and accountability.

The lack of a comprehensive national CSR policy has led to a fragmented approach, with corporations implementing sporadic initiatives rather than integrating CSR into their core operational strategies. A prevalent misconception in Ghana equates CSR with discretionary philanthropy, rather than recognizing it as an integral component of corporate governance that fosters sustainable national development. This narrow perspective has resulted in superficial and short-term engagements, rather than strategic and sustained investments in community empowerment, environmental conservation, and workforce development.

Mr. Speaker,

Ghana’s regulatory environment further compounds the challenges surrounding CSR. According to the International Organization for Standardization’s 2020 report, Ghana is among the few African nations lacking a national CSR policy or binding legislation. Moreover, weak enforcement mechanisms exacerbate the issue, with the Ghana Chamber of Mines reporting that 60% of mining companies had not been subjected to regulatory inspections in the past year. The inadequacies of Ghana’s labor laws in safeguarding workers’ rights, as highlighted by the International Labour Organization, further expose the limitations of the existing CSR framework. Additionally, the Ghana Environmental Protection Agency’s 2020 report reveals that the maximum penalty for corporate environmental infractions stands at a mere GH¢10,000 (approximately $1,700), an amount insufficient to deter non-compliance.

The absence of a robust legislative framework perpetuates inconsistencies in CSR implementation across industries, thereby undermining the country’s ability to hold corporations accountable for their social and environmental footprints. Furthermore, Ghana ranks 114th out of 129 countries in stakeholder engagement, according to the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), underscoring the need for structured regulatory interventions to enhance corporate-community relations.

Mr. Speaker,

Given the preponderance of empirical evidence and institutional reports, it is imperative that Ghana enacts a national CSR policy and legislation that mandates corporate entities to operate within an ethical and socially responsible framework. Such legislation will provide a structured mechanism for corporations to align their CSR initiatives with national development priorities, ensuring that corporate contributions transcend mere public relations exercises to become impactful and measurable contributions to socio-economic progress.

In this regard, I propose the following legislative considerations:
Mandatory CSR Reporting: Companies should be legally obligated to disclose their CSR initiatives and financial commitments to enhance transparency and accountability.
Conformity to CSR Standards: The policy framework should establish clear CSR benchmarks that corporations must adhere to, ensuring uniformity in corporate engagements across industries.
Enforcement Mechanisms: Regulatory bodies must be empowered to monitor, evaluate, and enforce compliance with CSR obligations, including the imposition of deterrent penalties for non-compliance.
Stakeholder Engagement Requirements: Corporations must be mandated to engage in meaningful consultations with local communities and other relevant stakeholders to ensure that CSR initiatives address pertinent societal needs and contribute to sustainable development.

Mr. Speaker,

In conclusion, the formulation and enactment of a national CSR policy and legislative framework is a critical step towards fostering sustainable development and enhancing corporate accountability in Ghana. A well-defined CSR policy will not only provide the necessary legal structure for responsible corporate behavior but will also catalyze inclusive economic growth, environmental sustainability, and social equity. I urge this august House to take decisive action in institutionalizing CSR legislation to ensure that corporate entities contribute meaningfully to the socio-economic advancement of our great nation.

Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Ghana’s Resilience: Preparing for the rains ahead

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Wed, 02 Apr 2025 06:39:57 +0000

Flooding has become one of the most devastating and recurrent natural disasters confronting Ghana, especially during its rainy seasons.

Year after year, torrential rains transform parts of the country, notably the capital city, Accra, into zones of distress, where livelihoods, infrastructure, and lives are tragically lost. Despite decades of experience and numerous warnings from climate experts, flooding continues to wreak havoc, highlighting significant gaps in Ghana’s preparedness and resilience strategies. Addressing flooding in Ghana is no longer merely a policy issue—it has become a moral and economic imperative. Floods not only lead to immediate loss of lives and destruction of property but also perpetuate a cycle of poverty, disrupt economic growth, and strain public resources. The inability to adequately manage these flood risks has far-reaching implications, affecting everything from public health and education to business continuity and foreign investment confidence.

This article seeks to inform and persuade policymakers, government officials, and community leaders of the urgent necessity to tackle this critical issue comprehensively. Through a detailed historical overview of flooding in Accra since the era of Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, the piece will explore governmental responses and their effectiveness, present an assessment of the current impacts of flooding, discuss related natural disaster vulnerabilities, and ultimately propose a strategic roadmap to build resilience and preparedness. The goal is clear—to inspire bold and decisive action from leadership, informed by innovative solutions and tailored specifically to Ghana’s unique geographical, economic, and social realities. As the frequency and severity of extreme weather events continue to rise globally, Ghana faces a pivotal moment in which decisive action today will determine the nation’s resilience tomorrow. The subsequent sections will outline the magnitude of the challenge and set forth actionable insights to ensure Ghana is not only prepared for the rains ahead but emerges stronger, safer, and more resilient.

1. Historical Context of Flooding in Accra

Flooding in Accra, Ghana’s vibrant capital, has been a persistent challenge that has evolved significantly since Ghana gained independence in 1957 under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. Historically, flooding events were recorded as early as the 1930s, but have grown progressively severe and frequent due to urbanization, climate change, and inadequate urban planning (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015). In 1959, Accra faced one of its earliest significant flooding episodes after independence, prompting early governmental recognition of flooding as a critical issue.

However, despite these early warnings, substantial infrastructural solutions were limited in scope and effectiveness (Songsore et al., 2014). Subsequently, notable flooding events occurred repeatedly, including severe episodes in 1968, 1973, 1986, and 1991, each progressively highlighting the increasing vulnerability of Accra to extreme weather events (Songsore et al., 2014). A particularly catastrophic event occurred on July 4, 1995, when Accra experienced unprecedented rainfall—approximately 258 mm in just five hours, the highest recorded rainfall event since 1936 (Douglas et al., 2008).

This disaster resulted in significant casualties, displacement of thousands, and extensive infrastructural damage, illustrating both natural vulnerabilities and deep systemic deficiencies in urban planning and governance.

The frequency and intensity of flooding continued into the 21st century, marked notably by severe events in 2001, 2010, and the tragic floods of June 3, 2015. The 2015 floods were catastrophic, exacerbated by an explosion at a GOIL fuel station at Kwame Nkrumah Circle, causing over 200 fatalities and significant public outrage, demanding urgent government action (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). This incident became a watershed moment, showcasing not only infrastructural inadequacies but also systemic failures in disaster preparedness and emergency response coordination. Government responses to flooding challenges over the decades have included the creation of agencies such as the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) in 1996, primarily tasked with disaster relief and coordination.

NADMO, despite its crucial role, often operates reactively rather than proactively, limited by resource constraints, coordination difficulties, and insufficient preventive planning (Amoako, 2016). Infrastructure developments like the Weija Dam, constructed in 1978 to provide potable water, were designed with multipurpose functions but have inadvertently contributed to flooding problems. Frequent necessary spillage from the Weija Dam during heavy rains has caused recurrent flooding downstream, demonstrating complexities and unintended consequences in infrastructural approaches to flood management (Owusu-Ansah & Braimah, 2013).

Moreover, flood vulnerability in Ghana has been exacerbated by factors such as rapid urban expansion, poor drainage infrastructure, lack of enforcement of land-use regulations, and the proliferation of informal settlements in flood-prone areas. These factors, combined with intensifying rainfall due to climate change, underscore the urgency of revising urban planning and infrastructure policy frameworks (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015).

2. Government Actions and Inactions

Successive governments in Ghana have undertaken various efforts to manage flooding, particularly in Accra; however, the effectiveness of these policies and initiatives has varied significantly, highlighting both notable achievements and critical shortcomings.

2.1 Analysis of Policies Enacted by Successive Governments

Over the decades, various administrations have recognized the urgency of flood management, initiating numerous policies and projects aimed at mitigating the impacts of flooding. The establishment of the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) in 1996 represented a significant policy step intended to coordinate disaster response nationally (Amoako & Frimpong Boamah, 2015). Yet, NADMO’s primary approach has remained reactive, emphasizing relief distribution rather than proactive disaster prevention and preparedness due to limited budget allocations and inadequate technical resources (Amoako, 2016).

Another critical initiative, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) Sanitation Improvement Project, launched in 2006, was aimed at addressing drainage problems through infrastructural upgrades and waste management improvement (World Bank, 2019). While this initiative initially improved sanitation and drainage in specific areas, the broader, lasting impacts were limited due to inconsistent maintenance and the rapid pace of urbanization outstripping project scope and resources (World Bank, 2019).

2.2 Evaluation of Effectiveness in Flood Management

Despite significant investments in flood control infrastructure, the overall effectiveness of governmental flood management efforts remains questionable. For example, the Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project (KLERP), initiated in the early 2000s, was designed to rehabilitate the heavily polluted Korle Lagoon and improve drainage channels around central Accra. Initially funded with over US$89 million, the project faced considerable setbacks due to inconsistent funding, project mismanagement, and persistent encroachment by informal settlements, ultimately reducing its efficacy (Grant, 2009). Similarly, initiatives like the ongoing Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development (GARID) Project, funded with $200 million from the World Bank since 2019, represent ambitious attempts to integrate urban planning, drainage infrastructure, and flood risk management comprehensively (World Bank, 2019). While GARID shows promise by addressing critical infrastructural needs, the lack of clear enforcement mechanisms, coupled with weak governance structures at the local level, could limit its potential long-term success (World Bank, 2019).

2.3 Case Studies of Successful and Unsuccessful Initiatives

One of Ghana’s relatively successful efforts has been the implementation of localized early warning systems, particularly following the devastating floods of 2015. These systems have contributed significantly to reducing casualties during flood events. Community-based initiatives led by NADMO, involving dissemination of weather alerts through local radio stations, mobile SMS, and social media, have notably improved community preparedness (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015). However, this success remains localized, with broader national implementation still necessary. In contrast, the government’s attempts to manage flooding through forced evictions and relocation of informal settlements in flood-prone areas have been largely unsuccessful and controversial. For example, forced evictions around Old Fadama and other informal settlements, often labeled as “illegal,” have led to widespread human rights criticisms and socio-economic disruptions without significantly reducing long-term flood risks (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). Evicted residents frequently return or relocate nearby, perpetuating the cycle of vulnerability rather than addressing root causes such as inadequate housing policies and urban poverty.

3. Current State of Flooding and Its Impacts

Flooding continues to significantly impact Ghana, particularly in urbanized regions such as Accra, causing severe socio-economic disruptions annually. The current state of flooding reflects both increased frequency and intensity due to climate change and continued vulnerability stemming from rapid urban expansion and inadequate infrastructure.

3.1 Statistical Analysis of Recent Flooding Events

Recent data demonstrate a troubling upward trend in flooding frequency and severity across Ghana. Between 1991 and 2018, Accra experienced a notable increase in flooding events, with severe occurrences nearly doubling within the last decade alone (World Bank, 2019). A particularly devastating event in June 2015 resulted in over 200 fatalities, displacement of thousands, and economic losses estimated at approximately USD 55 million (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). Similarly, the floods of June 2020 severely impacted over 10,000 people, with extensive property damage highlighting persistent infrastructure deficits (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2020). According to the Ghana Meteorological Agency, Accra now averages approximately 810 mm of annual rainfall, with a marked concentration of heavy rains within shorter periods, significantly exacerbating flood risk due to the city’s limited drainage capacity (Ghana Meteorological Agency [GMet], 2021). Satellite imagery analysis from Google Earth has illustrated urban sprawl and reduced natural water retention spaces, further aggravating flood impacts.

3.2 Socioeconomic Impacts on Communities, Infrastructure, and Economy

Flooding in Ghana extends far beyond immediate physical damages—it affects nearly every dimension of social and economic life. Repeated flooding disproportionately impacts poorer communities, especially informal settlements in flood-prone areas such as Old Fadama, Alajo, and Odawna. These populations suffer frequent displacement, loss of homes, and deterioration of livelihoods. Flood-induced displacement also exacerbates vulnerability to health risks such as cholera, malaria, and other waterborne diseases (World Health Organization [WHO], 2022).
Floodwaters regularly overwhelm drainage systems, roads, bridges, and other critical infrastructure. The Ghanaian Ministry of Roads and Highways estimated that flood damage repairs cost the country nearly USD 168 million annually, diverting critical funds from other developmental priorities (World Bank, 2021). Additionally, flooding disrupts transportation, hinders emergency response capabilities, and negatively affects economic productivity. Flood-related disruptions severely affect local businesses and markets. For instance, flooding in Accra frequently disrupts operations in key commercial hubs, including Makola Market, Kaneshie Market, and Tema Industrial Area, leading to significant revenue losses. A World Bank assessment reported that urban flooding reduces Ghana’s annual GDP by approximately 0.5% to 1.0%, a substantial economic strain for an emerging economy (World Bank, 2019). Flooding also negatively affects educational attainment. Schools frequently close during flooding, particularly in low-lying areas. A recent assessment by the Ghana Education Service revealed that flooding annually interrupts educational continuity for more than 25,000 students in Greater Accra alone (Ghana Education Service [GES], 2022).

4. Natural Disasters in Ghana: Earthquakes and More
While flooding remains the most frequent natural disaster in Ghana, it is not the only threat to the nation’s socio-economic stability. Ghana’s geographic positioning also exposes it to seismic activities, droughts, coastal erosion, and landslides, which compound the risks associated with flooding, especially in rapidly urbanizing areas like Accra.

4.1 Assessment of Ghana’s Vulnerability to Earthquakes and Other Natural Disasters

Although Ghana is not traditionally considered a high-risk seismic region compared to places like Japan or Indonesia, historical data reveals that Ghana has experienced significant earthquakes. Accra, specifically, lies within the southeastern seismic zone, making it vulnerable to tremors (Amponsah et al., 2012). The country has recorded notable seismic events, including the destructive earthquake of 1939, which measured approximately 6.5 on the Richter scale, resulting in 17 deaths, over 130 injuries, and substantial infrastructural damage across Accra and surrounding towns (Amponsah et al., 2012). Recent seismic activity underscores ongoing vulnerabilities. For instance, minor tremors measuring around 4.2 and 3.8 magnitudes occurred in Accra in December 2018 and June 2020, respectively, raising concerns about Ghana’s preparedness for potentially more devastating earthquakes (Ghana Geological Survey Authority [GGSA], 2021).

Ghana’s lack of comprehensive seismic building regulations and insufficient disaster preparedness systems exacerbates these vulnerabilities, increasing potential human and economic losses from future seismic events. Beyond earthquakes, Ghana experiences significant drought events, particularly in northern regions, leading to frequent agricultural disruptions and food insecurity. According to the World Bank, Ghana’s northern regions suffer drought conditions approximately once every five years, severely impacting livelihoods and exacerbating poverty in already vulnerable communities (World Bank, 2020). Coastal erosion also poses a substantial threat, particularly along Ghana’s coastline, including areas such as Ada, Keta, and Elmina. Coastal erosion rates average between 1.5 and 2 meters per year, resulting in the displacement of coastal communities, destruction of ecosystems, and loss of economic activities like fishing and tourism (Boateng, 2012).

4.2 Comparison with Other Countries Facing Similar Challenges

When compared with other countries experiencing similar multi-hazard vulnerabilities, Ghana can learn valuable lessons. For instance, countries such as Indonesia and Japan have developed sophisticated multi-hazard early warning systems integrating seismic activity detection with flood and tsunami warnings. These systems significantly reduce casualties by providing timely evacuation notices (UNDRR, 2021). Similarly, South Africa, which faces both flooding and droughts, has invested heavily in integrated water resource management (IWRM) systems and advanced GIS-based vulnerability mapping. These initiatives have improved South Africa’s resilience against floods and drought-induced water scarcity, which could serve as exemplary models for Ghana (World Bank, 2020). The Netherlands, renowned for its flood risk management, employs advanced coastal defense mechanisms including dykes, floodgates, and sophisticated water management technology, significantly reducing vulnerability to flooding despite much of the country lying below sea level. Ghana can adapt and tailor these international best practices to its local context to better manage its natural disaster risks.

5. The Need for Bold Decisions

Given the chronic and intensifying nature of flooding in Ghana, there is an urgent necessity for bold, decisive, and innovative action from the country’s leadership. Policymakers must acknowledge that incremental adjustments and reactionary measures will no longer suffice to mitigate the substantial risks flooding presents. Immediate transformative strategies, informed by global best practices and adapted to local realities, are essential to securing Ghana’s socio-economic future.

5.1 Argument for Immediate and Decisive Action

The case for swift and bold action is clear. Ghana’s repeated flooding disasters not only reflect environmental and climatic factors but also deep-rooted systemic governance failures, inadequate infrastructure, and poor enforcement of urban planning regulations (Amoako, 2018). Each flood event serves as a stark reminder that the cost of inaction significantly outweighs the cost of strategic investments in comprehensive flood risk management. According to the World Bank (2021), floods currently cost Ghana approximately USD 200 million annually, including infrastructural repairs, business disruptions, healthcare expenses, and relief efforts.

Without immediate intervention, this figure is projected to rise exponentially as climate patterns intensify, further compromising the nation’s economic stability and developmental goals. Bold policy decisions today, supported by clear leadership and coordination among government agencies, the private sector, and local communities, have the potential to significantly reduce these recurring costs. By contrast, continued inaction or fragmented responses risk exacerbating social inequities, prolonging economic disruptions, and worsening infrastructural deterioration, making future solutions significantly costlier and more complex.

5.2 Discussion of Innovative Solutions and Best Practices from Around the World

To build flood resilience effectively, Ghana can draw on innovative global solutions tailored to its unique challenges:
1. Integrated Urban Flood Management (IUFM)
Cities such as Singapore and Amsterdam have effectively managed flooding through integrated approaches combining urban planning, water management infrastructure, green spaces, and regulatory frameworks. Singapore’s Active, Beautiful, Clean Waters (ABC Waters) program, for instance, incorporates natural water management systems, creating urban landscapes that act as flood buffers and recreational areas simultaneously (PUB Singapore, 2020). Implementing a similar approach in Accra could significantly mitigate flooding impacts while improving urban livability.
2. Community-Based Early Warning Systems
In Bangladesh, effective community-driven early warning systems have significantly reduced flood-related fatalities. Utilizing mobile technology, local networks, and real-time weather data dissemination has enabled communities to proactively manage flood risks (UNDP, 2021). Strengthening Ghana’s existing community-based systems, enhancing them with mobile technology and social media, could substantially increase preparedness and responsiveness during flood events.
3. Green Infrastructure and Nature-Based Solutions
Countries like the Netherlands and China have increasingly adopted green infrastructure solutions, including constructed wetlands, permeable pavements, rain gardens, and urban forests, dramatically reducing urban runoff and improving water quality (World Resources Institute [WRI], 2019). Adopting similar nature-based solutions in Ghana, especially within rapidly expanding urban centers like Accra, would mitigate flood risks while simultaneously providing ecological and recreational benefits.
4. Advanced Flood Risk Modeling and GIS Technology
Advanced flood risk assessment models and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technology have enabled cities like Durban (South Africa) and Mumbai (India) to identify vulnerabilities precisely, plan infrastructure effectively, and allocate resources strategically (World Bank, 2020). Applying these technologies systematically across Ghana’s urban areas would greatly enhance flood preparedness and management capabilities.
Bold decisions require visionary leadership. The Ghanaian government must move beyond fragmented interventions and adopt comprehensive, proactive policies focused on long-term resilience. This shift demands coordinated actions among policymakers, urban planners, environmental agencies, and local communities. Public-private partnerships (PPPs), international collaborations, and the mobilization of financial resources from climate adaptation funds are crucial elements in translating bold ideas into tangible outcomes. Moreover, political leadership must prioritize accountability, transparency, and evidence-based policymaking to ensure long-term success and public trust in these efforts.
6. Roadmap for a Holistic Approach to Flood Management

6.1 Integrated Flood Risk Management Framework

Addressing Ghana’s flooding crisis requires the adoption of an Integrated Flood Risk Management (IFRM) framework. Such an approach moves beyond short-term relief efforts and emphasizes comprehensive planning, infrastructure development, community resilience, and policy reform. Ghana’s national and local governments must collaboratively establish clear, coordinated institutional frameworks to streamline flood management activities, ensuring effective resource utilization and long-term sustainability (World Bank, 2021). This involves clearly defining roles and responsibilities across national, regional, and local institutions to avoid duplication and promote cohesive action.

6.2 Enhancement of Urban Planning and Regulatory Enforcement

Critical to sustainable flood management is the urgent enhancement of urban planning and enforcement of building and zoning regulations. Accra and other rapidly urbanizing cities must revisit and strictly enforce urban planning policies that restrict development in flood-prone areas. Such enforcement should be complemented by substantial investments in upgraded drainage and sanitation infrastructure. Adopting successful global examples, such as Singapore’s integrated land-use planning model, can significantly reduce vulnerability by ensuring urban growth aligns with effective flood mitigation strategies (PUB Singapore, 2020).

6.3 Nature-Based Solutions and Green Infrastructure

Ghana should leverage nature-based solutions and green infrastructure as key components of its flood management strategy. Solutions such as urban wetlands, restored mangroves, permeable pavements, rain gardens, and green roofs provide significant benefits by reducing stormwater runoff, enhancing biodiversity, and improving urban air quality. Internationally, cities such as Rotterdam in the Netherlands have successfully utilized green infrastructure to manage floods sustainably, resulting in enhanced urban resilience and quality of life (World Resources Institute [WRI], 2019). By integrating similar initiatives into urban planning, Ghana can significantly decrease flood risk while simultaneously improving environmental health and urban aesthetics.

6.4 Advanced Technological Integration and Data-Driven Decision Making

The application of advanced technologies, including Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing, and predictive flood modeling, will substantially enhance Ghana’s flood preparedness and response. These technologies allow precise identification of flood-prone zones, efficient monitoring of infrastructure conditions, and effective real-time emergency response management. For instance, Durban in South Africa and Mumbai in India have effectively employed GIS technologies for flood risk mapping and disaster preparedness, resulting in reduced vulnerability and enhanced emergency response efficiency (World Bank, 2020). Ghana’s investments in such technological capabilities would significantly improve preparedness, response capacity, and resource allocation effectiveness during flood events.

6.5 Strengthening Community Participation and Capacity Building

An effective flood management strategy must actively involve local communities, fostering their participation and enhancing their capacity to respond to disasters. Community-based disaster management training programs, supported by robust early warning systems, empower communities to take proactive steps in reducing their vulnerability to floods. Countries such as Bangladesh have successfully implemented community-led flood preparedness initiatives, significantly reducing casualties and economic losses (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2021). Ghana can replicate this success by prioritizing community-level preparedness training, education campaigns, and decentralized response systems that allow communities to act swiftly and effectively in emergencies.

6.6 Sustainable Financing and Public-Private Partnerships

Sustainable financing mechanisms are crucial to ensuring continuous investment in flood risk management infrastructure and maintenance. The Ghanaian government should explore innovative financing models, including leveraging climate finance mechanisms, international adaptation funds, and public-private partnerships (PPPs). PPPs, in particular, present a valuable opportunity by mobilizing private-sector efficiency and innovation in infrastructure development and management. Successful examples from global cities demonstrate that effectively structured PPPs can deliver resilient infrastructure while minimizing fiscal burdens on government budgets (World Bank, 2021). Ghana’s policymakers must proactively foster an enabling environment for these collaborations through transparent regulations, incentives, and accountability frameworks.

6.7 Monitoring, Evaluation, and Continuous Improvement

Lastly, establishing a robust monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system is essential to ensure the continuous improvement and effectiveness of flood management interventions. Regular assessments of infrastructure projects, policy implementations, and community programs should be mandated to measure outcomes against clearly defined resilience indicators. Lessons learned through these evaluations can inform adaptive strategies and policy adjustments, ensuring ongoing effectiveness in managing evolving flood risks. Countries with exemplary disaster risk management practices, such as Japan, continuously review and refine their flood management policies, infrastructure designs, and emergency preparedness procedures, serving as valuable models for Ghana (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2021).

7. Conclusion

The persistent and intensifying flooding crises in Ghana demand immediate, comprehensive, and decisive action from policymakers, government officials, and community leaders. The historical patterns of flooding in Accra, from the era of Kwame Nkrumah to contemporary times, illustrate the consequences of decades-long neglect and inadequate responses. Despite various governmental initiatives, such as the establishment of the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) and several infrastructural projects, the current flooding challenges underline systemic shortcomings in planning, coordination, and execution of effective disaster risk management strategies. Today, the socio-economic costs of flooding—loss of lives, economic disruptions, infrastructure damage, and diminished community well-being—are increasingly unsustainable. These impacts compound vulnerabilities to other natural disasters such as earthquakes, droughts, and coastal erosion, further complicating the nation’s resilience landscape. Ghana cannot afford continued incremental or reactive approaches. Instead, bold, innovative, and proactive solutions tailored specifically to the country’s unique challenges must be implemented without delay.

The comprehensive roadmap outlined in this article provides Ghana with a clear strategy to transition toward resilient flood management. This involves adopting an integrated framework that prioritizes sustainable urban planning, robust infrastructure development, green and nature-based solutions, advanced technological integration, and active community participation. By committing to sustainable financing mechanisms and fostering meaningful public-private partnerships, Ghana can sustainably finance and effectively implement these critical initiatives.

Ultimately, the responsibility rests with Ghana’s leaders and decision-makers to prioritize and invest in long-term resilience strategies. Action taken today will not only save lives and protect property but also significantly strengthen Ghana’s socio-economic stability and environmental sustainability. The cost of decisive action now is far outweighed by the benefits of a safer, more resilient, and prosperous future for Ghanaian communities.

The rains will inevitably come, but Ghana’s preparedness and resilience are a matter of choice. Policymakers, government officials, and community leaders must now seize this opportunity to demonstrate visionary leadership, robust commitment, and collective resolve. It is time to transform Ghana’s recurring flood crises into opportunities for growth, sustainability, and resilience, ensuring the nation emerges stronger from each rainy season. This article serves as an urgent appeal for collective action. Policymakers and government leaders must immediately implement the strategic recommendations detailed here, actively engage communities, and foster sustainable partnerships for disaster resilience. The path forward is clear, and the stakes are high. Ghana’s resilience in the face of floods hinges upon decisions made today—let these decisions reflect the bold, innovative spirit that defines Ghana’s potential for lasting change and prosperity.

*******

Dr David King Boison, a maritime and port expert, AI Consultant and Senior Fellow CIMAG. He can be contacted via email at kingdavboison@gmail.com

Albert Derrick Fiatui, is the Executive Director at the Centre for International Maritime Affairs, Ghana (CIMAG), an Advocacy, Research and Operational Policy Think-Tank, with focus on the Maritime Industry (Blue Economy) and general Ocean Governance. He is a Maritime Policy and Ocean Governance Expert

The great ECG container heist: A comedy of errors

Gertrude Okyere — Tue, 01 Apr 2025 09:28:56 +0000

Ladies and gentlemen, gather around, for I bring you the most thrilling, jaw-dropping, popcorn-worthy saga of our time—The Great ECG Container Heist!

If you thought political scandals were all about shady land deals and missing state funds, you clearly haven’t heard of the latest blockbuster: How to Lose 1,328 Containers in 10 Days—coming soon to a port near you!

Scene 1: The Mystery of the Missing Containers

It all began during the grand transition of power when the outgoing NPP government left a farewell note to the incoming NDC government that read, “By the way, there are 3,000 ECG containers chilling at the port.

Enjoy!” But wait! When the Minister of Energy, acting like a detective in a telenovela, visited the port, the officials scratched their heads and said, “Boss, it’s actually 2,500.”

Alarm bells rang, eyebrows were raised, and a committee was swiftly assembled to solve the mystery.

They did what any good investigative team would do: they called GPHA and asked, “Hey, how many ECG containers are really here?” GPHA, sipping their morning tea, casually replied, “Oh, just 1,132.” ECG, seemingly confused about its own inventory, insisted, “Nope, we have 2,462!”

The committee, refusing to trust anyone, counted the containers themselves, and surprise, surprise—the GPHA was right! This meant 1,328 containers had taken an all-expenses-paid trip to the Land of the Lost.

Scene 2: The Vanishing Money Trick

Now, you’d think ECG, with a shipping account that received 5 million cedis every week for clearing containers, would be good at, well… clearing containers. But nope! In 2022, ECG’s MD, Dubik Mahama, had a lightbulb moment: “Let’s stop paying into the shipping account and see what happens!” Spoiler alert: chaos happened.

Containers piled up faster than a Fufu queue at Nhyira FM’s free Fufu Party.

The Transport Department waved red flags and yelled, “Demurrage is skyrocketing! We’re losing money!” ECG Management, sipping their ‘broke’ tea, shrugged and said, “No money to clear containers, sorry!” Meanwhile, they were still importing new containers at the speed of light and paying suppliers 90% of contract sums.

Oh, and guess what? The demurrage bill had already hit 1.5 million cedis. That’s right, folks! ECG was the only entity paying rent on properties they weren’t even using!

Scene 3: The Genius Clearance Plan

Now, brace yourselves. From nowhere—like a magician pulling rabbits out of a hat—MD Dubik Mahama introduced two companies to “help” clear the containers. Enter MINT LOGISTICS and DAWARDS BOND LIMITED —two companies so elite, one had 10 employees, and the other had… just 1 (the CEO, secretary, cleaner, and security guard all rolled into one).

MINT LOGISTICS was given 1,110 containers to clear at a cool 160,000 cedis per container. Quick math: that’s over 177 million cedis! DAWARDS BOND LIMITED? They got 200 containers, charging a humble 115,000 cedis per container, totaling 23 million cedis. Who knew clearing containers was more lucrative than gold mining?

Scene 4: The Magical Recycling Business

So, what happens next? Simple!

ECG continues importing containers like an overenthusiastic online shopper.
They conveniently “forget” to clear them.
A mysterious clearance company is called in to save the day at ridiculous prices.
The contents of said containers magically disappear.
ECG goes on a shopping spree to replace stolen items.

Rumor has it, brand-new ECG cables are being melted down and sold to Chinese and Indian businesses, who then export them while ECG turns around to import more!
Ladies and gentlemen, we have officially turned Ghana into a real-life Monopoly game!

Scene 5: The Procurement Department Gets a Facelift (Literally)

Now, if you think this was just about missing containers, think again! ECG’s procurement department had its own episode of Extreme Makeover. In 2022, planned procurement was 1.7 billion cedis, but the actual procurement? Just 460 million cedis—a small difference of 1.3 billion cedis (pocket change, really). By 2023, planned procurement was 935 million cedis, but ECG said, “Hold my beer,” and spent 8.3 billion cedis instead—a modest 7 billion cedis deviation. And in 2024? Same script, different year: planned procurement of 1.3 billion cedis, but actual procurement hit 8.2 billion cedis.

Faced with this chaotic spending spree, ECG had a brilliant idea: merge the Procurement Department with the Estate Department! And to top it all off, they replaced the Head of Procurement with… wait for it… the Head of Estate—someone who knew about buildings, not buying cables.

Scene 6: The Cast of Characters

As we close this tragicomedy, let’s not forget the star-studded cast:

Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh (NAPO)–The Energy Minister at the time.
Dubik Mahama– The MD of ECG, mastermind of “Operation: Where Did the Containers Go?”
Kelly Gadzekpo– The Board Chairman before the musical chairs game started.
Afenyo Markin– The new Board Chair who arrived just in time for the grand finale.

And of course, the countless ECG workers who, to this day, are probably still looking for those 1,328 missing containers like an explorer on an adventure!

Epilogue: The Moral of the Story

Dear reader, what have we learned today? That in Ghana, a simple port can turn into a Bermuda Triangle where containers vanish, reappear, and somehow still cost taxpayers millions.

That ECG has mastered the fine art of spending money it doesn’t have while making sure cables do an annual pilgrimage to China and back.

And most importantly, that somewhere in the depths of Tema Port, a lone container is whispering, “Help me, I’m lost…”

Stay tuned for the sequel: How to Find 1,328 Containers Without Actually Trying!

Gideon Boako writes: BoG raises policy rate to 28%; a lesson for the Finance Minister?

Gertrude Okyere — Sat, 29 Mar 2025 15:22:23 +0000

When you advise the government, they won’t listen. But how do they feel now that their so-called “artificial” drop in T-bill rates – engineered for propaganda – has been undone?

The Bank of Ghana(BoG), in today’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) release, has raised the policy rate (MPR) by 100 basis points, from 27% to 28%.

Typically, the MPR guides short-term interest rates like the T-bill rate. So, why the glaring inconsistency between the two? I warned repeatedly that the Finance Ministry was on the wrong path, attempting to control both price and quantity in the T-bill auction market – forcing rates down from 29% to as low as 15% for 91-day bills.

I also questioned why the Central Bank wasn’t more aggressive in managing excess liquidity through open market operations (OMO) or Discount Policy Operations (DIPO) to ensure price stability.

Well, at least the Governor of the Central Bank listens – unlike the Finance Minister. The latest MPC release signals plans to ‘introduce a 273-day instrument to strengthen the existing sterilization toolkit’, which I believe will aid the disinflation process.

The Finance Minister must take a cue: macroeconomic management is critical to national financial stability.

The ongoing policy incoherence between the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank exposes a worrying lack of coordination. If fiscal and monetary authorities don’t align, economic management suffers.

The recent undersubscription of T-bills in the last two auctions (21st & 28th March) speaks volumes. It’s time to learn some lessons.

His finest hour yet: The Bawumia concession and lessons in leadership

Gertrude Okyere — Sat, 29 Mar 2025 06:03:51 +0000

What was expected to be his lowest moment in politics ended up becoming a shining example. Mitt Romney once said something about elections and their outcome: “Politics can break your heart”.

It was supposed to be a heart-rending moment for Dr Bawumia, but he turned it into a moment of triumph—not just for himself but for his nation, the continent and democracy.

Dr Bawumia shocked many in the country and across the world—including some in his own team—when he delivered what has been widely considered one of the earliest concession speeches in Ghanaian, African and global democracy.

In doing so he did not only unofficially signal a denouement to the fierce and hotly contested election between him and his opponent but curtailed what many saw as a potentially volatile situation in the aftermath of the ballot casting process. Considering the all too known history of post-election violence in Africa and across the world, this singular act by Dr Bawumia was roundly commended.

The United Nations called Dr Bawumia’s actions “a significant example for African leaders to prioritise peace over actions that create tension” (UN Secretary General’s special Representative Leonar¬do Santos Simão).

The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Ghana, H.E. Charles Abani, visited Dr Bawumia to express his appreciation for his early concession and the concomitant contributions to peace and democracy in Ghana.

The Diplomatic community in Ghana lauded the former Vice President for his statesmanship and respect for democratic values following his early concession.

In a letter signed by the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, the diplomats stated that Dr Bawumia’s unwavering commitment to the values of democracy, especially through your honourable concession in the recent elections, stands as a testament to your statesmanship and love for this nation. In moments of political transition, it is the strength of character and respect for the democratic process that define a leader.”

President John Mahama acknowledged the significance of Dr Bawumia’s actions, stating that they contributed to “fostering peace during a crucial moment for the country.” NDC top official and Director of Communications, Mr. Sammy Gyamfi, called it “an exceptional display of statesmanship”. So, what lessons can we learn from his concession, and what significance does it hold?

It’s okay not to win

“More wins” is the common mantra these days. Of course, as humans, generally, winning is the desired outcome for most endeavours, but the deeper lesson from Dr Bawumia’s actions shows that sometimes you can win by losing.

Inasmuch as most of us hope for wins, the lesson here is that failure is part of life. In fact, there would be nothing like victory if there were no failure.

And so what Bawumia demonstrates for all of us, especially the youth, is that sometimes, it is okay to fail. It builds resilience, fortitude and emotional intelligence for even greater wins at a mandated time.

Without certain failures, there wouldn’t be victory at all. Yet the fear of failure has crippled many, destroyed lives and prematurely curtailed destinies.

By openly, readily and speedily accepting the electoral outcome, Dr Bawumia demonstrated his true character: humble, peaceable, conciliatory, mature and wise. He has shown that there is no shame in failure and that out of the shrubs and ashes of defeat, beauty can emerge.

Democratic Advancement

Everywhere you turned, nationally and internationally, one of the biggest conversations was about how Dr Bawumia’s early concession entrenched and enhanced democracy in Africa.

With the albatross of post-election conflict ravaging certain nations and the sword of Damocles hovering heavily in the air, Dr Bawumia’s gestures pre-empted any unforeseen calamities and calmed the atmosphere.

Still, the unprecedented cacophony and violence that surrounded the declaration of parliamentary results brought many to the realization of how ominous things may have turned. And perhaps dented Ghana’s democratic image as a haven of peace and stability.

The smooth presidential transition accelerated by a swift and unequivocal concession was therefore roundly applauded.

The Nigerian media and blogosphere, for instance, couldn’t have enough of it. All over the Internet, especially on social media, content after content, video after video, text after text, rushed to commend Ghana for flying the flag of Africa high, often comparing it to their situation.

This was undoubtedly a Ghanaian moment. However it was also a genuine celebration of democracy, national pride and continental glory.

Ethical Leadership

It is often said that the truest test of a man’s character is what he does when he’s down. Martin Luther King once said: “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

According to Mihelic, Lipicnik, and Metka Tekavcic (2010), “Ethical leaders think about long-term consequences, drawbacks and benefits of the decisions they make in the organization.

They are humble, concerned for the greater good, strive for fairness, take responsibility and show respect for each individual.”

These are all leadership lessons we can learn from. They are qualities that we can infer from the action Dr Bawumia took: thinking about the greater good of the nation, shunning long-drawn litigation, and showing humility and respect for the electoral process.

In doing this, he has won the respect of many across the globe, including those who didn’t necessarily vote for him. He has established himself as a leader with integrity.

Data, technology and the future

One of the major themes that dominated the conversation after Dr Bawumia’s concession was the speed and precision with which it was done, underpinned by data, technology and projections.

It shows that to succeed in the contemporary era, the ability to curate, mine and make projections based on accurate data is the way to go. The days of haphazard, erratic, wishy washy, propagandists and spurious assertions are over. It demonstrates that democracy does not happen in a vacuum but rather is essentialized through concrete, substantive data visualisations, technological input and intelligent analytics. This is the future of campaigns, policy making and democracy.

Conclusion

Dr Bawumia may have lost the presidency, but what he has gained because of his swift, decisive and full-throated concession is priceless.

He put the national interest above personal ambition and in doing so, demonstrated a powerful model of exemplary, principled, humane, and courageous leadership that will inspire generations to come.

Thaddeus Sory: To thine own self be true – let the law work

Gertrude Okyere — Fri, 28 Mar 2025 06:17:21 +0000

On the evening of Tuesday, March 25, 2025, social media reports indicated that President John Mahama had forwarded three petitions for the removal of the Chief Justice to the Council of State.

This step is a constitutional requirement under Article 146(6) of the 1992 Constitution, which states: “Where the petition is for the removal of the Chief Justice, the President shall, acting in consultation with the Council of State, appoint a committee consisting of two Justices of the Supreme Court, one of whom shall be appointed Chairman by the President, and three other persons who are not members of the Council of State, nor members of Parliament, nor lawyers.”

Two days later, at 9:20 AM on Thursday, March 27, 2025, Vincent Ekow Assafuah of Old Tafo, in Kumasi, filed an action at the Supreme Court challenging the President’s referral of the petitions to the Council of State.

Mr. Assafuah argues that the President is required, under Articles 146(1), (2), (4), (6) and (7), 23, 57(3), and 296 of the Constitution, to: “…notify the Chief Justice about a petition for her removal and obtain her comments and responses before referring the petition to the Council of State or commencing consultation with the Council of State.”

This claim raises a number of intriguing questions:

i. How did Mr. Assafuah, within just one day, ascertain that the Chief Justice was not consulted before the petitions were referred to the Council of State?
ii. Did the Chief Justice personally inform him that she was not consulted?
iii. Was there any media report confirming that the Chief Justice had been bypassed in the process?

And Godfred Dame as his lawyer? As the musician Joseph of Culture says, “This is neither a jigsaw nor a puzzle.” Things are falling into place. We either survive together or perish together.

That aside, only Article 146(6) is relevant in determining whether the President was required to seek the Chief Justice’s comments before consulting the Council of State.

Article 146(6), in clear and unambiguous terms, states that when a petition concerns the removal of the Chief Justice, the President must act in consultation with the Council of State.

In Agyei Twum v. Attorney General & Akwetey, Justice Date-Bah, speaking for the Supreme Court, held that just like other Justices of the Superior Courts, a prima facie case must first be established against the Chief Justice before a committee is empaneled to investigate the petition.

However, the Agyei Twum case did not specify how the prima facie determination should be made. What is certain, however, is that the President must act in consultation with the Council of State.

The President’s decision to refer the petitions to the Council of State is, therefore, in strict compliance with the Constitution.

The following questions expose the suit for what it is—Much Ado About Nothing:
i. If the Constitution explicitly states that “where the petition is for the removal of the Chief Justice, the President shall act in consultation with the Council of State”, is it unconstitutional for the President to refer the petitions to the Council of State?
ii. Isn’t the referral the first logical step in discussing the prima facie determination and the procedure for it?
iii. Should the President unilaterally decide on the petitions without engaging the Council of State, as mandated?
iv. Does referring the petitions to the Council of State amount to a prima facie determination without giving the Chief Justice a hearing?
v. Does this referral prevent the Chief Justice from later providing her comments on the petitions?

In the first petition, the former President’s response suggested that the Council of State had been consulted before the determination that no prima facie case had been made against the Chief Justice.

Yet, the President’s letter to Prof. Azar does not indicate that the Chief Justice was asked for her comments before that determination was made.

The Chief Justice believes in the law. There is no need for presumptive protection. Every Ghanaian believes in the law.

The law requires that the President act in consultation with the Council of State. That consultation is currently ongoing. Let the process unfold. The Council of State has its own esteemed legal minds—trust them as much as you have always asked us to trust you.

To Proxy Assafuah, let me offer a lesson from the Acts of the Apostles. In Acts 5, Peter and his fellow apostles faced intimidation aimed at silencing their mission. Yet, despite the threats, they persisted in preaching the gospel without seeking legal recourse.

When they were eventually arrested and brought before the High Priest, Gamaliel, a respected Pharisee, offered wise counsel:

He reminded his colleagues of Theudas and Judas, two men who falsely claimed divine backing but ultimately perished. Gamaliel then gave this timeless advice in Acts 5:38-39: “…Refrain from these men, and let them alone: for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought: But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it; lest haply ye be found even to fight against God.”

So be it, Hon. Mr. Proxy! Leave the petitioners alone, for if their counsel or work be of men, their petitions will come to nought, but if it be of God, and their cause is just, no court action can overthrow it.

Ghana National Fire Service struggling to meet rising demands amidst severe resource constraints

Gertrude Okyere — Tue, 25 Mar 2025 16:16:18 +0000

The Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) is grappling with an unprecedented surge in fire outbreaks, creating an escalating crisis in the country’s firefighting capacity and the safety of its personnel.

In 2024 alone, the GNFS recorded an alarming 5,596 fire outbreaks between January and November, reflecting a 6.43% increase from the 5,258 incidents reported in the same period in 2023.

This surge is attributed to various factors, including severe weather conditions, non-compliance with fire safety regulations, road accidents, electrical faults, and gas leakages.

However, despite these challenges, the service is fighting to maintain public safety and minimize damage across the country, even as it continues to contend with severe resource limitations.

The recent loss of 37 fire officers in the line of duty, as reported by the former Chief Fire Officer (CFO) Julius Kuunuor on December 18, 2024, underscores the dangerous and hazardous nature of the work firefighters undertake to protect lives and properties.

This stark reality highlights the need for urgent reforms and improvements within the service.

GNFS has long struggled with insufficient resources, outdated equipment, and understaffing.

These limitations have undermined their ability to effectively respond to the increasing number of fire incidents.

The service has repeatedly appealed for additional fire tenders, modern firefighting equipment, and a bolstered workforce.

Unfortunately, many of these requests have gone unmet, leaving firefighters to operate with old and inadequate tools that hinder their ability to respond quickly and efficiently.

The age of some fire tenders is particularly concerning, with many vehicles so outdated that they are unable to provide the swift response required in emergency situations.

The lack of sufficient fire stations in certain constituencies further complicates the service’s ability to reach fire scenes promptly, exacerbating the damage caused by these outbreaks.

The GNFS’s response at times often delayed, contributing to the escalating loss of lives and properties.

Risks to Fire Officers: A Growing Concern

Perhaps the most alarming aspect of this crisis is the safety of the fire officers themselves.

These brave men and women put their lives on the line every day, often facing physical and verbal abuse while carrying out their duties.

Reports of firefighters being attacked while trying to manage fire incidents have become all too frequent.

At a time when they are already exposed to significant dangers on the job, the additional threat of hostile attacks makes their work even more perilous.

The safety and well-being of fire officers must be prioritized. In addition to providing the necessary equipment to carry out their work efficiently, the government and relevant authorities must ensure that these officers are protected from harm while performing their duties.

Their sacrifice should be met with respect and recognition, rather than the added burden of physical or verbal assaults.

A Call for Immediate Action

The current situation demands immediate attention from both the Ghanaian government and the general public. The lack of sufficient fire stations in certain areas is a grave concern that must be addressed.

Fire stations must be established in under-served constituencies to ensure that every citizen has access to emergency firefighting services.

Moreover, the government must allocate adequate funding to the GNFS, enabling the acquisition of modern firefighting equipment, including new fire tenders, advanced rescue gear, and better training for personnel.

The safety of fire officers should also be prioritized, with improved safety protocols and protections against attacks while on duty.

The public also has a critical role to play in this effort. Citizens must adhere to fire safety regulations and report any potential hazards to the authorities.

Additionally, municipal assemblies should prioritize the construction of fire stations in their communities, recognizing that fire prevention and swift response are crucial to saving lives and property.

The Time to Act Is Now

As the frequency of fire outbreaks continues to rise, it is evident that the Ghana National Fire Service needs a coordinated and immediate response from all stakeholders to overcome the resource and safety challenges it currently faces.

The growing crisis calls for urgent government intervention, improved resources, and better protection for fire officers.

It is essential that we support the GNFS in its mission to safeguard lives and properties across the country.

The public must also play its part by adhering to fire safety measures and advocating for better fire service infrastructure.

Only by working together can we ensure that the Ghana National Fire Service is equipped to handle emergencies effectively, protecting both the citizens and the officers who risk everything to ensure our safety.

A letter to President John Mahama: Education! Education! Education!

Joshua Tigo — Mon, 24 Mar 2025 15:21:25 +0000

Dear Your Excellency my President, I come to you today with my second letter to you since you assumed office some weeks ago.

I do this not because of a mere desire to put some ideas across but because I recognise the opportunity presented to us with respect to your presidency as a golden one that requires the collective support of every one of us as Ghanaians.

In May 1963 Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah told the members of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU) that “We Do Not Just Have An Opportunity But An Opportunity To Make A History”.

Your Excellency, indeed your second presidency is an opportunity to make history and many Ghanaians are willing to do whatever they can to help you achieve.

Introduction Of Tertiary Education Policy (TEP)

With the looming threat of the overwhelmingly frustrated youth springing up on us every year with no hope, no direction, no accommodation, no jobs, no policy and no readily usable skill, I suggest the national security apparatus consider this as a threat to our normal social order.

Mr President, the nonexistence of an effective Tertiary Education Policy has over the years had a profound effect on our economic development.

This is primarily because tertiary institutions in Ghana do not follow any specific policy objective that requires them to train, develop, or produce any specific prescribed skillset and expertise.

This failure, I consider to be one of the genetic causes of our economic underachievement not only in Ghana but throughout the entire sub-Sahara region.

Taking into consideration that our formal education system including the language of command was inherited from the British, it is important to acknowledge and expect the naturally occurring cases of cognitive imbalance within our society to be widespread.

Given that the educational research methods used for creating the education we have now did not originate from our ancestorial knowledge, culture or wisdom but rather, that of the British.

Your Excellency, it is solely for this reason that we MUST be intentional with everything we want to achieve as it will never happen either by accident or some sort of social evolution.

Mr President, for example, if we need one thousand (1000) Nuclear Physicists in Ghana or 500 five hundred (500) Astrophysicists or even two hundred (200) Electro Physics Engineers to begin an industrialization programme in Ghana, there is no way of achieving this or developing such talents unless you deliberately establish a system to create it through the introduction of a Tertiary Education Policy (TEP) in which the government works in collaboration with the universities to make degrees more meaningful to the state. As the case in South Korea or China and most of the Mekong region may be referred to, there is a systematic deliberate policy to create a certain number and quality of some specific skills not only to fill in gaps in the industrial workforce but also to prepare their countries for the upcoming competitive world of knowledge and changes.

Your Excellency, the introduction of a deliberately created TEP in consultation with the relevant academic institutions will lead to uplifting the spirit of education and make students feel more useful and needed by the country. It is a putative fact or generally agreed truth that the development journey of a country is a collective responsibility of all its citizens.

Therefore, every Ghanaian MUST have a role to play towards the development of the country Ghana. In other words, like in China, the state can pass a mandatory law that enables her to have the first right of access to employ any First-Class students or tap into any Ghanaian student with extraordinary talent either in mathematics, engineering, physics, chemistry, electronics, management or any other talent which the country needs for its grand development agenda.

Mr President, according to the great German-born British economist E. F. Schumacher in his book “Small is Beautiful”, development starts with PEOPLE and their EDUCATION and not goods and infrastructure as we Ghanaians perceive. This statement by E. F. Schumacher has been proven in Singapore by Lee Kwan Yew with a country the size of Greater Accra, a population of less than 6 million and an incredible economy size of over 1 trillion on a land size of about 734 square kilometres.

Lee Kwan Yew on countless occasions has “confessed” that his secret was education policy which deliberately focuses on training his people even in the most extremely rarest skill.

In China, from Kindergarten to University, the Chinese government is systematic and meticulous in monitoring individual talents and directing them towards the country’s future needs.

This explains why, while a US company struggles to recruit 100 electro-physics engineers, the same job electro-physics engineering job was advertised and published in Beijing and they had a stadium full of qualified electro-physics engineers available for interview.

It is my strong belief that systematically introducing a properly guided Tertiary Education Policy will be the real beginning of an economic transformation in all spheres of our national endeavours.

Indeed, the non-existence of any purposive and strategic education policy has negatively affected almost every part of the nation’s development. Mr President, For the purpose of this letter, please permit me to show how the lack of TEP has affected the development of our health sector.

HEALTH

Mr President, there is an opportunity to make health services in Ghana the most advanced not only in terms of technology but also the most skilled. The Ghana health system has always been in desperate need of more specialised and sub-specialised doctors.

The situation is much worse now given the continuous population increase leading to more pressure on these existing few specialised and sub-specialised doctors we have.

Even though the government keeps training more generalists each year, there is no single purposive directive or policy which instructs any institution to train any type of specialist to fill any gap apart from the existing generalists who over some time of practising decide on their discretion to specialists’ programme either out of the country or locally.

With a population of over 30 million, the country needs at least a minimum of 250 qualified sub-specialised physicians in each area of the specialist fields listed below.

1. Urologists/Pediatric Urologist:

A urologist is a medical doctor who has been specially trained to diagnose and treat both female and male urinary and reproductive organs and is a specialist. Pediatric urology is however a sub-specialised area which further requires extra training.

Pediatric Urologists are just like Urologists but primarily treat babies and younger children. Unfortunately, the entire country cannot boast of more than 10 qualified very critical professionals in the country.

2. Endocrinologists:

Endocrinologists specialise in hormones and the hormone production system. They diagnose and treat conditions related to abnormal hormonal issues and the entire endocrine system, which produces hormones that regulate many of the body’s functions.

Since there is no government effort to specifically produce such doctors, my studies could not find more than 5 such specialist doctors across the country.

However, Ghana needs at least a minimum of 250 such doctors per the size of our population.

3. Cardiologists

Perhaps the most desperately needed medical specialist group in Ghana are Cardiologists. Cardiologists are specialized medical doctors trained specifically to diagnose, treat and prevent heart-related diseases and conditions.

Currently, every 3 out of 10 deaths in Ghana are heart-related. 7 out of 10 men over 50 years in Ghana suffer from some kind of heart condition or blood pressure-related issues.

A deliberately instituted Tertiary Education Policy would’ve led to Ghana having more than sufficient qualified Cardiologists to provide quality health care for her citizens.

As it stands, Ghana needs at least 400 qualified Cardiologists but unfortunately, the entire country cannot boast of 45 fully qualified Cardiologists.

4. Nephrologists

Nephrologists are specialised doctors in the health and functioning of kidneys and Pediatric Nephrologists are sub-specialised doctors for kidney health of infants and children.

After over 3 months of enquiry into identifying the number of this very all-important medical specialization, it is sad to announce that while we may have more than 10 Nephrologists in Ghana, I was unable to find more than 3 Pediatric Nephrologists.

Mr President, China is producing almost a million engineers every year, India is doing the same and the list goes on. In 2023, India made over USD64 billion from Health Tourism alone.

This is largely because there has been a deliberate effort to rapidly grow the Indian health industry over the last few decades. Ghana too can achieve the same.

However, in Ghana now, all fields of professions and training across all sectors require a deliberate and systematically executed Tertiary Education Policy (TEP) to sturdily lead to the total transformation in the overall quality of human resources not only in the area of health care delivery but also across the board in all industries.

Sir, as expounded above, the establishment of a purposive Tertiary Education Policy is key, however, sustainable growth can NEVER be achieved without a bridge between academia and industry.

Mr President, the Western idea of government not leading industrialization is false, and this has been proven over and over. Even everywhere in Europe, most major industries had been set up by the state after the Second World War before it was slowly and carefully released into private hands after some decades with strict conditions. In 2025, the Ghanaian industry is almost nonexistent and unless we build it ourselves, nobody will do it for us.

For example, we have a School of Mines here in Ghana. But there is not even a single state-owned or Ghanaian mining company in Ghana. Here is the typical example of training citizens with no industry to absorb them so essentially, the main beneficiaries of the Ghana School of Mines are the Australian Mining Companies, New Zealand Mining Companies, South African Mining Companies etc.

Again, the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), has trained hundreds of Electrical Engineers yet not even a Power Bank to charge mobile phones is produced here in Ghana for the same reason because there is no industry and the majority of them end up with the banks unless they find their way out of the country.

Mr President, we are Ghanaians and we are good. There is nothing we cannot do or achieve as a country and as a people if we have the leadership. We know these white boys and Asians, we’ve all sat in classrooms with them and they also know we are good. Even when they take the lead because of their foundation, we always catch up and eventually surpass. I look forward to seeing a Ghanaian-owned company producing semiconductors before the end of your second term in 2028.

Currently in Ghana, our best or most brilliant students study medicine. In Russia and China, the study of medicine is for the average students and the most brilliant do engineering and the same in all developed countries.

I thank you and may God bless Ghana.

Special Requests

Stadium Visits

Your Excellency, looking at the continuous weakening of our local league, while I know your Sports Minister is working hard to bring back the old glory of Ghana football, may I suggest you visit the stadium sometimes to boost match popularity as this may go a long way to perhaps revive even my own Secondi Hasaacas. Thank you.

Declaration Of National Health Months
Your Excellency, the rate of cardiac-related deaths in Ghana is now beyond alarming, and the rate at which new orphans are being created as a result of preventable deaths in our communities is taking a great toll on our social development with poverty being its most popular product. The rate of deaths between the ages of 40 to 60 is a matter of great concern as the country continues to lose some of its brilliant brains before retirement or even soon after retirement.

Mr President, I am therefore with the highest respect proposing that you set up a team to choose a month within the year to launch National Health Month. The team should formulate a policy that should serve as the guideline and should be binding to all private individuals, and corporate and public institutions to ensure that all their staff engage in some sort of health check or exercise within the selected month.

How to boost agriculture and cut Ghana’s over $3.5bn food import bill

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Mon, 24 Mar 2025 07:39:09 +0000

Ghana is home to some of the world’s best arable lands, yet it is the country with one of the biggest food import bills.

Food imports cost the country over $3.5 billion in 2023, according to Statista, a Germany-based online data portal—draining Ghana’s already strained foreign exchange and further strangling local farmers.

As a nation, we import almost everything edible—from rice to offal, locally called yemuadie—as local production continues to suffer largely due to limited policy interventions that can stand the test of time.

This is despite the fact that the country has a bubbling young population and a worsening unemployment rate. The 2021 Population and Housing Census showed that nearly 40 percent of Ghanaians are aged 15-35 years, the age bracket considered golden, youthful, energetic, and smart for national development.

Sadly, a 2020 World Bank report shows that 12 percent of the youth are unemployed and more than 50 percent are underemployed.

With many youths idling after fruitless searches for jobs, one would have thought that farming and food production would have become the ‘go-to’ or at least a ‘makeshift’ occupation for these youngsters to make ends meet while hoping to land their dream jobs to build careers.

Unfortunately, this is not the case. As the population increases, Ghana has failed to produce adequate food for its people, creating food insufficiency that is almost a national security challenge—if not for the growing imports.

Past Efforts

This is not a new problem. Since independence, Ghana has struggled to produce enough food for its citizens, resulting in various interventions by previous governments to address the bottlenecks, shore up domestic food production, and cut down on imports for the economy to breathe.

Perhaps, the most popular of them is Colonel (rtd) I.K. Acheampong’s Operation Feed Yourself, launched barely a month after he captured power in 1972.

The program aimed to encourage more Ghanaians into farming while energizing traditional farmers to increase production.

To achieve this, the government supported the program with subsidized farm inputs, access to credit facilities, and duty-free importation of agricultural machinery. It also recruited extension officers to support farmers in applying good agronomic practices to help increase production.

There were also sustained public sensitizations, drawing enthusiasm from Ghanaians for the program and resulting in broad-based participation by the populace.

The results were largely satisfactory, though the gains could not be sustained beyond the Acheampong regime.

Subsequently, various governments embarked on similar programs with similar intentions.

Planting for Food and Jobs

The most recent government intervention to address the food security challenge is the Planting for Food and Jobs initiative. Introduced in 2017, the program was spearheaded by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture and aimed at supporting farmers and other citizens to produce food.

It took different shades, with people interested in rearing livestock also supported to increase production. A phase two was launched in 2023.

Though a great initiative, reports from farmer-based organizations, civil society groups, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) showed that the PFJ faced several challenges, leading to limited successes.

Indeed, the country’s sustained and worsening food import bill shows that none of these agricultural programs succeeded as expected. And if they did succeed, today’s food challenges show that the successes and/or the programs have not been sustainable.

This is despite the fact that millions, if not billions, of Ghana cedis from state and donor funds have been poured into these interventions.

In the case of the PFJ, for instance, reports showed that almost GHS 3 billion was spent on phase one (between 2017 and 2023). Additional spending was done on phase two in 2023 and 2024.

Tracking the Mistakes

With scarce national resources being used to fund these programs, everything must be done to ensure that we get adequate and sustainable results from such interventions.

This begs the question: what did we get wrong in the previous programs? This is critical given that efforts are underway for the government to intervene in similar ways to help encourage food production and reduce the import bill.

Key among the issues is the need to leave agriculture to professionals and experienced people.

Like all professions, agriculture is a specialized area, requiring one with adequate expertise and experience to succeed in it. Policy interventions and programming must, therefore, be initiated and led by professionals.

The tendency to allow politics to lead the way is dangerous, as has been seen in the recent past.

There are also low-hanging fruits that the country must aim to pluck.

I list them below in no particular order.

1. Rice Production

Rice remains a staple food in Ghana, yet domestic production covers only 40 percent of demand.

By increasing investment in irrigation, mechanized farming, and improved seed varieties, Ghana can significantly boost local rice production.

The National Rice Development Strategy is a step in the right direction, but additional government and private-sector partnerships are needed to enhance processing and reduce post-harvest losses.

2. Poultry Business

Ghana imports nearly 95 percent of its poultry meat, amounting to a market value of approximately $400 million every year.

With the right investment in modern poultry farms, feed production, and processing facilities, local production can be scaled up to meet domestic consumption needs.

Encouraging smallholder poultry farmers and providing them with access to financing and technical training will be crucial.

3. Livestock and Meat Processing

With meat and edible meat offal imports surpassing $210 million in 2023, there is a strong case for expanding the local livestock industry.

Investments in cattle, sheep, and pig farming, along with the development of meat processing plants, will help Ghana reduce its reliance on imported meat.

4. Value-Added Food Processing

Ghana’s food processing industry remains underdeveloped, leading to increased importation of processed foods.

Investing in agro-processing infrastructure can help add value to locally produced crops such as cassava, maize, and soybeans.

Supporting food entrepreneurs through incentives and financing will enable them to produce high-quality, consumer-oriented food products, reducing imports.

5. Irrigation and Water Management

One of the major constraints to increased agricultural productivity in Ghana is the lack of irrigation infrastructure.

With only 11,000 hectares under irrigation, expanding water management projects will enable farmers to produce crops throughout the year.

Implementing modern irrigation techniques such as drip irrigation and solar-powered water pumps can significantly boost agricultural output.

6. Leveraging the Youthful Population

With 67% of Ghana’s population between 15 and 64 years old, there is a large workforce available for agricultural activities.

Encouraging youth participation in agribusiness through training programs, financial support, and modern technology can enhance food production.

Youth-led agritech startups can also contribute by introducing innovative farming solutions.

Conclusion

Ghana has the potential to transform its agricultural sector by utilizing its vast arable lands, water resources, and youthful workforce.

Reducing agricultural imports will not only save foreign exchange but also create jobs and ensure food security.

As the International Trade Administration noted in 2023, by investing in irrigation, mechanization, livestock farming, and agro-processing, Ghana can position itself as a food self-sufficient nation, reducing its reliance on costly imports while boosting economic growth.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist who founded the collapsed Heritage Bank Limited.

Using the CHILD and MOTHER model to curb conflict in Bawku

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Sat, 22 Mar 2025 11:24:22 +0000

New brooms and sweepers are needed at this crucial time, and the use of the same old broom to sweep out the mess must be eradicated.

The old brooms are weak and must be reinforced as soon as possible if we are genuinely interested in bringing an end to the unfortunate, protracted mayhem.

In many of my analyses of Bawku, I consistently advise that military occupation and unwarranted curfews should not be the primary approaches to resolving the conflict.

I keep saying that such actions could lead to chaos, particularly the killing of peacekeepers, including security personnel.

I feel pain when successive governments assume that conflict resolution should be solely the responsibility of “big names.”

We are in a new era, and therefore, measures to mitigate conflicts must be commensurate with the current exigencies.

Credibility and trustworthiness are also key components in conflict resolution. An attractive tone, wisdom, creativity, innovation, patience to listen, and a strong personality are profoundly important in peacekeeping efforts.

The author, Francis Ahovi is a security analyst and the Executive Secretary of Global Security for Africa Research and Good Governance (GLOSARGG).

Ghana Bauxite Company sale to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd: A transparent deal with no corruption

Joshua Tigo — Tue, 18 Mar 2025 11:43:13 +0000

“For my mouth will speak the truth, wickedness is an abomination to my lips.” – Proverbs 8:7, Holy Bible.

This powerful biblical quote reminds us, as creations of the Almighty, to speak the truth and nothing but the truth.

In our efforts to reset Ghana, we must adopt a critical mindset in discussions on national issues to ensure progress.

This submission is in response to an article reportedly written by Martin Kpebu Esq, which alleged corruption and conflicts of interest in the sale of an 80% stake in the Ghana Bauxite Company Ltd (GBC) to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd.

Mr Kpebu’s article called for a forensic audit into the matter.

As a former Army Officer with experience in the mining industry and a student of security risk management, I decided to investigate this matter further to contribute to Ghana’s betterment, as part of President Mahama’s vision for progress.

I conducted an in-depth investigation into the history of bauxite in Ghana, tracing it back to 1921 during the Guggisburg era, a time when bauxite was first discovered.

Many, including President Mahama, should be proud of the contributions of Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, and its owner, Mr. Ofori Opoku, for their role in helping to boost the 24-hour economy, a vision that will materialize in the shortest possible time.

It is important to acknowledge the alignment of Mr. Ofori-Poku’s efforts with the vision of President Nkrumah and that of Brigadier General Sir Frederick Guggisburg, the architect of much of Ghana’s economic and infrastructural development.

A historical context of Ghana’s bauxite industry

Brigadier General Guggisburg, initially a surveyor in the Gold Coast in 1902, set up the Geological Department and played a crucial role in the discovery of bauxite in 1921.

Guggisburg’s development master plan laid the foundation for the growth of Ghana’s mining industry.

This included the establishment of the Takoradi Harbour for the exportation of timber, cocoa, manganese, and bauxite.

President Nkrumah continued Guggisburg’s work, making significant strides in the country’s economic and infrastructural development.

Guggisburg is also credited with creating the first accurate map of Ghana.

His efforts were instrumental in the early days of the mining industry, particularly with the vision of refining bauxite in Ghana, which was later realized through projects like the Volta River Project and the creation of VALCO (Volta Aluminium Company).

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s role and the sale of GBC

In the early years of Ghana’s independence, the government worked closely with multinational companies such as Alcoa to mine and refine bauxite.

Over time, Ghanaian ownership in the sector increased, with the government acquiring stakes in various companies, including Ghana Bauxite Company (GBC).

However, despite efforts to boost the industry, GBC faced challenges due to low production and high operating costs.

In 1997, the government sold a portion of its stake in GBC to Alcan, and later to Bosai Minerals Group of China in 2010.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd became involved in hauling bauxite for GBC in 1997, and in 2010, it took over mining operations on behalf of Bosai Minerals.

When Bosai Minerals’ mining lease expired in 2021, the Ghanaian government refused to purchase the 80% stake in GBC, citing concerns over value for money.

The stake was then sold to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, which has continued to make significant contributions to the sector.

Addressing allegations of corruption

Despite allegations from Mr Kpebu Esq about possible corruption in the sale of GBC to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, it is important to recognize that the sale was conducted per global principles of transparency and accountability in the mining industry.

The transaction followed established procedures, including the Arm’s Length Principle, which ensures that such deals are based on market value and fair pricing.

The sale price of GBC’s stake was determined by market factors such as bauxite reserves, global bauxite prices, and production costs.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd did not set the price of bauxite or the reserves; these were publicly available information disclosed by GBC.

Mr Kpebu’s suggestion that the price at which GBC was sold was unusually low overlooks the complexities of the mining sector, where pricing can fluctuate due to various factors, including the volatility of commodity prices and market demand.

A call for recognition of Ofori-Poku’s contributions

Mr Ofori-Poku and his company must be recognized for their contributions to Ghana’s 24-hour economy project.

Ofori-Poku’s efforts align with the vision of President Nkrumah, General Guggisburg, and the development of Ghana’s mining industry.

He deserves commendation for his role in strengthening the mining sector and making bauxite mining more sustainable in Ghana.

The mining industry operates in a highly competitive and complex environment, often involving multinational companies with significant resources and influence.

Ofori-Poku has been instrumental in revitalizing Ghana’s bauxite sector, and his company has gained valuable experience in mining and bauxite hauling.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the allegations of corruption surrounding the sale of GBC to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd are unfounded.

The transaction was conducted transparently and by global mining industry practices.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s efforts should be applauded for contributing to Ghana’s economic progress, especially in realizing the vision of a 24-hour economy.

I encourage all stakeholders, including President Mahama and Mr. Gossie Tanoh, to support Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s continued success.

Together, we can continue to build on the achievements of the past and ensure a prosperous future for Ghana.

Okudzeto Ablakwa: Ghana’s youngest Foreign Affairs Minister redefining political leadership

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Tue, 18 Mar 2025 11:01:19 +0000

Ghana’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, the Member of Parliament for North Tongu, has become a household name and an inspiration to young men and women both in Ghana and across the African continent.

A native of Aveyime in the North Tongu Constituency of the Volta Region, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa is serving his fourth term as a Member of Parliament.

His dedication to duty and commitment to bringing real change in both his constituency and the ministries he has served have earned him widespread commendation.

A Trailblazer in Leadership

Hon. Ablakwa has made history as Ghana’s youngest Foreign Affairs Minister, and he is already making significant strides in strengthening diplomatic ties and ensuring that Ghana’s presence on the global stage is felt. His tenure has seen the introduction of progressive policies aimed at improving foreign relations and making the ministry more accessible to ordinary Ghanaians.

A hardworking and intelligent young politician from Ghana’s pioneering democratic political party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Ablakwa’s unique leadership abilities were recognized early. This led to his appointment as Deputy Minister of Information (2009-2013) and later as Deputy Minister of Education (2013-2017). While serving as Deputy Minister of Education in charge of Tertiary, he defied expectations by effectively managing relations with lecturers and professors, earning admiration for his maturity and competence. His exemplary performance led many political analysts to predict that he would eventually become a substantive Education Minister under President Mahama.

Transformational Impact as Foreign Affairs Minister

As the 44-year-old Foreign Affairs Minister, Ablakwa has redefined political leadership in Ghana, championing inclusivity and serving all citizens, irrespective of their tribe, religion, or political affiliation. His tenure has been marked by bold reforms, including:

Making passport acquisition easier and more affordable by reducing fees from GHS500 to GHS350.
Implementing 24-hour passport office operations with three working shifts.
Introducing a door-to-door passport delivery system, significantly reducing processing time.
Setting up a Student Desk to address concerns of Ghanaian students abroad.
Strengthening diplomatic missions with measurable Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) to enhance their effectiveness.

In February 2025, under his leadership, Ghana made history at the African Union (AU) by securing key positions, including:

Ambassador Amma Twum-Amoah – AU Commissioner for Health, Humanitarian Affairs, and Social Development.
Ambassador Jane Gasu Aheto – AU Commissioner for International Law.
Lawyer Kwami Eden Senanu – Re-elected to the AU Advisory Board against Corruption (AUABC).

These achievements have significantly boosted Ghana’s international standing and diplomatic influence.

Hon. Ablakwa also signed an Exchange of Notes with His Excellency Yoshimoto Hiroshi, the Japanese Ambassador to Ghana, to unlock a grant of 1.92 billion Japanese Yen (US$13 million) for the Stabilization of Electricity Supply in Tamale City.

Dedication to National Development and Anti-Corruption Efforts

Ablakwa has been a relentless advocate for transparency and accountability. He played a crucial role in exposing corruption and inefficiencies under the previous New Patriotic Party (NPP) administration, championing what he termed “state capture” investigations. As Chairman of the Operation Recover All Loots (ORAL) task force, he led efforts to retrieve state assets allegedly misappropriated under the NPP government.

His leadership in Parliament has also been widely praised. As Chairman of the Assurances Committee and former Ranking Member for Foreign Affairs, his commitment to holding the executive accountable has been lauded. Former Majority Leader and now Minority Leader, Alexander Afenyo-Markin, once remarked, “I commend the respected Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa for transforming the Assurances Committee into one of the most influential committees in Parliament.”

A People’s Representative and Humanitarian Leader

Hon. Ablakwa’s leadership transcends politics; he is deeply connected to his constituents. The Chiefs and people of North Tongu have honoured him with the title Torgui Wordgedzi, recognizing his unwavering dedication to their welfare. During the 2023 Akosombo Dam spillage crisis, he was at the forefront, providing relief and advocating for compensation for affected residents. His persistent efforts resulted in the allocation of GHS245 million in the 2025 national budget for rebuilding efforts and victim support.

Some of his major interventions include:

Medical Outreaches: Organizing free health screenings and donating medical supplies to hospitals nationwide.
Education and Youth Empowerment: Offering scholarships and financial assistance to students.
The Footwear and Dress Bank Project: Providing clothing and shoes to underprivileged children.
Infrastructure Development: Supporting the construction of the Atta Mills Surgical Block and rehabilitating roads and schools.
Humanitarian Support: Covering medical bills for vulnerable individuals and financing the construction of homes for flood victims.

His grassroots approach to governance—personally visiting hard-to-reach areas and engaging directly with his constituents—has endeared him to the people. On one occasion, he opted for a canoe ride to interact with communities along the riverbanks, stating, “I want you to experience what my people go through daily.”

The Force behind NDC’s 2024 Victory

Many credit Ablakwa for his significant role in securing the NDC’s 57% win in the 2024 General Elections. Beyond achieving an overwhelming 93.74% victory for both presidential and parliamentary candidates in his constituency, he was actively involved in campaigning nationwide.

His investigative exposés against the previous administration played a pivotal role in shaping public perception and mobilizing support for the NDC.

Resetting the Nation: The Council of State’s critical role

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Tue, 18 Mar 2025 07:18:01 +0000

Introduction: A Nation in Crisis

Under the Akufo-Addo administration, Ghana experienced one of its most turbulent governance periods. The economy struggled with high interest rates, a depreciating currency, unsustainable debt levels, and record budget deficits. Unpopular policies, such as the Domestic Debt Exchange Program (DDEP) and the E-Levy, deepened public frustration, while corruption scandals and partisan appointments to key institutions further eroded trust in governance.

At the same time, social divisions widened. Ethnic and religious tensions intensified, and protests became more frequent as citizens voiced their dissatisfaction with declining living standards and governance failures. A staggering 87% of Ghanaians believed the country was heading in the wrong direction. In response, John Mahama campaigned on a promise to “reset the nation,” a message that resonated with voters and earned him a strong electoral mandate.

Amid this national crisis, the relevance of the Council of State came under scrutiny. Many questioned whether it was fulfilling its role as an independent advisory body or merely serving as an extension of the executive. Calls for reform—or outright abolition—grew louder. The challenge now is how the Council can reinvent itself to become a truly independent institution that contributes meaningfully to governance.

The Council of State: Mandate, Composition, and Performance

Established under Article 89 of the 1992 Constitution, the Council of State is tasked with advising the President, Parliament, and other state institutions. It is intended to serve as a non-partisan body that ensures governance decisions align with the national interest.

The Council is composed of:

Appointed Members – Eleven individuals selected by the President.
Elected Regional Representatives – Ten members, each elected by a region.
Ex-Officio Members – Former Chief Justices, Chiefs of Defence Staff, and Inspectors General of Police.

While its recommendations are non-binding, the Council is expected to act as a moral compass for governance. However, its performance has been widely criticized. Instead of providing meaningful oversight, it has been seen as a passive institution that merely validates executive decisions. Many argue that the high number of presidential appointees compromises its independence and effectiveness.

How Does Ghana’s Council of State Compare to Other Countries?

Many other democracies have similar advisory or oversight bodies, but with significant differences:

United Kingdom (House of Lords) – Functions as an upper legislative chamber, reviewing bills and government policies. Unlike Ghana’s Council of State, it has structured powers to scrutinize executive decisions.
South Africa (National Council of Provinces) – Represents regional interests, with elected members actively influencing legislation and governance decisions.
Nigeria (National Council of State) – Composed of former presidents, governors, and key officeholders, offering institutional memory and continuity in governance, though its influence remains largely advisory.

Given these models, Ghana could benefit from transforming its Council of State into a more structured upper chamber with clearly defined oversight responsibilities. This could strengthen accountability and prevent excessive executive control.

Enhancing Transparency and Accountability

One major issue with the Council of State is its lack of transparency. Unlike Parliament, which conducts public debates and hearings, the Council’s deliberations are largely hidden from public view. To address this, several reforms are necessary:

Public Deliberations – Major discussions should be conducted in public, similar to parliamentary sessions.
Regular Reports – The Council should publish reports detailing its recommendations and the government’s response, ensuring accountability.
Stronger Oversight Powers – While advisory in nature, the Council’s input on key policy matters should require the executive to provide formal justifications for deviations.

Mediating Between Arms of Government and Social Conflicts

Beyond its advisory role, the Council of State could be more actively engaged as a mediator between the arms of government and in broader national conflicts. Ghana has seen increasing tensions between the executive, legislature, and judiciary, as well as growing social unrest. The Council could play a key role in:

Resolving Institutional Conflicts – Political disagreements between the executive and Parliament or between the judiciary and the government could be managed through the Council’s mediation, ensuring institutional harmony.
Fostering Political Dialogue – In times of heightened political polarization, the Council could facilitate dialogue between opposing parties, ensuring national unity.
Addressing Social and Ethnic Tensions – As an impartial body, the Council could intervene in ethnic, religious, or regional conflicts to promote peace and national cohesion.
Guiding Electoral and Governance Reforms – By working with the Electoral Commission, Parliament, and civil society, the Council could help ensure consensus-driven reforms that strengthen democracy.

To effectively assume this role, the Council must be empowered with clear conflict-resolution mechanisms and given the necessary legal and financial resources to operate independently in mediation efforts.

Should the Council of State Be Wholly Elected?

A major point of debate is whether the Council of State should be fully elected instead of maintaining its current mix of appointed and elected members. Those in favor of a wholly elected Council argue that it would:

Enhance Democratic Legitimacy – A fully elected Council would derive its authority directly from the people, making it more representative and accountable.
Reduce Executive Influence – With nearly half of the current Council appointed by the President, its independence is compromised. Elected members would be more likely to serve the national interest rather than align with the executive.
Strengthen Public Trust – Elections would increase transparency and reduce the perception that the Council is an elite or partisan institution.

However, some argue that a fully elected Council could introduce new challenges:

Increase Partisan Competition – If members are elected through political processes, the Council could become a mirror of Parliament, losing its intended role as a non-partisan advisory body.
Compromise Expertise – Elections might prioritize popularity over competence, potentially sidelining experienced professionals and statesmen whose input is crucial for governance.
Weaken Institutional Stability – A Council subject to political cycles could see abrupt shifts in composition, reducing its ability to provide consistent, long-term guidance.

A Better Balance: Reducing Presidential Appointments

Rather than an extreme shift to either full elections or full appointments, a reformed model should reduce presidential influence while maintaining institutional balance. Some possible reforms include:

Reducing Presidential Appointments – The President should not have the power to appoint nearly half of the Council. Limiting appointments to a small fraction—such as ex-officio members or recognized statesmen—would ensure expertise without allowing the executive to dominate the institution.
Strengthening the Regional Election Process – Ensuring free, transparent, and competitive regional elections for Council representatives would reinforce democratic legitimacy.
Introducing Parliamentary Oversight – Instead of unilateral presidential appointments, Parliament could play a role in vetting and approving Council members to enhance accountability.

A Mid-Term Council: Overlapping Tenure with the Executive

One bold reform proposal is installing the Council of State at the mid-point of a presidential term rather than aligning its tenure with that of the executive. This would:

Enhance Independence – A Council that does not enter office alongside the President would be less likely to function as a rubber stamp.
Ensure Continuity – By overlapping presidential administrations, the Council could serve as an institutional stabilizer rather than a partisan body.
Improve Policy Evaluation – A mid-term Council could assess the government’s progress and provide recommendations that are less influenced by political pressures.

Conclusion: The Need for Urgent Reform

The Council of State stands at a crossroads. If it continues in its current form, public calls for its abolition will only intensify. However, through meaningful reforms—such as increasing transparency, strengthening oversight, enhancing its mediation role, implementing a mid-term appointment structure, and reducing presidential influence—it can regain relevance.

Transforming it into a more structured upper chamber or enhancing its advisory influence could make it a vital pillar of governance. As Ghana embarks on a national reset, the Council of State must evolve to meet the demands of a more accountable and transparent democracy.

Dampare: The IGP who divided a nation

Gertrude Okyere — Sat, 15 Mar 2025 11:31:59 +0000

Dr George Akuffo Dampare has been a polarizing figure, he’s divided opinions in a way few recent IGPs have. For better or worse, he left no one indifferent.

Even within the police service itself, the calls for his removal started right under Akufo-Addo, the very President who appointed him, it’s been impossible to ignore.

Ultimately, his tenure will be judged on two main fronts: how he managed the police service and how he handled policing itself.

On internal management, the verdict from those under his command was damning. Many officers saw him as a terrible leader, calling for his dismissal barely a year into his term.

Police officers are publicly calling him names as we speak. Even when he was at post, officers were openly challenging him, including those who took matters up the legal way. And honestly, who are we, as outsiders, to tell them otherwise?

I’m a journalist, I work in a newsroom, if my Editor is fired and those of us under his or leadership celebrate the firing, do outsiders get to say, “Oh, but he was a great editor?”

The grievances were many—issues with promotions, claims of vindictiveness. The complaints never stopped, until Thursday, March 13, when he was dismissed.

On policing, his biggest legacy will likely be police visibility. Police officers were everywhere in the nation’s capital. It helped in some ways to deal with crime but also fueled an explosion of extortion. More officers on the streets meant more harassment of innocent citizens.

Beyond visibility, though, little truly changed about the Ghana Police Service. It remained an institution stuck in its old ways. Extra-judicial killings? Still rampant. “Kill and cover-up” operations? Business as usual. The habit of framing innocent people? No real shift there either.

And then there was his handling of protests. Perhaps his biggest fault.

Under IGP Dampare, not a single demonstration passed without a fight—if the police weren’t beating protestors, they were in court trying to block the protests from starting in the first place. More protests were allowed under Rawlings than under Dampare.

Think of how the Occupy Julorbi House protestors were treated, or how the anti-galamsey protests were shut down. Protestors were literally abducted, their lawyers left in the dark for days.
Just before Dampare was appointed Inspector General of Police, Ghana witnessed its deadliest elections? And yet, after taking office there was little urgency in investigating the violence—until a new president had to step in and direct action. The next election recorded some more deaths but no real accountability. High-profile killings? Barely any meaningful investigations and prosecutions.

So what, exactly, was transformative about Dampare’s tenure? His real genius wasn’t in policing but in PR.

He was a master at cultivating the right allies—Academia, CSOs, the media. He faced little criticism because, honestly, who dared? Speaking against him meant inviting backlash. The man became untouchable until recent times.

And even up until his last day in office, his allies were in court attempting to prevent the president from replacing the head of a security service.

Do we honestly believe security chiefs should remain in place when different governments with different ideologies take over? How does that even make sense? My view is that presidents must have a free hand to decide who leads which security service or force.

But after a while, the veil began to slip. And when it did, it became clear to everyone what this was all really about. Dr. George Akuffo Dampare truly divided a nation.

The author, Kwaku Asante, is a senior broadcast journalist with JoyNews and Joy 99.7 FM.

The views expressed in this article are his personal opinions and do not reflect, in any form or shape, those of the Multimedia Group, where he works.

To the new Mahama administration: Leveraging Ghana-China partnerships for industrial growth and economic transformation

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Thu, 13 Mar 2025 14:36:01 +0000

Ghana’s economic growth continues to gain momentum, driven by efforts toward industrial expansion, trade diversification, and digital transformation.

As Ghana enters a new phase under President Mahama’s leadership, the country is poised to capitalize on global economic shifts, strengthen its partnerships with China, and deepen its involvement in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

The previous administration laid a strong foundation for economic stability by securing debt relief, improving macroeconomic stability, and advancing key infrastructure projects.

Under the IMF-supported Extended Credit Facility (ECF), Ghana has seen significant improvements in its fiscal space, setting the stage for strategic investments in the country’s future growth.

China’s evolving role under the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) presents Ghana with the opportunity to expand its economy through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), skills development, and industrial investments.

Addressing the Ghana-China Trade Imbalance

One of the major challenges in Ghana-China economic relations is the persistent trade imbalance. Ghana’s exports to China—mainly raw materials such as crude oil, cocoa, and gold—remain significantly lower than the imports from China, which consist of manufactured goods, machinery, electronics, and textiles.

Key Trade Data

In 2023, Ghana’s exports to China were valued at approximately $3.8 billion, while imports from China reached $8 billion. This created a trade deficit of over $4 billion, highlighting Ghana’s heavy reliance on Chinese imports.

Proposed Solutions to Balance Trade

Increase Value-Added Exports to China Ghana needs to shift focus from raw materials to processed and semi-processed goods such as:
- Processed cocoa products (chocolate, cocoa butter)
- Refined gold and jewelry
- Manufactured timber products
With China’s Green Lanes Initiative providing duty-free access for African agricultural exports, Ghana should negotiate expanded access for value-added goods instead of raw materials.
Leverage AfCFTA to Develop Regional Supply Chains Ghana can position itself as a key manufacturing hub in West Africa under AfCFTA. Encouraging Chinese factories to source raw materials locally instead of importing from China could create jobs and reduce import dependency.
Encourage More Chinese FDI in Ghana’s Industrial Sector Incentivizing Chinese firms to produce goods in Ghana, rather than exporting finished products from China, could reduce imports. Joint ventures with Chinese manufacturers could help establish local factories in sectors like:
- Automobile assembly and spare parts production
- Pharmaceutical manufacturing
- Textile and garment industry
Target Chinese Companies for Agro-Processing Investment With China’s growing middle class, Ghana should attract Chinese agribusinesses to invest in local processing plants for export-oriented industries such as cashews, palm oil, and fruit juices. This would reduce the trade imbalance and enhance agricultural exports.
Trade Negotiations: Reducing Tariffs and Non-Tariff Barriers Ghana should engage in high-level talks with Chinese trade officials to:
- Reduce tariffs on Ghanaian goods.
- Address non-tariff barriers such as sanitary measures that limit agricultural exports.
- Simplify export procedures to increase the competitiveness of Ghanaian businesses in the Chinese market.
Bilateral Agreement on Trade Rebalancing Measures Ghana should negotiate a bilateral framework with China to:
- Increase Ghanaian exports to China.
- Encourage Chinese industries to manufacture in Ghana.
- Facilitate Ghanaian companies’ access to China’s e-commerce platforms like JD.com and Alibaba.

Implementing these measures could reduce Ghana’s trade deficit with China by at least 30% within the next five years.

Economic Expansion and Strategic Partnerships

Ghana’s GDP is projected to grow by 5.6% in 2025, driven by:

Increased industrial production.
Expansion of regional trade through AfCFTA.
Sustained foreign direct investment (FDI).

Industrialization and Manufacturing Expansion Ghana’s industrial sector remains a key driver of economic transformation. Strategic partnerships with China’s leading corporations will enhance local production, technology transfer, and export diversification.

Electric Vehicle (EV) Manufacturing Ghana’s lithium reserves, valued at over $10 billion, offer a strategic advantage in the EV supply chain. A PPP approach with China’s BYD Auto and CATL could establish battery manufacturing and EV assembly plants.
- Estimated investment: $1.5 billion over five years.
- Projected job creation: 10,000 direct and indirect jobs.
Heavy Industry and Manufacturing Expanding Tema Steel Works Ltd. through a joint venture with Baowu Steel Group could significantly boost steel production.
- Expected investment: $800 million.
- Job creation: 6,000 jobs in steel production and downstream industries.
Infrastructure Development through PPPs Ghana should prioritize equity-based partnerships over debt financing for infrastructure projects such as:
- Expansion of Tema and Takoradi Ports.
- Railway infrastructure linking mining regions to export hubs.
- Urban transportation systems in Accra and Kumasi.
- Renewable energy projects.
Projected Economic Impact:
- $5 billion in infrastructure investments by 2027.
- 50,000 jobs created in construction and logistics.
Digital Economy and AI Collaboration with Chinese firms like Huawei could expand 5G infrastructure, while JD.com and Alipay could integrate digital payments into Ghana’s fintech sector. DeepSeek AI could collaborate on AI-driven industrial automation.
- Projected Investment: $500 million in digital infrastructure by 2027.
- Projected Job Creation: 20,000 jobs in tech and digital services.
Strengthening Bilateral Coordination Establishing a China Desk at the Presidency will ensure strategic oversight of Ghana-China engagements. Additionally, high-level trade delegations to China can secure industrial and export agreements.

Strategic Path Forward

Ghana’s economic engagement with China must be strategic, balanced, and focused on long-term benefits. Key priorities include:

Public-Private Partnerships for industrial expansion.
Skills transfer and job creation through local manufacturing.
Trade diversification under AfCFTA to balance Ghana-China trade.
Renewable energy investments to support industrialization.
Bilateral trade rebalancing framework to close the deficit gap.

If executed effectively, these initiatives will not only reduce Ghana’s trade imbalance with China but also strengthen its industrial base, positioning the country as a leading economic hub in West Africa.

Solutions to TB and HIV benefit all of us, North and South

Joshua Tigo — Fri, 07 Mar 2025 09:54:12 +0000

In the west of Kenya, near the shores of Lake Victoria, where I come from, a tuberculosis outbreak is no different from one that takes place anywhere else in the world.

A few dozen people get sick, health workers attempt to locate and test everyone with a bad cough and other symptoms.

A concerted effort is made to make sure that patients take their medications for the entire duration of treatment, at least six months, to help stem the creation of drug-resistant infections.

The problem is that Western Kenya has a high burden of HIV infections, which makes the communities more vulnerable to TB infections.

People living with HIV are more than 14 times more likely to fall ill with TB disease than people without HIV.

Other locations — like the communities on the Uganda shores of Lake Victoria, Copperbelt Province in Zambia, Eastern Cape Province in South Africa, or Enugu State in Nigeria — have this vulnerability.

Of the 30 countries that the World Health Organization identified as having a high burden of TB and HIV co-infections, 22 are located in sub-Saharan Africa.

South Africa, India, Nigeria, Mozambique, and Kenya tragically have the most co-infections globally.

HIV is not like TB. While TB treatment takes six long months, this is a curable disease. HIV, on the other hand, cannot be cured.

It can, however, be kept in check through medicine that suppresses the infection. The virus attacks the immune system, allowing other diseases like TB, kept in check by the immune system, to strengthen.

In fact, TB is the leading cause of death for people living with HIV infections.

This is where partnerships with foreign donors can make a difference, with resources for programs that have located people living with HIV and then provided them with proper medicines.

These programs help keep infections in check, preventing HIV from spreading and preventing other infections like TB from becoming more widespread.

Similar programs help locate people with TB and provide them with medicines throughout the six months of treatment.

The trend right now is to disrupt these partnerships and cut foreign aid, unraveling the safety net that addresses HIV and TB.

This places regions like Western Kenya at extreme risk from two contagious diseases that do not respect national borders.

If they are not contained in even one location, we run the risk of the contagion spreading.

There are so many ways that this situation can be improved, in sub-Saharan Africa and throughout the Global South.

We need new medicines for TB, to shorten the treatment time and make it easier for patients to take the drugs.

We need medicines that can cure HIV instead of just keeping the infections in check.

We also need vaccines to prevent both of these infections. The only available TB vaccine, BCG, dates back to 1921.

It protects babies and young children against severe forms of TB, but it offers inadequate protection for adolescents and adults against the most common form of the disease.

There is no vaccine to prevent HIV, although new prevention methods have been identified and need development and distribution.

This is my work as a scientist, helping to develop solutions for infectious diseases that are barely held in check, if at all — even as the systems that address these diseases have just lost significant funding.

There is no disagreement that foreign aid makes a difference; more resources are needed, not less.

An estimated US$22 billion is required annually for TB diagnostic, treatment and prevention services by 2027.

Yet only US$5.7 billion was available in 2023. Governments in both the Global South and Global North need to provide more resources.

Global funding for neglected disease basic research and product development has declined by more than 20% since it peaked in 2018.

As of 2023, high-income countries provided 59% of all funding; those numbers are now expected to drop further this year.

It would be great to see low- and middle-income countries generating more research that tackles diseases like TB and HIV, and we are on the path to doing so, but we are still unfortunately at the beginning stages of this journey.

Today, progress against these diseases stands at the edge of a precipice as governments face impossible decisions on where to channel diminishing resources.

The funding for this work does not turn on like a switch if foreign aid from high-income countries is suddenly discontinued.

We have already lost so much ground during the COVID-19 pandemic.

An estimated 700,000 TB deaths stemmed from the disruptions caused by the pandemic. Less than half of all people infected with drug-resistant TB received treatment in 2023.

And now we risk losing the ground that we have made up since COVID.

It is important that the Global South and Global North continue to work together, finding solutions to these diseases that keep too many parts of society vulnerable.

The world will always be connected.

Solutions to these diseases benefit us all.

This article is written by Dr. Monicah Otieno, PhD, Head of Nonclinical Development, Gates Medical Research Institute

From Coup to Glory: How Nkrumah’s name outlived his opponents

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Thu, 06 Mar 2025 17:44:33 +0000

Ei, Ghanaians! Here we are again, celebrating another Independence Day—this time, the grand 68th anniversary. If Ghana were a human being, by now, it would have grandchildren who keep borrowing its money without paying back. But let’s leave that matter and focus on the man who brought us independence—Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah!

Ah, Nkrumah! The man who dreamed of Ghana before Ghana even knew how to dream for itself. If Ghana were a house, Nkrumah was the landlord who built it with his own hands, only for some tenants to conspire and kick him out. They threw his statue down as if concrete could erase a man’s legacy. But as we all know, the moon does not disappear just because clouds try to cover it. Today, those who toppled him are forgotten, but Nkrumah remains as famous as Ghana Jollof!

“More Spectacular Than the Fall of Satan”

Some people actually danced when Nkrumah fell in 1966. Ei! Nii Okai Pesemaku III of the Gbese Traditional Area even said his fall was more spectacular than the fall of Satan. Satan himself must have been stunned by the comparison. Imagine Satan sitting somewhere, minding his own business, only to hear, “Chaley, they say somebody’s fall is worse than mine!”

But today, whose face is on our money? Who has a public holiday in his name? And whose speeches still make sense even though he said them over 60 years ago? Certainly not the coup plotters!

But let’s be fair—Nkrumah was not a saint. The intoxicating spirit of power got into his head small. Sometimes, he didn’t have patience for his opponents. He ruled with an iron fist, but at least, he used the iron to build industries, schools, and hospitals. Nowadays, some leaders rule with an iron fist and use the same iron to open bank accounts abroad. Power in the wrong hands is like giving a machete to a child—it can only end in disaster.

“Nkrumah Never Dies”—His Name Stands Tall Like a Baobab Tree

If Ghana were a hospital, Nkrumah would be the doctor who built it. If it were a farm, he would be the farmer who planted the first seeds. And yet, some people treated him like an unwelcome guest in his own home.

But like a great baobab tree, his name stands tall no matter how many storms come. Walk anywhere in Ghana, and you will find something named after him—Nkrumah Circle, Nkrumah University, Nkrumah this, Nkrumah that. Meanwhile, some of the people who fought him, if you Google their names, even Google will ask, “Did you mean someone else?”

Even the Akosombo Dam he built is still our main source of electricity—sixty years later! Meanwhile, some roads constructed last year are now existential death traps riddled with potholes that claim human lives on a daily basis. And let’s not forget the Tema Motorway—the only road in Ghana that still believes in longevity. You see, when Nkrumah built something, he built it to last. These days, by the time they finish cutting the ribbon for a new project, the project itself has already started collapsing. If you build with weak materials, don’t be surprised when the rain washes it away.

Agyapadie? What’s That?

Now, let’s talk about money. In Ghana, some politicians see leadership as their family’s personal business. They come to power and, before you know it, their cousins, uncles, in-laws, and even their cats have government contracts. But Nkrumah? He ruled Ghana with absolute power, yet he didn’t leave behind stolen lands or secret bank accounts. His children didn’t inherit mansions, oil fields, or government contracts. In fact, if inheritance were a school subject, Nkrumah’s children would fail the exam.

Today, some politicians have more houses than Nkrumah had factories. Their grandchildren have Swiss bank accounts before they even get their first teeth. And yet, we wonder why we are still struggling. When leaders eat all the food meant for the village, they shouldn’t be surprised when the children go hungry.

Posterity, the Ultimate Judge

Today, history has spoken. Nkrumah’s ideas are still shaping the world. Africa recognizes him as its greatest leader. The world respects him. Even in Ghana, where we like to criticize our own more than necessary, his name still carries power. Why? Because true greatness does not fade—it only shines brighter with time.

So, on this 68th Independence Day, let’s raise a calabash of palm wine (or sobolo, for the health-conscious) and toast to the man who saw a great Ghana before Ghana even knew its own potential. A man who built, fought, and sacrificed. A man who, even in death, refuses to be forgotten.

Kwame Nkrumah never dies! Like well-seasoned kontomire stew, his legacy remains rich and satisfying, no matter how many years pass.

Long live Ghana! Long live the spirit of Nkrumah! We die, but we do not perish!

Ghana’s 68th Independence Day; a reflection of economic realities?

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Thu, 06 Mar 2025 07:56:46 +0000

Today marks Ghana’s 68th Independence Day, a moment traditionally filled with pomp, pride, and patriotic fervor. However, unlike previous years when the grand spectacle unfolded at the historic Black Star Square or in regional capitals, this year’s celebration will take place at the Jubilee House, the seat of government.

The decision to scale down the event reflects the country’s economic challenges. Minister of State for Government Communications, Felix Kwakye Ofosu, announced that financial constraints had necessitated a modest ceremony.

“President Mahama took the decision a few weeks ago to scale down the celebration and bring it to the presidency. There’s a vast compound that can accommodate hundreds of Ghanaians,” he explained.

In past years, Independence Day celebrations featured a grand parade with thousands of students, security personnel, and dignitaries in coordinated pageantry. The event typically included 60 contingents of 60 men and women each, along with thousands of schoolchildren, symbolizing Ghana’s unity and resilience.

This year, however, attendance has been drastically reduced. Only about 500 people—including security personnel and schoolchildren—will participate in the scaled-down ceremony.

The shift to a more austere celebration highlights Ghana’s economic difficulties. Once considered one of Africa’s most promising economies, the country is now grappling with high inflation, a depreciating currency, and mounting public debt. Many citizens face rising food prices, job losses, and increasing utility costs.

It is against this backdrop that the government decided to cut costs. Last year’s celebration in Koforidua cost GH¢15 million, a figure that has become politically and socially untenable amid prevailing hardships.

“This year’s event will cost only a tenth of last year’s expenditure,” Kwakye Ofosu noted, stressing the need to balance national pride with fiscal realities.

“The scaled-down event does not in any way undermine the significance of the day. The Independence Day celebration is one that President Mahama takes very seriously.”

Despite government assurances, the subdued nature of the event reflects a broader sense of disillusionment among the populace. Some commend the government’s prudence, while others argue that Independence Day—one of Ghana’s most cherished national traditions—should not be sacrificed, even in difficult times.

As Ghana marks 68 years of independence from British colonial rule, it does so without extravagant displays of military precision and schoolchildren’s fanfare. Instead, the celebration is a tempered acknowledgment of the nation’s economic realities.

The festivities may be muted, but the spirit of independence, forged in the struggles of Kwame Nkrumah and the pioneers of Ghana’s freedom, remains unshaken.

Whether the government’s cost-cutting measures signal a more responsible approach to national spending or highlight deeper financial struggles remains to be seen.

The critical role of Alhaji Asoma Banda in shaping up resilience of the fourth Republic

Gertrude Okyere — Wed, 05 Mar 2025 20:25:32 +0000

“Any nation that does not honour its heroes will not long endure.” – Abraham Lincoln

Over the weekend, the Ghanaians learnt with sadness the passing of Alhaji Asoma Banda after some ill health at the ripe old age of 92.

Many of us Ghanaians know Alhaji Asuma Banda as a shipping magnate, philanthropist and businessman who owned and managed a huge conglomerate, the Antrak Group of Companies, among others.

In addition to all of these, what many people have either forgotten or are oblivious about is his role in the development and shaping up of the current 4th Republic dispensation.

In April 1992, when the ban on partisan political activities was lifted, a plethora of political parties merged.

The 13 political parties formed had quite a number of them being oriented towards the ideologies of Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah.

These included the People’s National Convention (PNC), National Independence Party (NIP), People’s Heritage Party (PHP) and National Convention Party (NCP).

The NCP had gone into the Great Alliance with the National Democratic Congress (NDC) leading to the NCP Presidential Candidate Neenyi Kow Nkensen Arkaah becoming the running mate to Flt Lt J.J. Rawlings of the NDC.

The alliance won a convincing 58.3% and 189 seats out of the 200-member Parliament by the NDC. The NCP took eight seats with the Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere (EGLE) party also a partner in the Great Alliance winning a single seat.

The two other seats were won by independents in the Navrongo (Madam Hawa Yakubu) and another from Brong Ahafo.

With the 11.3% garnered by the minority parties all of which were Nkrumaist aligned, the outcome of the results that year showed that the Nkrumaist parties could only make a meaningful stake in the country’s democratic development if they came together.

Several efforts aimed at getting these mergers to take place were held. There were times that conclusions were even announced only for it to be truncated subsequently.

On the sidelines of all these, Al-Hajj Asuma Banda as a kingpin of the Nkrumaist groups managed to broker a merger of the NCP, the PHP and a faction of the PNC to form the People’s Convention Party (PCP) late in 1993.

With Alhaji Asuma Banda as its Chairman and Mr Seth Abloso as General Secretary, the PCP began moves in 1994 towards repositioning the PCP as a formidable force electorally.

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) with Prof. Albert Adu-Boahen and Mr. Roland Issifu Alhassan as running mate in spite of its huge following ahead of the November 1992 Presidential Election had secured only 30.4%.

Due to its dissatisfaction with the electoral process which in the party’s view had led to massive ballot rigging, the NPP boycotted the Parliamentary Election held on 29th December 1992.

The rank and file of the party was very distraught and needed an early primaries thereafter.

Unfortunately, a number of internal party difficulties faced that included the challenge to the eligibility of Andrews Kwame Pianim ended up stalling the process until April 1996 when the NPP finally went to Congress.

Mr. John Agyekum Kufuor was elected with 52% to replace Prof. Adu-Boahen who received 35.7% of the vote.

As far back as December 1994, a general feeling had emerged across the country and within the NPP that there was a need for effective cooperation among parties of the political opposition if they were going to make a good impact in future presidential elections.

Thus, once Kufuor was elected, he was faced with the discussions of a party merger. Heavy discussions had been ongoing between the Chairmen of two political parties for some months (Bernard Joao da-Rocha of the NPP and Al-Hajj Asuma Banda of the PCP).

Eventually, the agreement for the alliance was signed on 18th September 1996. It was now left with two very thorny issues – which of the two elected presidential candidates will be alliance’s candidate as well as the common list of the alliance’s parliamentary candidates.

Discussions on these issues were extremely thorny and acrimonious at some points running into months. Each of the two parties had a delegation of fifteen for the discussions as well as the special Electoral College.

They had two rounds of voting to determine which of the two will be the main candidate and who will be running mate. After several days ahead of each round results ended in 15-votes apiece.

The PCP argued that their candidate was already the Vice President and could only move up as President while the NPP argued that they had the most experienced candidate in John Agyekum Kufuor.

Unless one of the delegates compromised his/her hard stance, they could vote forty times and still end up in a deadlock.

At the third vote held after a two-full day engagement, Chairman of the PCP, Alhaji Asoma Banda did the unthinkable by voting against his own candidate thus breaking the tie to enable NPP’s John Kufuor to become the alliance candidate.

Mr. John Kufuor obtained 16 votes as against 14 by Neenyi Kow Arkaah. Finally, the deadlock had been broken, and the Great Alliance now had a presidential candidate.

Next was the decision on which of the 400 candidates from the two parties will make the list of the alliance for filing.

Here again, the two parties advanced serious arguments for each of the 200 constituencies on the basis of strength of the various candidates, history of the party in those areas, strength of the national party, etc.

While the PCP sought to fight for equity in seat sharing of 200-apiece, the NPP argued that the real strengths of the parties on the ground be used.

Mr. Peter Ala-Adjetey for example is quoted as arguing that we are not sharing apples among parties where equality will be the yardstick but, in this case, they were looking for winnable candidates.

He therefore argued that they “were looking at the strengths of the parties on the ground”. Inspite of the heated acrimony, Alhaji Asuma Banda in his capacity as alliance chairman was extremely tactical in managing the alliance.

Unfortunately, bad blood and various tactics led to the breakdown of the arrangement. For instance, whereas the alliance selected Kwesi Pratt as the Alliance Candidate for Ayawaso East, the NPP managed to file Sheikh I.C. Quaye at the Electoral Commission as the candidate on the last day of filing.

This happened in a couple of constituencies across both parties in the alliance.

Eventually, these long winding and acrimonious negotiations ended up depriving both parties time to undertake effective campaign and Kufuor received just above 39% after undertaking only three months of electioneering campaign.

One thing remains clear – it was the political sacrifice of the sitting Vice President by his party Chairman Alhaji Banda in voting for Kufuor that got him to become the Great Alliance Candidate in the 1996 General Elections.

It was that same decision that subsequently gave him the upper hand to be elected as NPP’s candidate for the 2000 General Elections which he won convincingly.

For all his contributions to national development, Alhaji Banda was awarded honorary degrees from the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology as well as the University of Cape Coast.

He also received lifetime achievement awards from several entities as well as decorated by the State as a Companion of the Order of Volta in 2008.

Unfortunately, once Alhaji Banda stepped down from office as Chairman of his party and Member of the Council of State, he took backstage from active partisan political activities.

Indeed, the late Asoma Banda has served his country well and contributed to the growth and development of this Fourth Republic dispensation.

May the soul of this great patriot rest in perfect peace while their lives serve as an example to us all!

Engr. Eric Atta-Sonno

eattasonno@gmail.com

Council of State under 1992 constitution: A flawed system in need of review and amendment

Abigail Bonney — Wed, 05 Mar 2025 06:27:26 +0000

Ghana’s democratic governance, as enshrined in the 1992 Constitution, is built on a framework of checks and balances designed to ensure accountability, stability, and inclusiveness.

A critical institution within this framework is the Council of State, which serves as an advisory body to the President and other state institutions on critical national issues, as outlined in Articles 89 to 92 of the Constitution.

However, recent controversies surrounding the election of regional representatives to the Council – including allegations of vote-buying, political interference, hooliganism, and a lack of genuine representation – have raised serious questions about the institution’s effectiveness and relevance in its current form.

As Ghana commences its constitutional review process, it is crucial to consider a bold yet
pragmatic reform: replacing the regional representatives on the Council of State, as
postulated in paragraph (c), clause 2 of Article 89 of the 1992 Constitution, with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs. This proposal, entrenched in historical practice, is timely and aligns with Ghana’s commitment to preserving its cultural heritage, promoting inclusivity, and ensuring good governance by insulating advisory mechanisms from political corruption.

Furthermore, this reform presents an opportunity to address the longstanding exclusion of
queen mothers from the House of Chiefs, thereby enhancing their participation in national
decision-making processes.

ANTECEDENTS OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE IN GHANA’S GOVERNANCE SYSTEM

To fully understand the argument for integrating the Regional Houses of Chiefs into the
Council of State, examining the historical context of the Council’s creation is fundamental.

The Council of State, as it exists today, originated in the post-independence era when Ghana sought to establish governance structures that balanced modernity with tradition. For instance, the 1960 Republican Constitution established a Council of State to advise the
President, reflecting the traditional governance systems where chiefs and elders played
central roles in decision-making.

Historically, traditional leaders in Ghana have been integral to governance, serving as
mediators, advisors, and custodians of communal values. Before colonialism, chiefs and elders formed the backbone of governance in the various independent states that now constitute Ghana.

They were political leaders and spiritual and cultural figures who ensured the welfare of their people. As noted by Rathbone (2000), the colonial administration recognised the
influence of chiefs and incorporated them into the indirect rule system, further solidifying
their role in governance.

However, after independence, traditional leaders’ role in formal governance diminished as
the state adopted more centralised and modern administrative structures. The 1992
Constitution, while acknowledging the importance of chiefs, limited their formal role to the
National House of Chiefs, primarily focusing on matters affecting chieftaincy. This exclusion
2 of traditional leaders from national governance represents a missed opportunity to leverage their deep local knowledge and strong community ties.

Given this historical context, the proposal to replace the current regional representatives of
the Council of State with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs is not a sweeping
departure but a return to a governance model deeply rooted in Ghanaian history. It is an
opportunity to revive the traditional role of chiefs as advisors and mediators on critical
national issues while adapting it to the needs of a modern democratic state.

ADVANTAGES OF REPLACING REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVES WITH PRESIDENTS OF THE REGIONAL HOUSES OF CHIEFS

Traditional authorities command greater legitimacy and public trust. Chiefs derive their
authority from aged customs and traditions, which are deeply embedded in the communities they serve. Unlike political appointees or elected officials, chiefs are not chosen through partisan processes but are recognised based on their lineage and the trust of their people.

This organic connection to their communities grants them legitimacy that is difficult to achieve through political means. Their role as custodians of customary law and cultural values positions them to offer advice that genuinely reflects the needs and aspirations of grassroots people. By including the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs on the Council of State, the government would tap into this reservoir of trust and legitimacy, ensuring that national policies are informed by voices representing the people.

Moreover, traditional leaders are often seen as symbols of continuousness and stability in a
fast-changing world. Their inclusion in the Council of State would strengthen the Council’s
credibility and bridge the gap between modern governance structures and traditional
systems. This integration would demonstrate a commitment to honouring Ghana’s cultural
heritage while addressing contemporary challenges, fostering a sense of citizen pride and
ownership.

Chiefs have historically played a pivotal role in mediating conflicts and fostering community
unity. Their deep understanding of local customs, traditions, and social dynamics equips them to provide counsel that promotes peace and reconciliation. In a country as diverse as Ghana, where ethnic, tribal, and cultural differences can sometimes lead to tensions, the involvement of traditional leaders in national governance would ensure that policies are sensitive to these nuances. By incorporating their perspectives, the Council of State could help craft solutions that respect and integrate local traditions, strengthening social cohesion.

Additionally, traditional leaders are often seen as unifying figures who transcend political
divides. Their presence on the Council of State would encourage a more inclusive approach to governance, where decisions are made with the collective good in mind rather than partisan interests. This would not only enhance national unity but also ensure that marginalised communities feel represented and heard at the highest levels of decision-making.

One of the key criticisms of the current Council of State is its perceived politicisation, with
many members being seen as aligned with the ruling government or specific political
interests. This undermines public confidence in the Council’s ability to provide impartial advice to the President.

In contrast, chiefs are generally regarded as non-partisan figures whose primary allegiance is to their communities rather than any political party. By replacing regional representatives with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs, the Council of State would take a significant step toward depoliticising its operations.

Including chiefs would also help restore public trust in the Council’s role as an independent
advisory body. Their reputation for fairness and neutrality would lend credibility to the
Council’s recommendations, ensuring that decisions are perceived as being in the national
interest rather than driven by political considerations. This shift would enhance the Council’s effectiveness and reinforce its role as a stabilising force in Ghana’s governance architecture.

Traditional leaders have an unparalleled understanding of the challenges and opportunities
within their communities. Their daily interactions with local peoples give them firsthand
knowledge of land disputes, resource management, and social welfare issues, which are often overlooked in national policymaking. By including the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs on the Council of State, the government would ensure that these grassroots concerns are brought to the forefront of national discourse.

This approach would also make national policies more relevant and effective, as the realities would inform them on the ground. For instance, chiefs could provide valuable insights into addressing issues like illegal mining (“galamsey”), environmental degradation, tribal conflicts, or rural development in ways that align with local customs and practices. Their involvement would thus create a more responsive and inclusive governance system that prioritises the needs of all citizens, particularly those in underserved areas.

THE ROLE OF QUEEN MOTHERS IN ‘THE NEW COUNCIL OF STATE’

While the proposal to include the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs in the Council
of State is a significant step forward, it is equally important to address the exclusion of queen mothers from the various strata of the House of Chiefs. Queen mothers, who play a vital role in traditional governance, have historically been marginalised in formal decision-making processes.

Despite their influence in community affairs, they are currently not standard
members of the House of Chiefs, limiting their ability to contribute to national governance.
There have been growing calls for amendments to formally include queen mothers in the
House of Chiefs, enhancing their participation in national decision-making processes.

Recognising queen mothers as members of the House of Chiefs would rectify this historical
oversight and strengthen the institution by incorporating the perspectives of women, who
are often the backbone of community development. Their inclusion would ensure a more
balanced and representative governance structure that reflects the diversity of Ghanaian
society.

By extending membership in the House of Chiefs to paramount queen mothers, the
government would demonstrate its commitment to gender equality and inclusive
governance. Queen mothers bring unique insights into family welfare, education, and
healthcare, which are critical to national development. Their involvement in the House of
Chiefs would enrich the Council of State’s deliberations and ensure that policies are more
holistic and inclusive.

CHIEFS AND TECHNICAL EXPERTISE

A standard critique of the proposal to include chiefs in the Council of State is the perception
that they lack the technical expertise required to address complex policy issues. This
argument, however, overlooks the significant strides traditional leaders have made in
adapting to the demands of modern governance.

While it is true that the role of chiefs has historically been rooted in cultural and customary practices, the reality in contemporary Ghana is that many traditional leaders are not only custodians of tradition but also highly educated professionals with diverse expertise. This dual identity equips them to address complex policy issues with a unique blend of traditional wisdom and modern knowledge.

In recent years, the profile of chiefs has evolved considerably. Many traditional leaders today hold advanced degrees and have distinguished themselves in various professional fields. For example, some chiefs serve as judges in Ghana’s Superior Courts, where they apply their legal expertise alongside their deep understanding of customary law. Others are renowned academics, engineers, medical doctors, and business leaders who have significantly contributed to national development. These individuals bring a wealth of technical knowledge and practical experience, enabling them to engage effectively with intricate policy matters. Their ability to navigate traditional and modern systems positions them as valuable assets to a reformed Council of State.

Furthermore, the Chieftaincy Act, 2008 (Act 759) highlights the capacity of traditional leaders to engage with contemporary governance challenges. The House of Chiefs has been actively involved in critical areas such as conflict resolution, land management, and cultural
preservation. These efforts often involve collaboration with government agencies, nongovernmental organisations, and international bodies, demonstrating the ability of chiefs to adapt traditional knowledge to modern contexts. For instance, in resolving land disputes, chiefs have successfully combined customary practices with legal frameworks to achieve equitable outcomes. This adaptability highlights their potential to contribute meaningfully to national policymaking, particularly in areas where cultural sensitivity and local knowledge are essential.

To address lingering concerns about technical expertise, the proposed composition of the
Council of State – comprising a limited number of presidential appointees, ex-officio members, and the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs – offers a balanced approach. This structure ensures that the Council benefits from traditional leaders’ cultural legitimacy and grassroots insights while also drawing on the specialised knowledge of professionals in various fields. For example, while a chief with a background in law could provide valuable input on judicial reforms, a technocrat with expertise in economics could offer insights on fiscal policy. This interaction between traditional and modern perspectives would enrich the Council’s deliberations and enhance the quality of its advice to the President.

In addition, the inclusion of chiefs on the Council of State would foster a more inclusive and
representative governance system. Traditional leaders often profoundly understand the
challenges faced by rural and marginalised communities, which are sometimes overlooked in national policymaking. By incorporating their perspectives, the Council could ensure that
policies are technically sound and socially and culturally relevant. This would lead to more
effective implementation and greater public acceptance of government initiatives.

CONCLUSION

The Council of State, currently constituted under the 1992 Constitution, faces significant
challenges that undermine its credibility and effectiveness. Allegations of politicisation, votebuying, and a lack of genuine representation have eroded public trust in the institution.
However, the proposal to replace regional representatives with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs offers a compelling mix that aligns with Ghana’s historical governance traditions and contemporary needs.

Traditional leaders bring unparalleled legitimacy, grassroots insights, and a non-partisan
approach to governance. Their inclusion in the Council of State would enhance the
institution’s credibility and ensure that the realities of local communities inform national
policies. Moreover, the evolving profile of chiefs as highly educated professionals with diverse expertise dispels the notion that they lack the technical knowledge to contribute
meaningfully to national decision-making.

By adopting this reform, Ghana would reaffirm its commitment to preserving its cultural
heritage while addressing the challenges of modern governance. It would create a more
inclusive, representative, and effective Council of State that genuinely serves the interests of all Ghanaians.

This change would strengthen the Council’s role as an advisory body and reinforce its position as a stabilising force in Ghana’s democratic architecture. Additionally, including queen mothers in the House of Chiefs would further enhance the institution’s representativeness and ensure that women’s voices are heard in national decision-making
processes. Together, these reforms would pave the way for a more equitable and inclusive
governance system in Ghana.

Author: Anthony Danquah Esq
Associate @ Sedi Legal Bureau
Email: tony@sedilegalbureau.com

Why Zoomlion can’t be blamed for meagre, delayed salaries of staff under the Waste and Sanitation Module of YEA

Joshua Tigo — Tue, 04 Mar 2025 12:51:42 +0000

Introduction

A very rich man cultivated a large plantation and hired workers to work on the farm for him.

But because the farm was so huge that he couldn’t supervise their services, he hired extra hands to manage the labourers working on the farm for him.

The farmer told the managers how much he would pay them and how much he wanted them to pay the labourers at the end of every month.

The managers did as directed by the farmer and whenever money was made available to them, the labourers were paid.

However, the farmers could go for some months without wages because the farmers had refused to release money to the managers to pay them.

But in the end, the managers receive all the backlash, vilification, and insults just because the farmer had refused to give them money to be given to the labourers.

Then again, there was also the issue of the labourers receiving peanuts as wages. But before the managers can hire any worker, the farmer determines how much that labourer should be paid.

However because the farmer was no more hiring the workers directly but through the managers, the workers felt it was the managers who were wicked and had refused to pay them what was due them.

Detach your emotions, erase whatever judgment you hold analyse the situation as the facts have it, and judge by yourself, if any of the concerns regarding this situation should be blamed on the farmer or the managers.

The short story you just read is the story of the Government of Ghana which in this case is the farmer, Zoomlion Ghana Limited which is the manager(s), and its YEA staff who are the labourers.

Zoomlion and the Government of Ghana story

One Monday morning in the year 2006, I observed that the route to my school which was about 1.2 kilometers from the centre of the town was not the usual one I had seen for the past years I had stayed in that community or visited there.

After walking a bit further ahead, I saw people in blue and orange working gear with some tricycles sweeping the roadside and desilting the choked drains.

As I walked a bit closer, I saw ZOOMLION inscribed on their uniforms and on the tricycles they were using.

I remember vividly the words that came out of my mouth as I inched closer. ‘Nyame nhyira mo’, to wit God bless you.

I didn’t know what Zoomlion was, who had contracted them to keep our environments clean, their payment module, and other details in their contract with the government.

But what I learned subsequently was that these persons had been employed as part of the government’s strategies to manage waste in the country, especially in urban areas, through the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) and the Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in partnership with Zoomlion Ghana Limited to implement the Youth in Waste and Sanitation Module.

Over the years, Zoomlion Ghana Limited has been a game-changer in Ghana’s waste management sector by providing Integrated Waste Management Solutions to cover the entire waste management process, from collection, haulage, transfer, sorting, recycling, and disposal.

Overall, Zoomlion Ghana Limited has made significant contributions to Ghana’s waste management space, promoting sustainability, public health, and environmental protection.

Although their services cater to various sectors which include residential, business as well as community levels, for this discussion, I will focus on the community services which it renders with the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) as its manager.

A few years after the emergence of Zoomlion, there were reports of the YEA agents under the module receiving peanuts as monthly wages for the work done.

This has existed over the years with similar reports emerging from time to time.

I was searching for something online over the weekend and this issue of the YEA operatives working with Zoomlion popped up.

It took my memory back to 2006 when it all started when these workers were happily working without any of these emerging issues.

I was forced to read the story again although I had read it earlier as an ardent follower of news.

The story, written by Ibrahim Abubakar and published on 3news.com, was about a protest by some of the operatives who said they had not been paid for 20 months, ie, four months away from two years.

Aside from the delay in the salary which became topical in the country, the usual size of the salary also came up.

Then I asked myself how Zoomlion could be so ‘wicked’ to be paying its workers as low as GHC250.00 per month and delay the salary for 20 good months.

Then I saw a release from the Public Relations Unit of the company explaining in detail, the cause of the concerns raised.

First, is the amount Zoomlion pays the workers determined by the government or Zoomlion?

Secondly, does the government release funds for Zoomlion which it refuses to pay the workers on time or not? These were the two major questions I sought to ask which the statement from the company addressed.

I know some big corporations whose security staff are paid GHC500.00 a month after working 12 hours a day for the entire week. If you divide the rate they are paid per day, for the 12 hours, it is GHC16.67p.

This means that even if you round the figure up to GHC17, it means they take GHC1.41p for an hour.

In the case of Zoomlion, each worker has a day off in a week, meaning they work 26 days in a month on average, making their daily wage GHC9.61p which becomes GHC10.00 if it is also rounded up. This means they receive an hourly wage rate of GHC2.50p.

This is because these people are required to work for 4 hours per day and I can attest to the fact that some of these operatives can sweep their designated portions in less than 2 hours and have the rest of the day to do whatever they want to do.

What am I doing here? I am not justifying the supposed meagre salary given to these workers.

However, I have been struggling to understand why no one has ever taken any private security company or many of these private firms on for paying their staff less than GHC1.50p per hour, but have all the cause to roast Zoomlion for ‘giving’ its staff GHC2.50p per hour.

This is if we assume without admitting that the said amount is determined by Zoomlion itself as most of the public have been made to believe.

No one should get me wrong. I am not saying the amount the workers are being paid is enough. No! I wish they could take double or triple of that.

However, what we are failing to appreciate is the fact that this amount is determined by the government and not Zoomlion, and even if it was determined by Zoomlion, there are several other private companies in the country whose salary structure is far poorer than what operatives under the YEA’s Waste and Sanitation Module are taking.

I know there are so many private companies in this country who pay their workers with these peanuts, some even less than the GHC500. However, I used the security company as an example for this piece.

Following the August 2024 issues that came up, the company came to clarify that:

As per the contract agreement, Zoomlion is responsible for managing the operatives and providing the necessary logistics they require for their work, including uniforms, brooms, and other working tools.

However, it is important to note the following:

Payment of Allowances: The payment of YEA operatives’ allowances is solely determined by the Government/YEA.

It is then released to Zoomlion for onward payment to the beneficiaries as Zoomlion manages their day-to-day activities but does not control or determine the amount or timing of payments to operatives.

Working Hours: YEA operatives work for four (4) hours per day and do not work on Sundays.

In addition to their regular duties, whenever operatives are required to work outside their contracted hours, Zoomlion ensures they are compensated with an allowance, and in some cases, provided with lunch.

Support for Workers: While it is not mandated by the contract for Zoomlion to offer compensation in cases of death or injury, the company has, on humanitarian grounds, extended support in such instances, including financial assistance for medical treatment. Additionally, operatives are appreciated at the end of each year with gifts of rice and oil, courtesy of Zoomlion.

18 Years of Unwavering Commitment to YEA Workers: For nearly two decades, Zoomlion has maintained a steadfast partnership with the YEA, consistently demonstrating our commitment to the well-being of YEA workers.

Notably, Zoomlion has established an unblemished record of timely salary payments to YEA workers over the past 18 years, ensuring their financial stability and security.

Moreover, our collaboration has gone beyond mere employment, as we have invested in the professional development of YEA workers.

Through comprehensive training programs, numerous YEA workers have acquired specialized skills, with many advancing to become certified truck drivers.

Annual Global Exposure: Zoomlion’s yearly commitment to global exposure and motivation was evident in June when YEA operatives were sponsored to visit Belarus and Russia, expanding their waste management knowledge and expertise.

Clarification on Delayed Payments: We understand the concerns about delays in the payment of allowances in some regions.

However, Zoomlion is not responsible for these delays, as the government has not yet disbursed funds to the company for payment.

Nonetheless, Zoomlion has, on several occasions, secured loans to pre-finance allowances as a humanitarian gesture, even though this is not part of our contractual obligations.

Even though not everything stated in the release could be directly benefited by a majority of the operatives, my utmost interest is the fact that Zoomlion does not determine how much these staff should be paid, and even if it does, the payment is better compared to many private companies in the country.

What is mind-boggling is the fact that no one has been able to dispute the fact that the amount given to the workers is determined by Zoomlion instead of the government as the company is claiming in its release.

So why is Zoomlion being blamed for a decision by the government of Ghana? You may have your reservations about Zoomlion but truth be told, no waste management company in the country possesses the wherewithal in terms of both human capital and resources to manage our waste in this country.

Zoomlion’s consistent delivery of world-class management services to various MMDAs over the years has resulted in a significant reduction in sanitation-related health issues across the country which has earned them contracts in other African countries.

I don’t think if they were that bad, they would have gotten such deals beyond the borders of Ghana.

In my conclusion, I want to suggest that, if it is possible, Zoomlion should devise means of securing money to pay these workers at the end of every month to avoid the backlash it receives from the public for the unnecessary delays in the release of their funds by the government.

This is a mistake from the government, but Zoomlion is the one that gets the backlash at the end of the day.

Also, there are issues regarding the concerns being spoken about, and I believe Zoomlion Ghana is a responsible corporate entity that has been at the forefront of driving sustainable waste management in Ghana.

Therefore, the best thing to be done is for stakeholders and persons raising concerns, in the best interest of and fairness to all parties involved, to engage in open and constructive dialogue rather than resorting to actions and pronouncements aimed at tarnishing the image of the company.

Gov’t reclaims forest reserves: A bold stand to save Ghana’s forests and water bodies

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Mon, 24 Feb 2025 15:24:52 +0000

Minister for Lands and Natural Resources, Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah, has reaffirmed the government’s commitment to tackling illegal mining in Ghana, declaring a relentless and firm approach to the fight.

Speaking after a successful operation on February 22, 2025, to reclaim the Shelter Belt Forest Reserve in collaboration with the Ministries of Defence and Interior, Hon. Buah highlighted the urgency of the government’s mission to restore forest reserves, water bodies, and biodiversity damaged by illegal mining (galamsey).

The minister revealed that approximately 30 hectares of the Shelter Belt Forest Reserve were destroyed by illegal mining, contributing to a total of 5,000 hectares lost to galamsey activities across the country.

He emphasized that this threat to Ghana’s environment cannot continue and received the full backing of President John Dramani Mahama to remove illegal miners from forest and river areas.

In the operation, 15 excavators were seized and will be repurposed for road construction, an innovative strategy to repurpose seized equipment for national development.

He also assured that investigations are underway to bring the perpetrators to justice with the support of the Ghana Armed Forces and Police Service.

The minister called for national unity in the fight against galamsey, urging Ghanaians to collaborate with the government to protect the environment, health, and future of the nation. He also condemned the recent attack on Citi FM journalists, calling for an end to such actions.

Dr. Frank Amoakohene, Ashanti Regional Minister, commended the Lands Minister for his proactive approach in addressing the issue on the ground and reaffirmed the government’s determination to win the war against illegal mining.

Teacher crushed to death in Assin Dansame while on his way…

Ghana faces growing threat of modern crimes as outdated laws struggle…

Bawumia, NPP, and the crossroads of 2028: A costly political gamble?

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Mon, 24 Feb 2025 06:25:05 +0000

In Ghanaian politics, loyalty to party leadership is often seen as a necessity. But at what cost?

This question becomes even more critical as the New Patriotic Party (NPP) contemplates its future and the role of Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.

The only scenario worse than the painful defeat of the 2024 elections would be the party’s decision to abandon Bawumia in favor of a new candidate in 2028. Such a move could fracture the party’s base and undermine the economic credibility he has built over the years.

Before entering politics, Bawumia was a distinguished economist with expertise in monetary policy, financial regulation, and digital transformation.

He wasn’t just another politician; he was a technocrat equipped with the knowledge Ghana needed. However, politics has a way of reshaping individuals. Over time, the system molded him into a political figure, pulling him into roles beyond his core expertise.

Bawumia was introduced into politics to drive economic recovery and growth strategies. However, external global shocks, including COVID-19, the Russia-Ukraine war, and supply chain disruptions, severely impacted Ghana’s economy, making his task significantly more difficult. Political opponents weaponized these challenges against him, unfairly placing the entire blame on his shoulders.

Rather than allowing him to function as an economic strategist, the political machinery forced him into campaign rhetoric that diluted his true strengths. Ironically, his economic expertise remains one of the party’s greatest assets, yet the NPP risks sidelining him in 2028—an error that could have dire consequences.

The NPP stands at a crossroads. Internal fractures, growing dissatisfaction among its base, and the lingering effects of the 2024 defeat create a volatile political environment. If Bawumia is sidelined, the party risks alienating key support blocs, particularly in the Northern and Zongo communities. His presence in the 2024 race garnered substantial backing from these areas, and discarding him now could shatter that loyalty.

Introducing a new candidate in 2028 could be disastrous. It would not only create internal divisions but also hand the opposition an easy narrative—that the NPP itself has lost confidence in Bawumia. The National Democratic Congress (NDC) would capitalize on this, portraying the party as unstable and directionless.

The Global Economic Reality & Ghana’s Need for Bawumia

Ghana’s economic challenges are not unique; many nations have struggled due to external shocks. However, the country still needs leadership that understands the complexities of global finance and economic restructuring. Bawumia’s experience, both as an economist and as a former Vice President, gives him a strategic advantage. If allowed to operate without excessive political interference, he could reshape the economic discourse, even from the opposition.

Elections in Ghana are not won solely on achievements but on how well a party communicates the failures of the incumbent. If Bawumia spends the next four years repositioning himself as an economic visionary, he could mount a formidable comeback—but only with the party’s full support.

The NPP’s biggest challenge is not just choosing a candidate for the next election but deciding whether to learn from past mistakes or repeat them. Will they discard one of their most recognizable figures in favor of an untested candidate, or will they allow Bawumia to refine his vision and return stronger?

Throwing away a candidate with national recognition and grassroots support would be a costly mistake. Instead of sidelining him, the party should encourage him to spend the next four years redefining his economic message and preparing for a stronger comeback.

If the NPP ignores this reality and fractures its base, history will not be kind to them. The base will crack, and the rest will be history.

Three years of resilience: Ukraine’s unyielding battle against Russian aggression

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Mon, 24 Feb 2025 06:13:34 +0000

On the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the world reflects on a conflict that has reshaped global geopolitics, tested international law, and underscored the resilience of the Ukrainian people.

Despite the immense suffering, Ukraine has stood firm, defying Russia’s initial plans for a swift takeover and securing substantial military, economic, and diplomatic support from its allies. Speaking exclusively to JoyNews’ Raymond Acquah, Ukraine’s Charge d’Affaires to Ghana, Ivan Lukachuk provides an in-depth perspective on Ukraine’s achievements, the war’s impact on Africa, and the broader implications for international security.

Ukraine’s Resilience and Achievements When Russian forces launched their full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, many expected Kyiv to fall within days. However, Ukraine has not only resisted but also reclaimed key territories, including parts of the Kharkiv region and Kherson. Beyond military victories, Ukraine has strengthened its global partnerships, solidifying ties with NATO and the European Union while securing critical Western military aid. Additionally, Ukraine has upheld its economic stability, establishing new trade routes through the Black Sea and pursuing international legal action against Russia’s war crimes. Most importantly, the war has united Ukrainians in an unprecedented way, reinforcing national identity and the collective will to defend sovereignty.

Impact on Africa and Ghana

Russia’s war against Ukraine has had far-reaching consequences beyond Europe. Africa, particularly Ghana, has felt the economic shockwaves, with disruptions in Ukrainian grain exports leading to soaring food prices and inflation. Trade between Ukraine and Ghana dropped significantly, from $300.06 million in 2021 to $34 million in 2023, although efforts to restore trade have shown a positive recovery. Additionally, the conflict has forced African nations to navigate complex geopolitical tensions, as Russia attempts to manipulate foreign policy through disinformation and economic coercion. In response, Ukraine has expanded its diplomatic presence in Africa, including opening an embassy in Accra, reflecting its commitment to stronger African partnerships.

Russia’s Disinformation and Propaganda The Kremlin has waged an extensive misinformation campaign, particularly in Africa, spreading misleading narratives about its historical ties to the continent. Some of the most persistent falsehoods include portraying Russia as a “superpower” and misrepresenting Ukraine’s role in global geopolitics. Russian-controlled media, state-sponsored trolls, and proxy influencers have been instrumental in spreading propaganda, often depicting Russia as an anti-Western ally for Africa while downplaying its own history of imperialism. This disinformation undermines public perception, influences foreign policy, and creates divisions within African nations.

Countering the Falsehoods

Ukraine has taken proactive steps to counter Russian disinformation by engaging directly with African media, expanding diplomatic outreach, and fostering partnerships with civil society organizations. A key strategy involves enhancing media literacy to equip journalists and the public with tools to recognize and counter propaganda. By strengthening fact-based reporting and digital resilience, Ukraine aims to ensure that African nations are not manipulated by Kremlin-driven narratives.

Ukraine’s Peace Formula: The Path to Justice

Ukraine’s 10-point peace formula outlines a clear vision for a just and lasting resolution. Key aspects include the complete withdrawal of Russian troops, accountability for war crimes, securing food and energy stability, and ensuring long-term security guarantees. The Ukrainian government insists that any peace agreement without Russia’s full withdrawal would embolden aggressors worldwide. African nations, having fought their own battles for sovereignty, are urged to stand in solidarity with Ukraine in upholding these principles.

The Role of Africa in Global Peace

Ghana and other African nations have a crucial role in shaping a just global order. Ghana’s diplomatic efforts, including its participation in the UN Security Council and the Global Peace Summit, have demonstrated strong support for Ukraine. Moving forward, Ghana’s influence in the African Union, ECOWAS, and international platforms can help advocate for Ukraine’s sovereignty and counter Russian narratives. Additionally, strengthening Ukraine-Ghana relations in trade, food security, and education will foster long-term cooperation.

Future Security and International Stability Looking beyond the war, Ukraine envisions a robust security framework, advocating for NATO membership or equivalent security commitments to deter future Russian aggression. Ukraine also seeks to expand its defense partnerships with African nations, recognizing the need for a collective security approach. Ghana and other African countries, through their diplomatic and strategic alliances, can contribute to global stability by supporting policies that uphold international law and deter military aggression.

The Call to Action: Standing with Ukraine Ukraine’s message to Ghanaians and Africans is clear: defending Ukraine’s sovereignty is not just about Ukraine—it is about upholding the principles of justice, self-determination, and international law. Just as African nations fought against colonialism, Ukraine is resisting an invasion that seeks to erase its independence. The war in Ukraine serves as a stark reminder that unchecked aggression anywhere threatens security everywhere.

Ukraine deeply values Ghana’s unwavering support and hopes to strengthen economic, educational, and diplomatic ties in the years ahead. As the world marks the third anniversary of this brutal invasion, Ukraine remains steadfast, not just in its military defence but in its pursuit of justice, peace, and a future built on sovereign dignity.

Three years into the war, Ukraine’s fight continues—not just for itself but for a world where might does not make right. As the war endures, so does Ukraine’s resilience, standing firm as a testament to the power of determination, justice, and international solidarity. The support of nations like Ghana will be instrumental in ensuring that aggression is not rewarded, but rather, that peace is achieved through strength and unwavering commitment to sovereignty and human rights.

President Mahama, let’s stop the empty rhetoric of economic crime scenes and walk the pre-election can-do talk: Martin A.B.K. Amidu

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Sat, 22 Feb 2025 16:58:08 +0000

Am I hearing well and rightly that President Mahama described Ghana rhetorically as an “economic crime scene” before 7 January 2025 that has to be reset? I am more interested in knowing what President Mahama in opposition and his minority in Parliament did concretely for Ghanaians during the interregnum when the economy was being turned into an economic crime scene with Parliament approving the yearly budget and economic policy statement along the yearly appropriations before January 2025.

President John Agyekum Kufuor sent Ghana to HIPC using this same empty “economic crime” scene rhetoric as his smokescreen upon his assumption of power on 7 January 2001.

After Agyekum Kufuor’s eight-year tenure, the succeeding President Mills and the John Mahama regime also employed the same or similar rhetoric after 7 January 2009 to enable it to go to China for the Three Billion US Dollar loan facility.

The NPP used this same “economic crime scene” rhetoric or words to the same effect to describe what it inherited on 7 January 2017 from President Mahama’s former tenure. The STX, and Saglemi housing projects respectively, Waterville/Woyome, Isofoton SA, “create loot and share” projects, and others became part of that economic crime scene rhetoric.

What of the “political crime scene” unfolding under President Mahama’s watch between 7 January 2025 and 18 February 2025, less than two months after his assumption of office, preceded by all his promises of repentance and redemption? The whip would not crack?

The rhetoric of inheriting politico-economic crime scenes has been part of the rhetoric of every new government under the 1992 Constitution since 7 January 2001 to date, and that is precisely the reason for the electorate wagering their luck with President John Dramani Mahama again on 7 December 2024 upon his can-do promises.

We the people voted for President Mahama for firm and impartial leadership and not worn- out politico-economic rhetorical excuses. Hopefully, the Mr. President’s “economic crime scene” rhetoric is not a preparation of our minds for another HIPC or China loan as has been usual with NPP and NDC governments under the 1992 Constitution. Straight to the point!

The electorate is not foolish and unthinking, Mr. President, that is the import of my articles before the path you are making gets more crooked behind you through the unbridled sycophancy surrounding you, junior brother! When Cadman Mills warned you earlier about sycophants and sycophancy, the sycophants mercilessly verbally assaulted him.

I also have a vested interest in your success. You must not fail again and send the NDC into opposition come 7 December 2028.

Please, brother, walk your pre-election can-do talk! Asalamalekum! Shalom aleichem! Peace be upon you!

Martin A. B. K. Amidu 21 February 2025

USAID Bilateral support suspension: A challenge or a multi-billion opportunity for Ghana and Africa?

Faridatu Seidu — Fri, 21 Feb 2025 10:53:32 +0000

The Laadi Centre for Peace Building and Security Analysis (LACPSA-GHANA) emphasizes the importance of human security as a critical determinant of a country’s health.

Many fear the continent will face unanticipated challenges following the suspension of USAID bilateral support to Ghana and Africa.

However, LACPSA-GHANA takes a different stance, arguing that this is an opportunity for Ghana—and other African nations—to thrive.

If Ghana commits to producing just three key commodities—rice, corn, and soybeans—within six months, the country could potentially generate as much as, if not more than, the bilateral support of about $1.5 billion previously received from USAID.

This approach is feasible for other African countries as well, provided they adopt the right mindset and strategies.

Africa’s Unique Potential

Africa has a land area of 30.37 million square kilometers, giving it abundant natural resources, favorable weather conditions, and a ready labor force to produce these commodities at a lower cost while ensuring high yields and superior quality.

Many agricultural commodities in sub-Saharan Africa hold comparative advantages in global markets. With appropriate investments and partnerships, Africa could produce and sell these products on a large scale, tapping into the immense demand within the global economy.

The full value chain of production, processing, and export could generate significant revenues, far exceeding the deficit created by the suspension of USAID bilateral support.

Global Market Opportunities

Data from World Bank reports illustrate the vast potential of these commodities:

Rice: The global rice market is projected to grow from $292.39 billion in 2022 to $334.24 billion by 2030, with a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 2.2% from 2023 to 2030.
Corn: Valued at $297.99 billion in 2023, the global corn market is expected to reach $410.02 billion by 2032, growing at a CAGR of 3.6% between 2024 and 2032.
Soybeans: The global soybean market, valued at $200.37 billion in 2023, is projected to grow to $388.33 billion by 2034, with a CAGR of 6.2% from 2024 to 2034.

By securing just 10% of these global markets, African countries could significantly exceed the current levels of foreign aid.

Challenges and Solutions

While there are challenges, such as limited investment in technology, irrigation infrastructure, and processing facilities, these obstacles can be overcome. International Joint Ventures (IJVs) and partnerships could bridge the gaps, while support from research institutions would ensure the adoption of best practices.

By addressing these issues, Africa can mitigate deficits in critical sectors such as education and healthcare.

Conclusion

LACPSA-GHANA strongly urges the government of Ghana and industry stakeholders to seize this opportunity. Developing a robust agricultural system focused on key commodities could end food insecurity, bolster resilience against future shocks, and create a self-reliant, thriving nation.

This approach is not just a solution to the current funding gap but a sustainable pathway to economic independence for Ghana and Africa as a whole.

By Akunkel Musah

(Analyst: Conflict, Security, Climate Change & Global Peace Campaigner)

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Unblocking Ghana’s potential: The cost of ‘late’ recruitment or appointment

Gertrude Okyere — Wed, 19 Feb 2025 13:42:14 +0000

What I am about to narrate didn’t begin in 2016. But let’s start there, as the events are still fresh in our memories and sparked public outcry.

2016: The blame game begins

After the December 2016 election results were declared by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, the outgoing National Democratic Congress (NDC) government made a series of appointments.

The then-opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP), claiming to be the voice of the masses, condemned the move, calling it political favouritism.

To them, it was a classic case of rewarding party loyalists. But the NDC saw nothing wrong, choosing to “see no evil, hear no evil.”

2017: The Tables Turn

In 2017, the NPP assumed office and immediately revoked the appointments made by the NDC after the elections. Suddenly, the roles reversed.

The NDC, which once defended post-election appointments, cried foul, accusing the NPP of political witch-hunting. The NPP justified its actions as a necessary cleanup. The hypocrisy was glaring. This time NPP chooses to “see no evil, hear no evil.”

Fast Forward to 2024: History Repeats Itself

After the 2024 elections, the NPP made several last-minute recruitments, the same practice they strongly condemned in 2016.

However, they defended their actions as essential for governance, arguing that their mandate remained valid until 11:59 PM on January 6, 2025. Ironically, they were alleged to have recruited even more people than the NDC did in 2016.

The NDC, once a staunch defender of last-minute appointments and recruitments, suddenly changed its tune.

This time, they condemned the NPP, accusing them of nepotism and vowing to overturn the appointments if they take power in January 2025. The irony was unmistakable, a déjà vu, playing out all over again.

2025: The Cycle Continues

True to their word, when the NDC assumed power in 2025, they issued directives to revoke all appointments made by the NPP after December 7, 2024.

This directive, issued by the presidency on February 10, 2025, has sparked widespread criticism, with many arguing that it is politically motivated and unjust, particularly for the affected individuals, especially the youth.

The NPP responded with press conferences condemning the act.

The National Organizer of NPP, Henry Nana Boakye, has also filed a suit against HE John Dramani Mahama’s directive to revoke appointments and recruitments made within the Public Services both before and after December 7, 2024, as unconstitutional.

The NPP argues that the President’s directive is in contravention of Article 191(b) of the Constitution, which requires that any termination of employment must be done with just cause.

It is unfortunate that both parties vehemently criticized the appointments, accusing one another of doling out jobs to cronies and party foot soldiers without due process.

Yet, neither could present solid evidence that all those so-called late recruitments were truly party affiliates.

Their outrage, it seemed, was always selective, righteous indignation only sparked when they found themselves in opposition, but conveniently absent when they were in power.

The Ordinary Ghanaian Pays the Price

Caught in this political merry-go-round are ordinary Ghanaians mostly young people, the very people who woke up at dawn to queue and vote for them.

They watched helplessly as the political elite secured jobs for themselves and their loyalists, while the masses remained unemployed.

The employment landscape in Ghana is dominated by the “who you know” or “which party you support” syndrome. It’s a system that rewards political loyalty over merit, leaving many talented Ghanaians jobless.

The Unemployment Crisis

According to the Ghana Statistical Service, the unemployment rate has been steadily increasing over the past decade.

The youth are disproportionately affected, with many struggling to find jobs despite having the necessary education and qualifications.

This toxic system has bred pretense and hypocrisy. People now fake political loyalty just to secure employment.

I vividly remember the NPP’s final rally at Legon. A young lady, wearing an NPP T-shirt, was asked by a JoyNews correspondent if she would vote for the NPP. Her response was “Eye Zu”.

She was only there to survive. Now, if she’s among those to lose her job, how would she feel? Cheated? Betrayed?

Broken Promises and Shattered Dreams

During their campaign, the NDC promised jobs. People sang and danced to the “Kpreee ke Kpree” anthem, believing in the vision of a 24-hour economy and the new vision of the NDC party under the leadership of HE John Mahama. But if those recruited are now sacked, wouldn’t they feel deceived?

A Never-Ending Cycle?

This political cycle is all too predictable, and unless something changes now, the same scene will unfold again in 2028/2029. One party will make last-minute appointments, and the other will swoop in to revoke them.

They only acknowledge the struggles of the people when they are in opposition, ignoring the very same issues when they are in power.

The cycle of hypocrisy and self-interest continues, leaving the masses to suffer in silence. It’s time to break this pattern, before it’s too late.

How long will this continue? Only God knows.

Breaking the Cycle: A Call for Change

I don’t have all the answers, but I call on you, dear reader, to stand with me in the urgent call for change.

We can no longer afford to remain silent on the critical issue of employment An issue that has become a security threat to our beloved, peaceful country. If we continue to ignore this problem, the very fabric of our society will be at risk.

As Martin Niemöller profoundly warned:

First, they came for the Communists,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Communist.
Then they came for the Socialists,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Socialist.
Then they came for the trade unionists,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me—
And there was no one left to speak for me.

If we stay silent now, one day it may be our turn, and there will be no one left to stand for us.

This is our chance to speak up, to make a difference, and to protect the future of our country. Let’s not wait until it’s too late. Let’s act now, together, before we lose what we’ve worked so hard to build.

Some Proposals

To break this cycle, we need systemic change. Here are some practical steps:

Review the Transitional Act: Make it illegal to conduct recruitment three months before a general election, just as it is for parliamentary by-elections (Cf. Article 112, Clause 6 of the Constitution). Anyone involved should be surcharged for the cost of the recruitment. This will prevent late recruitment or appointment since it can lead to instability in government operations, delaying key projects and the implementation of policies. This disrupts long-term planning, making it harder to achieve national goals and sustainable development.
Cut Excessive Allowances: Cutting excessive some allowances for Article 71 officeholders, CEOs, and MDs of State-Owned Enterprises could redirect significant funds to more pressing needs, such as paying salaries for unemployed Ghanaians. This would create job opportunities and promote a fairer distribution of resources.
Merit-Based Employment: Appointments should be based on qualifications, skills, and experience, not political loyalty affiliation. Last-minute appointments often prioritize political loyalty over qualifications and merit. This undermines the integrity of the recruitment process and limits the potential for skilled, capable individuals to contribute to the public sector.
Promote Job Creation: The government should introduce incentives for private companies to hire more workers, such as tax waivers for businesses that employ a certain number of individuals. This will not only boost job creation but also stimulate economic growth. Additionally, the government should kickstart the 24-hour economy policy, encouraging businesses to operate around the clock. This initiative can provide more job opportunities, increase productivity, and create a vibrant economy that operates beyond traditional working hours. Let’s embrace these strategies to create a more dynamic, inclusive job market for all..
Invest in Education and Vocational Training: We must equip the youth with the skills needed to thrive in the competitive job market through apprenticeships, internships, and entrepreneurship training. By fostering an entrepreneurial mindset, we can empower individuals to create their own opportunities rather than relying solely on government jobs. This shift will not only drive personal success but will also contribute to the growth and innovation of our entire economy. Let’s invest in the future of our youth by giving them the tools to succeed and build their own path.

The Time for Change is Now

We cannot afford to wait any longer. This vicious cycle must end. It’s time for Ghanaian leaders to prioritize the needs of the people over party politics. Let’s break the cycle and create a brighter future for the next generation.

The choice is ours either to remain silent or to speak out for change (reset). The time to act is now.

God bless our homeland Ghana.

Pax tecum

Dampare: An IGP’s greatest footprint

Joshua Tigo — Mon, 17 Feb 2025 17:38:27 +0000

Dr. Akuffo Dampare, the Inspector General of Police (IGP), has consistently demonstrated strong leadership in guiding the Ghana Police Service through a crucial period for national security and peace.

His efforts have not only been effective in ensuring the safety of the nation but have also contributed to the transformation and modernization of the police force.

Under his leadership, the Police Service has gained a new perspective, adapting well to Ghana’s democratic environment.

Dr. Dampare’s approach has instilled ethical standards and a sense of responsibility within the force, earning him the title of an ethical revolutionary.

One of his notable achievements was overseeing one of the most peaceful elections in the country’s history, dispelling expectations of heightened tension and demonstrating the professionalism and competence of the police in election management.

While Dr. Dampare’s leadership has had a major impact, some have criticized him due to his relatively young age at the time of his appointment.

Despite this, he has remained approachable, engaging with the public and making himself known as the people’s IGP.

This connection with the people has been pivotal in reshaping the perception of the police force.

The transformation under Dr. Dampare’s leadership extends beyond mere strategy.

Significant upgrades to the physical infrastructure of the Police Service, including the renovation of police headquarters, the improvement of security measures, and the remodeling of facilities, have contributed to a visible sense of professionalism and modernity.

If public buildings were to be ranked, the Ghana Police headquarters would undoubtedly stand out as one of the most well-kept in the country.

This piece is not solely a celebration of Dr. Dampare, but rather a celebration of bold leadership and innovation.

His tenure began at a time when the integrity of the police service was under scrutiny, and he embraced the challenge head-on.

He took risks and stepped outside the comfort zone of the police force, making significant strides toward modernizing the institution.

In his quest for improvement, Dr. Dampare has addressed various internal issues, including the proliferation of illegal police roadblocks that were once a common sight across the country.

These roadblocks often became sites of extortion and criminal activity, creating an environment of distrust.

However, his actions have drastically reduced the number of these roadblocks, improving public safety and restoring confidence in the police force.

This change has been especially noticeable during interregional travel, where roadblocks have now become a rarity, and the police conduct at legitimate checkpoints is far more professional and respectful.

Additionally, Dr. Dampare has placed a strong emphasis on the welfare of police officers. Salary increases and promotions, alongside his commitment to improving police housing, are just some of the steps taken to ensure that officers are adequately supported in their roles.

The improvement in the service’s overall functioning has also earned the Ghana Police recognition for its progress in tackling corruption.

Policing in Ghana has undoubtedly improved under Dr. Dampare’s leadership.

The transformation of the force has not only enhanced public trust but has also cultivated a service-driven, rule-of-law-compliant police force, committed to integrity and professionalism.

While challenges remain, the police force under Dr. Dampare’s guidance has made significant strides in rebuilding its reputation and restoring the confidence of the public.

Moving forward, Dr. Dampare must continue addressing the broader issues within the police service, especially by implementing social benefits like an Employee Compensation Scheme (ECS) to support the officers who serve the public.

With continued focus and dedication, Dr. Dampare has the opportunity to further cement his legacy as a leader who has reshaped the Ghana Police Service and restored its rightful place in society.

His tenure is not a fleeting moment but a period of profound transformation that can be seen and felt across the nation.

I wish Dr. Dampare continued success in his efforts to improve the police force and further the legacy of reform and progress.

Dr. David Kofi Wuaku: A champion of impact and inspiration

Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy — Mon, 17 Feb 2025 12:58:02 +0000

Though the recent election did not yield the expected outcome for Dr. David Kofi Wuaku, his influence on the Volta Region continues to resonate deeply.

The people remember him not for the votes counted, but for the lives he has touched and the futures he has shaped.

A Legacy Built on Quiet Generosity

Dr. Wuaku’s giving spirit has long uplifted communities without fanfare. Through Lifeahead Vision Ministries, he has funded students’ education, supported hospitals with critical resources, and provided relief to struggling families. “Dr. Wuaku’s kindness has kept many children in school. His generosity has saved lives,” noted Madam Esi Agbeko of Keta.

Championing Youth and Women Empowerment

With his heart set on the future, Dr. Wuaku is launching a leadership training program in March 2025 to nurture young leaders through entrepreneurship, digital skills, and mentorship. Richard Kpodo, a youth leader in Hohoe, shared, “This program will ignite dreams and inspire progress for our generation.”

He also believes in empowering women with opportunities for financial independence, introducing business training and microloan programs to uplift women-led enterprises across the region.

Building Economic Pathways for Generations

Dr. Wuaku’s vision for a thriving Volta Region extends to its economy. He has forged connections with Turkish investors to bolster agro-processing and create new markets for local products. Simultaneously, his drive for digital inclusion will see the establishment of IT training centers and merit-based scholarships to empower local talent for global opportunities.

A Leader Guided by Faith and Compassion

Beyond his professional impact, Dr. Wuaku stands tall as a man of faith and family—a devoted husband, father, and pastor whose life embodies humility and service. His spiritual leadership through Lifeahead Vision Ministries continues to bring solace and direction to many.

A Legacy Beyond Elections

The election may be over, but the people of the Volta Region believe Dr. Wuaku’s true victory lies in his generosity and vision. “The ballots are done, but his good works remain. His legacy will speak for generations,” remarked Torgbui Adzatekpor, a traditional leader in Anloga.

The road forward for Dr. David Kofi Wuaku is not about titles—it is about impact, integrity, and inspiration. And his journey of service continues, leaving footprints that time will never erase.

Beyond the illusion of power: Unpacking the Ofori-Atta narrative

Gertrude Okyere — Mon, 17 Feb 2025 11:31:43 +0000

Political office is fleeting; once upon a time, he was the high and mighty, respected and revered even in his wrongs but with the wind of change cutting him to size.

He is now declared as a fugitive by a legal creature of the Constitution. Indeed the hourglass has valuable lessons for political office holders.

Like sand slipping through the hourglass, the mighty can fall, and the revered can become reviled. The winds of change can be unforgiving, cutting down those who once stood tall.

In the realm of politics, this phenomenon is all too familiar. One day, a leader is hailed as a hero, and their words and actions are revered by the masses.

The next, they’re declared a fugitive, their name synonymous with shame and scandal.

This fleeting nature of power holds valuable lessons for political officeholders. It serves as a reminder that their time in the spotlight is limited, that the adoration of the crowd can quickly turn to scorn. It’s a sobering thought, one that should humble even the most powerful among us.

As we watch the rise and fall of leaders, we’re reminded that true greatness is not measured by the height of one’s pedestal, but by the depth of one’s character. It’s a lesson that echoes through the ages, a reminder that the only constant in life is change.

And so, as we gaze upon the hourglass, we’re invited to ponder the impermanence of power and the enduring nature of character.

We’re reminded that the true test of leadership lies not in the accumulation of wealth or the exercise of authority, but in the cultivation of wisdom, compassion, and integrity.

The tale of Ken Ofori-Atta, Ghana’s former finance minister, is a stark reminder of the transience of power and the importance of accountability.

Once a respected figure in Ghanaian politics, Ofori-Atta has now been declared a wanted fugitive by the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) due to his alleged involvement in several high-profile corruption cases.

The OSP’s declaration is a significant fall from grace for Ofori-Atta, who served as finance minister from 2017 to 2023. His tenure was marked by controversy, including allegations of corruption and mismanagement of public funds.

The cases against Ofori-Atta include the National Cathedral project, Strategic Mobilization Limited (SML), among others. These allegations have raised concerns about the misuse of power and the need for greater transparency and accountability in government.

Ofori-Atta’s story serves as a cautionary tale for those in positions of power. It highlights the importance of ethical leadership and the need for accountability mechanisms to prevent the abuse of power.

As the saying goes, “pride comes before a fall.” Ofori-Atta’s rise and fall from power is a reminder that true greatness is not measured by one’s position or wealth, but by one’s character and integrity.

Oh, the hourglass as a reminder to politicians: In the halls of power, where shadows play, a mighty man fell, in a most unexpected way.

From finance minister to fugitive, a tale so unkind; a reminder to all, that power is but a grain of sand in time.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a symbol of our fate; A reminder to the mighty, that their time is but a wait

For the winds of change can blow, and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories, of a power that once stood tall.

Ofori-Atta, a name that once rang with pride now echoes with shame, as the OSP declares him to hide.

The National Cathedral, SML, and secrets untold; a legacy tainted, by the very power he once held.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a symbol of our fate; a reminder to the mighty, that their time is but a wait

For the winds of change can blow, and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories, of a power that once stood tall.

As the grains of sand fall, one by one so too do the mighty, when their time is done.

Their legacies remain, a testament to their name but power, like sand, slips away, leaving only memories to claim.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a symbol of our fate; a reminder to the mighty, that their time is but a wait.

For the winds of change can blow, and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories, of a power that once stood tall.

So let this be a lesson, to all who hold power dear that the hourglass turns, and your time is drawing near.

Use your power wisely, for the winds of change can blow and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories to show.

In the halls of power, where mighty ones reside; an hourglass stands, a symbol to abide

A reminder to the privileged, to walk with humble stride; for the sands of time are falling, and their time will soon subside.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a warning to the great to use their power with wisdom, and a humble heart that waits.

For when the sands run out, and their time is no more

They’ll be hailed for their legacy, if they ruled with humility’s score

The hourglass whispers secrets, of the rise and fall of might; a cautionary tale, of those who shone so bright.

But forgot the hands that lifted them, to the heights they’d gained and when they fell, their legacy was tainted, their names in vain.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a warning to the great to use their power with wisdom, and a humble heart that waits.

For when the sands run out, and their time is no more; they’ll be hailed for their legacy, if they ruled with humility’s score.

So let the hourglass be, a guiding light to those in power; a reminder to stay humble, in each passing hour

For when their time is done, and they’re no longer in the fray; their legacy will live on, if they ruled with humility’s way.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a warning to the great to use their power with wisdom, and a humble heart that waits.

For when the sands run out, and their time is no more, they’ll be hailed for their legacy, if they ruled with humility’s score

The hourglass stands, a sentinel of time, a reminder to the powerful, to use their privilege in rhyme with humility and wisdom, they’ll leave a lasting mark and when their time is done, they’ll be hailed in the dark.

A leader’s strength is not in might, but in humility, a guiding light for when they rule with humble heart. Their people prosper, and never depart.

Their power is not in proud display but in serving others, day by day; they listen, learn, and lead with care, and their humility is beyond compare.

With every step, they take a knee, to lift their people, and set them free

Their leadership is a noble art; a humble heart, that beats with love and starts.

For humility is not weakness, but might, a leader’s greatest strength, in plain sight

It’s the foundation of a leader true, a humble heart that serves, and sees them through.

So let us follow leaders, who walk with humble stride,

Who serve, who listen, and who step aside.

For in their humility, we find our way,

To a brighter future, where all can stay

The hourglass must serve as a constant reminder to political office holders of the fleeting nature of their time in power. Just as the sand flows from one container to the other, their tenure is temporary, and they must make the most of the time they have to serve the people.

By keeping the hourglass in mind, political office holders can stay focused on their responsibilities, prioritize the needs of their constituents, and work towards leaving a lasting positive impact.

The Writer:

Richard Mawuli Koku Quashigah, a multifaceted Ghanaian politician, journalist, and educator.

Kojo Brace writes: Sad, but hopeful

Gertrude Okyere — Mon, 17 Feb 2025 11:26:08 +0000

Last Friday, as I was almost home in my beautiful Ahanta, I received a call from an unknown number.

When I answered, the voice was full of life, and I couldn’t help but wonder who it was. She introduced herself as Bernice, a graduate of the University of Cape Coast in Dietetics.

She told me she knew me very well but that I might not remember her. Apparently, she was a very close friend of my wife—my wife’s school daughter from SHS.

Then Bernice shared a shocking story with me. Two weeks before completing her project work for her undergraduate studies, she went blind.

Despite undergoing several surgeries to regain her sight, none were successful. The longest period she could see was during her national service, but the sight was lost again shortly after.

Since then, she has been home, unable to find work, as people question how she could work as a dietician without being able to read prescriptions. Even after training with the Ghana Blind Union to use technology, no one was willing to hire her.

But then, her father told her about The Kojo Brace Initiative, and she found new hope—hope that she could still pursue her long-held dream of becoming a lawyer.

That was the reason for her call. She only wanted to meet me, even if it was just for five minutes, to share her story.

Her story touched me deeply, so I agreed to meet with her despite my busy schedule.

On Sunday, February 16, 2025, I met Bernice in person to encourage her and offer support in her pursuit of becoming a lawyer. She expressed a desire to be admitted to the UCC Law School, as she is familiar with the surroundings there.

If anyone here can help Bernice gain admission to UCC Law as soon as possible, The Kojo Brace Initiative is ready to cover all expenses for her to begin this journey.

In the meantime, if anyone has a job opportunity for her, I would appreciate your help.
#hope

Letter from Komla Zafa Dartey to the Education Minister

Gertrude Okyere — Sat, 15 Feb 2025 08:52:19 +0000

Dear Education Minister,

It is heartwarming to see you sworn in as the Minister of Education, serving under the John-Mahama-led-government of the 4th Republic of Ghana.

I wish you luck on this journey. During your tenure in office, you must resolve many MESSES within the education sector, including the Differentiated Learning Project (DLP).

Differentiated Learning (DL) is a teaching method that structures instruction to students’ current knowledge and interests and groups students into learning levels instead of age or grade.

So, a teacher can have learners of different ability levels in subjects/fields of study within a class. Every teacher with a diploma or degree in teaching methodology may have been taught DL and how to use it to support the students they care for.

It was shocking that, as part of the GALOP Project in Ghana, the World Bank has supported Ghana with funding to implement DL in some selected schools. I consider DL a pedagogy that will be implemented as standard across the board in all schools rather than only in some selected poorly performing schools. To have sought funding for implementing DL in a few schools in Ghana makes me doubt if we have the capacity and adequacy to resolve the basics of problems confronting education in Ghana.

Do we need the World Bank, through UNICEF, to teach us how to teach our children differently (in a mixed-ability class) to ensure they progress significantly in learning and development? We appear as inadequate and incapable people. We are never good enough.

Mr. Minister, you do have a problem here that needs to be resolved. The DL is in its final implementation year. There is no succession plan to roll out the DL across all schools in the country, so teachers and education supervisors don’t know what will happen when the current implementation plan closes.

One core duty in the early days of your tenure should be responding to calls for the expansion of the training of teachers in the DL teaching method across the basic education sector and ensuring its sustainability.

One of the senior supervisory staff of the Ghana Education Service (GES) has asked me to inform you how madly the World Bank-supported DL is being implemented in Ghana.

He says: “The authorities bring in these projects. But they don’t have a proper end-game plan. So, sustainability becomes a problem. As a country, we are only interested in buying V8s. Zafa, the government is not committed to doing what is needed to implement global standards in our methodology, pedagogy and learning processes. So, they don’t provide the necessary resources.

“The on-the-job training that they need to fund, they are not interested in that. So, they introduced these projects, such as the DL, as an intervention initiative. The DL module is that the government pre-financed it and collected the money from the World Bank. It is in only selected schools. Only some schools are beneficiaries of this project.

“The objective is to support low-performing schools in improving learning outcomes. If you see how this project is being implemented, you will CRY! The GES will call circuit supervisors for training. They will arrive in Kumasi, for instance. They don’t go through the training. They give them an attendance sheet to sign; give them T&T to go back. Other field officers are called to training, and when they arrive at the training, they don’t even allow them to sleep in the hotels. They are made to hang around the hotel reception area.

“At dawn, they will gather them and cram them into some conference room, give them some briefing, ask them to fill T&T forms, and pay them ‘something’. The amount isn’t indicated on the T&T form. They are just asked to sign the form. The T&T are paid, and they ask you to go back. They (GES) send money to the districts, which a few officers handle, maybe the budget officers and the accountant, and they will be asked to monitor financial administration in the schools.

“And, so, everything is just haphazard! So, until we come to a point as a country where we realize that we need to do the right thing, these problems will continue to exist. Teachers and supervisors don’t know the continuity/sustainability plan for the DL and the GALOP project. It is a mess!!”

You do have plenty of work to do, Hon. Minister.

Komla Zafa Dartey.

Elizabeth Ohene writes: Maybe, I was just innocent

Gertrude Okyere — Fri, 14 Feb 2025 06:59:27 +0000

This is not a story I tell often, but after hearing of a group of armed soldiers forcibly entering the home of a former Finance Minister, Kenneth Ofori-Atta and searching it thoroughly, I think I should tell this story, for what it is worth.

It is May 15, 1979 and Ghana has woken up to an announcement on the radio that a military coup d’etat is in progress to overthrow the Supreme Military Council, verse 2.

Those who are conversant with the political history of Ghana would know that I am referring to what became popularly known as the May 15 Uprising and the precursor to the June 4 coup d’etat.

In narrating my story today, I am not going into the whys of the coup attempt, nor am I trying to justify or condemn the events of that day. I am only telling part of what happened that day and my role with reference to the May 15 events.

At the time, I was working at the Daily Graphic and I believe the title I had was Literary Editor, even though in practice, I did whatever needed doing.

A few days earlier, I had “used my position” to convince my colleagues at the editorial meeting to send a duty cameraman to take a photo of the Guard of Honour seeing off General F.W.K. Akuffo as he went to Senegal and the Gambia to brief them about the political events taking place in Ghana and the transition to civil rule programme.

As a result of that intervention on my part to get the Graphic to cover that event, when it emerged that the person responsible for the military uprising on May 15 was a certain, at the time, mostly unknown Flight-Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, the Daily Graphic had a photo of him we could use with the story.

Flt-Lt Rawlings it was, who had commanded the Guard of Honour at the airport that saw off General Akuffo and a cameraman had been assigned to cover the event at my instigation. On May 15, we at the Graphic felt very smug that we had a photo when no other media outlet had a photo of the man at the centre of the uprising.

I left work that day early, as soon as we finished with the afternoon editorial conference, on the plea that I had a personal problem.

From the office, I went straight to see how Mrs Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings was doing, with her husband, Flt-Lt Rawlings in the news as trying to stage a coup d’etat. (She and her husband were friends of mine).

When I got to their home, she was there alone with her almost one-year-old baby. I stayed with her and we tried to make sense of the situation facing her.

Then, a knock came at the door and I went to see to it. I half opened the door and stuck my head out and saw a man wearing a smock standing on the doorstep.

He gave me his name, with a military title rank, showed me an ID and added that he was there with his colleagues to search the house.

At that stage, I noticed there were two other men standing some short distance away.

I took a deep breath, took in the situation and came outside wholly and closed the door behind me, instead of standing in the halfway-opened door.

I asked the officer if he had a search warrant and if I could see it, before I let him into the house.

The officer looked a bit startled, started to say something, changed his mind, turned his face to look at his two colleagues and then said to me he didn’t have a search warrant.

I told him he couldn’t come in to search the place without a warrant.

He took a deep breath and asked me if I knew what had been happening in the country that day.

I said yes, I knew.

“And you know that the person responsible, lives here”, he said.

I nodded and said to him: “please, officer, don’t let us use illegal means to fight illegal activities. You must be on the straight and narrow if you represent the law”.

He stared at me silently, turned around and walked to his colleagues and they went into their car and drove off.

I went back into the room and narrated what had occurred to my friend. I told her I was certain they would be back.

About an hour and some 15 minutes later, there was a knock at the door and, as I had expected, the officer was there with his two colleagues, this time, armed with a search warrant which he gave to me to read.

I let him and his colleagues in and they conducted their search and left.

There was no drama, and I don’t think even the people in the next apartment noticed that there had been any visit from the security services.

The search was meticulous, but very civilised, and I am not certain about this, but, I think when they were about to leave, the officer muttered a “thank you”.

Later on that evening, something even more dramatic happened to end my events of May 15 1979, but that is a story for another day.

For the moment, I have just been wondering about what kind of world we lived in during those times.

There was no Constitution. We were under a military regime.

A uniformed man, a Flight-Lieutenant had tried to stage a coup and failed and been arrested.

A military officer, (he called his name and showed me his ID) tried to enter the home of the person who had staged the unsuccessful coup d’etat and I ask him to show me a search warrant.

He did not laugh out loud with incredulity and push me aside to enter the house. He answered me and we had a polite conversation.

He leaves the house and goes to get a search warrant and comes back to knock at the door to gain entry. This is in May, 1979, under a military regime.

In the year of our Lord, 2025, 33 years into the longest stretch of constitutional rule we have ever had, armed soldiers are led by a man of no publicly determined official status, into the home of a former Finance Minister.

They rudely brush aside the staff, enter the house and proceed to conduct a hostile and illegal search.

They go through kitchen and cutlery drawers, fridges, freezers, cupboards, closets, underneath beds, books, documents, plates, pots and pans, clothes, linen. They take the car keys and thoroughly ransack the cars and leave the people in the house thoroughly shaken and traumatised.

Back in 1979, I said on a GTV programme to Mike Eghan that where we were as a country at that time, there was nowhere else to go but up, we couldn’t sink any lower.

I wonder where we are today.

Pollution at its peak: A deadly cloud on the Accra-Winneba road

Gertrude Okyere — Thu, 13 Feb 2025 18:02:09 +0000

For some time, I had not traveled on the Accra-Winneba road. However, I recently came across a post on my Facebook wall where some friends were discussing the alarming level of dust on the highway due to ongoing construction.

Their comments were not just casual observations but serious concerns about how the thick dust was affecting motorists and pedestrians alike.

Curious and concerned, I decided to experience the situation firsthand. What I witnessed was shocking.

The air was thick with dust, making visibility almost impossible at certain points. Drivers had to rely on hazard lights and extreme caution to navigate the road.

The situation was so bad that vehicles disappeared into the dust like a thick fog, posing a serious risk of collisions.

Pedestrians walking along the road were covered in dust from head to toe, while traders in nearby communities struggled to sell food and other items under these hazardous conditions.

This is more than just a nuisance; it is a major public health crisis. If nothing is done urgently, we may soon count lives lost—not just in accidents but from long-term exposure to airborne pollutants.

Road construction is an essential aspect of national development. Good roads facilitate trade, improve connectivity, and enhance the overall quality of life.

Hospitals, schools, and infrastructure projects are all necessary interventions that ease the burden on the populace.

However, while these projects are meant to improve lives, they should not come at the cost of the very people they are designed to serve.

It is common knowledge that large-scale construction projects come with health and environmental concerns.

That is why there are regulatory bodies mandated to ensure that safety measures are put in place.

Unfortunately, the situation on the Accra-Winneba road suggests otherwise. The unbearable level of dust on this stretch is a glaring failure of oversight by responsible institutions.

Who is Ensuring Safety?

While contractors focus on completing road expansion and resurfacing, it is evident that little to no attention is being given to the health and safety of road users and nearby residents.

Dust pollution is not just an inconvenience; it is a silent killer. Inhaling excessive dust can lead to severe respiratory diseases such as asthma, bronchitis, and even lung infections.

Eye irritation, skin rashes, and long-term organ damage are also associated with prolonged exposure. Children, the elderly, and those with pre-existing health conditions are the most vulnerable.

Yet, from my observations, the only visible safety measure during this construction is the placement of road signs and barricades to prevent pedestrians from getting knocked down by vehicles.

But what about protection from airborne pollutants? What measures have been put in place to minimize the impact of dust inhalation?

The communities along this road are directly affected. Residents breathe in dust every day, schoolchildren walk through it, and traders conduct their businesses in it. How long must they endure this before action is taken?

A Call for Immediate Action

The situation calls for urgent intervention from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Ministry of Roads and Highways, the Ghana Highway Authority, and local municipal assemblies.

Road construction should not only be about laying asphalt; it should also prioritize the safety of people during and after the project.

Contractors must be held accountable and required to implement dust suppression measures such as:

Regular Water Sprinkling: Construction companies must frequently spray water on dusty sections of the road to keep the dust levels down. This is a basic and effective measure that should be mandatory.

Use of Dust Control Barriers: Protective barriers should be placed around high-dust areas to contain dust within construction zones. This will help prevent it from spreading into nearby communities.

Mandatory Use of Protective Gear: Workers, commuters, and affected residents should have access to face masks and other protective equipment to reduce the risk of inhaling harmful dust particles.

Health Monitoring Programs: Government agencies should conduct regular health screenings in communities along the construction route to track and mitigate the impact of air pollution.

Are We Trading Lives for Roads?

By the time the government completes these roads, will there be anyone left to use them? If we continue to consume high levels of dust through breathing, it is only a matter of time before we start experiencing an increase in respiratory illnesses, hospitalizations, and avoidable deaths.

While we all welcome development, we must not turn a blind eye to the suffering it brings. The time to act is now. The authorities must step in immediately to enforce dust control measures and ensure that road construction does not compromise the health and safety of the very people it aims to serve.

The question remains: Who is truly looking out for the people?