The National Democratic Congress (NDC) has proposed a transformative economic strategy, anchored in a 24-hour economy initiative. This innovative approach is built around a unique 1:3:3 formula, where one job is designed to support three individuals through three distinct shifts: 8am-4pm, 4pm-12am, and 12am-8am. The underlying philosophy of this initiative is to create an economy that operates 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, thereby increasing productivity, creating jobs, and improving the quality of life of Ghanaians.

As outlined in the NDC’s 2020 manifesto, this vision aims to stimulate economic growth, drive development, and enhance the overall well-being of the Ghanaian populace. By adopting the 1:3:3 formula, Ghana can unlock its economic potential, foster a culture of inclusivity, and create opportunities for marginalized groups. The 24-hour economy has the potential to revolutionize Ghana’s economic landscape, positioning the country for sustained growth and development.

The success of this initiative hinges on effective implementation, stakeholder engagement, and a commitment to creating an enabling environment for businesses to thrive. With careful planning and execution, the 24-hour economy can become a catalyst for Ghana’s economic transformation, driving prosperity and improving the lives of its citizens.

To understand how this can be achieved, let’s look at examples of countries that have successfully implemented 24-hour economies. Singapore, for instance, is known for its efficient and vibrant economy, with various 24-hour services, including transportation, retail, and entertainment.

The city-state airport is a prime example of a 24-hour operation, with flights arriving and departing around the clock. Similarly, Hong Kong’s airport, MTR, and some shops and restaurants operate 24/7, making it a hub for business and tourism. Closer to home, New York City, often referred to as the city that never sleeps, has a thriving 24-hour economy, with 24/7 services in transportation, entertainment, and hospitality.

However, implementing a 24-hour economy in Ghana comes with its challenges. One of the major obstacles is inadequate infrastructure, including power supply, transportation, and security. Businesses operating 24/7 require a reliable power supply, which is often a challenge in Ghana. Cultural and social factors may also need to be adapted to accommodate 24-hour operations. For example, some communities may not be comfortable with late-night operations, which could affect businesses that rely on 24-hour services. Furthermore, existing laws and regulations may need to be revised to support 24-hour businesses.

A comprehensive marketing strategy plays a crucial role in supporting the implementation of Ghana’s 24-hour economy. Creating brand awareness about the benefits of a 24-hour economy and the 3-shift system is a key first step. This involves launching a nationwide campaign to highlight opportunities and benefits such as increased productivity, job creation, and improved quality of life.

The campaign leverages a range of media channels, including television and radio advertisements, social media platforms, print media, and outdoor advertising. Digital marketing is crucial, with online platforms used to reach a wider audience through social media marketing, influencer partnerships, online advertising, and content marketing. Event marketing educates stakeholders and builds support, hosting conferences, seminars, and workshops that bring together industry experts, policymakers, and business leaders. Influencer marketing promotes the 24-hour economy, partnering with Ghanaian influencers and thought leaders to encourage public support.

Engagement with businesses, trade associations, and labor unions is critical to build support and address concerns. This involves one-on-one meetings with key stakeholders, focus groups, and partnerships with business associations and labor unions. Effective marketing generates awareness, builds support, and attracts investments, which are essential for the successful implementation of the 24-hour economy.

However, marketing alone cannot overcome infrastructure, regulatory, and cultural challenges. Addressing these challenges requires concerted efforts from government, private sector, and other stakeholders. With a well-coordinated approach, Ghana can create a compelling narrative around its 24-hour economy, driving adoption and ultimately achieving its vision of a thriving, round-the-clock economy.

A pilot program can be launched in Accra and Kumasi to test the 3-shift system in select industries, providing valuable insights and lessons. A 24-hour business hub can also be established to provide support services, including business registration, logistics, and security, to 24-hour businesses. A comprehensive marketing and promotion plan can be developed to attract businesses and investors to Ghana’s 24-hour economy, showcasing Ghana’s unique cultural heritage and strategic location.

The benefits of a 24-hour economy are numerous. It can create jobs, reduce unemployment, and increase economic growth. It can also improve the quality of life for Ghanaians, with more opportunities for entertainment, leisure, and social activities. Additionally, a 24-hour economy can attract foreign investment, promote tourism, and increase Ghana’s global competitiveness.

The NDC’s 3-shift system is an innovative approach that can help Ghana achieve its vision of a 24-hour economy. With these strategies, Ghana can overcome challenges and reap benefits including increased productivity, job creation, and economic growth. It’s time for Ghana to seize this opportunity and join countries with thriving 24-hour economies. In conclusion, Ghana’s 24-hour economy has the potential to be a game-changer for the country’s growth and development.

With a clear understanding of the concept, examples of successful implementations, and a comprehensive marketing and sales strategy, Ghana can overcome the challenges and achieve its vision of a 24-hour economy. It’s time for Ghana to unlock its potential and join the ranks of nations with thriving 24-hour economies.

The writer is a Lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Accra, Marketing Department Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan (0244882425).

READ ALSO:

• Government renews curfew in Nkwanta South amid security concerns
• Akatsi North DCE cuts sod for three-unit classroom blocks at Hadave and Avevoe
• StarOil CEO jabs rivals over fuel pricing as firm records highest daily sales
• No school will study under trees by end of year – Akatsi North MP

As Ghana looks ahead to the post-Mahama era, the question on everyone’s mind is: who’s next? From Kwame Nkrumah’s vision of independence to Jerry Rawlings’ era of reforms, Ghana’s presidency has seen diverse leadership styles and priorities. John Kufuor’s tenure brought economic growth and infrastructure development, paving the way for stability. John Atta Mills continued this path, focusing on growth and social programs. After Mills’ passing, John Mahama took office and was elected for the first term (2012–2016), driving economic growth and transforming sectors like education and healthcare. Nana Akufo-Addo’s presidency (2016–2024) pushed for industrialization and other initiatives.

Now, with Mahama securing a second term (2025–), the torch is set to pass to a new leader soon. Who has the vision, competence, and charisma to build on Mahama’s legacy and take Ghana to the next level? In this feature article, we explore the potential successors, the qualities Ghanaians are looking for in a leader, and what the future might hold for the country. The past few years under Mahama have seen Ghana achieve impressive economic indicators, including a stable GDP growth rate and reduced inflation. Infrastructure investments have improved connectivity and boosted economic activity. Education has seen notable improvements under the Free SHS policy, with students benefiting from better food and expanded access—the program has even extended to private schools. Healthcare has expanded access through NHIS, improving health outcomes. As Ghanaians prepare for a new chapter, expectations are high for a leader who can sustain this momentum and drive Ghana forward.

The Profile: Leadership Fit for Ghana’s Future

Ghana’s next leader will need a blend of skills, experience, and vision that can drive the country’s growth and progress. Looking at past leaders, traits like strong economic management, the ability to connect with Ghanaians, and commitment to transforming key sectors like education and healthcare have been crucial. The right leader will need to balance continuity and change, leveraging Ghana’s strengths while addressing challenges like job creation, infrastructure development, and improving living standards. Experience in governance, understanding of Ghana’s political landscape, and the ability to build consensus across diverse groups will be important. The leader will also need to show strong communication skills, resilience in tackling tough issues, and a clear vision for Ghana’s future. With these qualities, they’ll be well-positioned to take Ghana to the next level.

NDC’s Gamble: Continuity or Change?

The NDC will likely look for a candidate who builds on Mahama’s legacy, leveraging the party’s strengths and appealing to Ghanaians. Vice President Naana Opoku Agyeman is a key contender, with her experience and government familiarity. As a former Vice Chancellor of UCC and Education Minister under Mahama’s first term, she’s contributed significantly to education reforms, including pushing for quality education access.

Her role as Vice President has also seen her lead economic management efforts, contributing to positive economic indicators. The NDC has a historical precedent of choosing a vice president to succeed the president—like Jerry Rawlings backing John Atta Mills, and Mills choosing Mahama as VP and successor. This pattern could play to Naana Opoku Agyeman’s advantage given her current role. Dr. Ato Forson, Prof. Alabi, Asiedu Nketia, and others might also throw their hats in the ring, bringing their own strengths and perspectives. The party’s primaries will be telling, as they seek a candidate who can unify and energize supporters while connecting with Ghanaians beyond party lines.

NPP’s Dilemma: Bawumia or a Wild Card?

The NPP’s succession landscape has Dr. Bawumia as a frontrunner, with his economic credentials and campaigning skills. But Kennedy Agyapong’s presence adds spice to the mix. Historically, the NPP has seen a sitting vice president seeking the top spot face challenges—Alhaji Aliu Mahama contested in 2008 but didn’t quite make it. Interestingly, Dr. Bawumia, also a vice president, has emerged as a strong candidate this time. The party will need a candidate who can connect with Ghanaians, counter the NDC’s narrative, and address perceptions of detachment from grassroots. Dr. Bawumia’s economic track record and youthful energy are pluses, but internal party dynamics and how he addresses economic challenges will be critical. Kennedy Agyapong brings different energy and could shake things up. The NPP’s choice will hinge on what works best to win Ghanaians’ trust and votes.

Ghanaians’ Wish List: A Leader for Progress

Ghana’s next leader will be chosen based on the ability to drive economic growth, improve living standards, and maintain stability. Key issues like jobs, infrastructure, and corruption will be top priorities. Whoever emerges will need a strong vision for Ghana’s future—one that creates opportunities for youth, boosts local businesses, and ensures Ghana’s place in the global economy. Ghanaians have hailed policies like Nkrumah’s industrialization push, Rawlings’ decentralization efforts, Kufuor’s infrastructure drive, Akufo-Addo’s introduction of Free SHS, and Mahama’s efforts in building economic resilience—notably the stability of the Ghana Cedi against major currencies like the USD and Euro. His handling of the energy sector legacy debt has also been notable, with significant payments made to clear debts and restore stability to the sector, restoring confidence among investors and international partners. Policies that improve access to education, healthcare, and economic opportunities tend to resonate. The next leader will need to build on successes and tackle challenges like inequality and unemployment.

The stage is set for an interesting battle between the NDC and NPP. Key things to watch: primaries, candidate selection, campaign strategies, and how candidates address Ghana’s pressing issues. The economy, jobs, and governance will likely dominate the narrative. Ghana’s future hinges on choosing a leader who builds on Mahama’s legacy and drives progress. The choice matters for Ghana’s growth.

The writer is a Lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Accra, Marketing Department, Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan (0244882425).

READ ALSO:

• Government renews curfew in Nkwanta South amid security concerns
• Akatsi North DCE cuts sod for three-unit classroom blocks at Hadave and Avevoe
• StarOil CEO jabs rivals over fuel pricing as firm records highest daily sales
• No school will study under trees by end of year – Akatsi North MP

In Accra’s bustling streets, a successful entrepreneur’s restaurant thrives, partly thanks to a politician who secured a crucial loan. This tale is familiar in Ghana, where politics and business intersect.

Politicians wield significant influence, shaping the economy through tax breaks and government contracts. But what is the cost of this influence? The relationship between politicians and business leaders is complex, with some arguing it provides essential support, while others claim it hinders Ghana’s economic potential. The stakes are high, and the consequences are far-reaching. Can Ghana balance politics and business?

The Business of Politics

Ghana’s economy is a complex mix of contrasts, with rich resources and a growing middle class, yet its private sector is hobbled by challenges. Politicians shape laws, oversee policies, and allocate resources, creating a system where relationships often trump rules. As key stakeholders, they wield significant influence, per stakeholder theory, affecting business objectives. This interplay has far-reaching consequences, from cronyism to uncertainty, but also opportunities for growth and reform. Can Ghana harness its private sector’s energy while reining in political influence?

The Rules of the Game

Ghana’s government policies are a mixed bag for businesses. Initiatives like tax incentives and subsidies support startups, while bureaucratic red tape and inconsistent policies hinder growth. The 1D1F programme has created opportunities, but its implementation has been criticised. Registering a business remains cumbersome, and corruption undermines trust.

Some policies have had significant impact. The culling of the single-spine oil distribution system boosted competition, but frequent tax policy changes continue to create uncertainty. Current initiatives include the 24-Hour Economy Policy and tax reforms, aimed at increasing productivity and reducing financial burdens. The Ghana Infrastructure Plan and the Feed Ghana Programme focus on development and agriculture. Examples like Edwumawura Rice show that government support can work, but sustainability remains a concern. Can policymakers balance regulation and freedom for businesses to thrive?

The Power Players

In Ghana, the lines between politics and business are often blurred. Politicians and business leaders interact closely, shaping the economic landscape. Their relationships can be mutually beneficial but raise concerns about cronyism and unequal access. Politicians wield significant influence by awarding government contracts, shaping regulatory decisions, and providing access to finance. This can lead to state capture, cronyism, and revolving doors, undermining fair competition and transparency.

Examples of this dynamic include pharmaceutical companies that have benefited from government support, such as favourable tax treatment or lucrative contracts, under successive governments in Ghana. Similarly, in Nigeria, Aliko Dangote’s success was bolstered by backing from former President Olusegun Obasanjo, illustrating the impact of political connections on business outcomes. Can Ghana balance business growth with transparency and fairness for all?

The Cost of Interference

Ghana’s private sector has long grappled with the consequences of political interference. Corruption, cronyism, and uncertainty are just a few of the challenges businesses face. When politicians use their influence to shape business decisions, it can lead to an uneven playing field, stifling competition and innovation.

Some of the key impacts of political interference on Ghana’s private sector include corruption, where political influence leads to practices such as bribery and embezzlement, increasing business costs and undermining trust in institutions. Cronyism is another issue, where favouritism towards connected businesses limits opportunities for others, stifling competition and innovation. Uncertainty also prevails, with frequent policy changes and regulatory instability making it difficult for businesses to plan and invest for the long term.

Examples of how this has affected specific industries include the banking sector, where the collapse of several banks in Ghana was linked to political interference and poor governance, highlighting the risks of cronyism and corruption. The energy sector has also suffered, with political influence contributing to challenges such as debt accumulation and supply disruptions. In agriculture, government involvement has sometimes led to inefficiencies and market distortions, affecting both businesses and farmers.

The cost of interference is significant. It undermines Ghana’s business environment, discourages investment, and limits economic growth. For instance, while Ekujuice, a locally produced fruit juice brand, has benefited from government support, others in the sector have struggled due to policy inconsistencies and corruption. Ghana’s private sector needs a level playing field to thrive. Can policymakers and business leaders work together to reduce political interference and promote a more transparent and competitive business environment?

A New Deal for Ghana

Promoting a healthier relationship between politics and business in Ghana requires a multifaceted approach. Policymakers should strengthen and insulate institutions from political interference and provide strong regulatory frameworks to prevent corruption and ensure transparency. Implementing policies that promote competition and level the playing field is also crucial. Engaging business leaders and citizens to understand their needs and concerns can help policymakers make informed decisions.

Business leaders should prioritise transparency and accountability in their operations, invest in corporate social responsibility and community development, and advocate for policies that promote fair competition and good governance. Citizens and civil society organisations also have a role to play. They should demand accountability from politicians and business leaders, support businesses that prioritise transparency and fairness, and engage in informed discussions about Ghana’s economic development.

For instance, establishing an independent anti-corruption agency to investigate and prosecute corruption cases could help restore trust in institutions. Creating a business ombudsman to resolve disputes and promote fair competition could also help level the playing field.

The Bottom Line

Ghana’s private sector is crucial to the country’s economic growth and development. However, the relationship between politics and business is complex and often fraught with challenges. By understanding the impact of political interference and working together, policymakers, business leaders, and citizens can promote a healthier and more sustainable business environment. As Ghana looks to the future, the question remains: Can we create a business environment that promotes transparency, fairness, and sustainable growth for all stakeholders?

The writer is a Lecturer at the University of Professional Studies, Accra, Marketing Department — Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan (0244882425).

READ ALSO:

• GOIL CEO questions calls for further fuel price cuts
• DVLA boss announces plans to build drivers’ hospital by end of year
• Mahama’s one year on: Protecting the economic foundations for shared prosperity

For years, however, Ghana’s macroeconomic signals, governance structures, and social cohesion have often moved out of sync, limiting the country’s ability to convert potential into sustained growth. Periods of stability were frequently undermined by institutional weaknesses, while reforms struggled to gain traction without aligned economic and social pillars.

Today, Ghana finds itself in a unique position. Key pillars—macroeconomic stability, institutional reform, and social progress—are increasingly aligning. The groundwork for long-term prosperity is becoming visible, and the focus must now be on protecting these gains, deepening them, and channeling their benefits to the daily lives of citizens and businesses.

Macroeconomic Stability

Over the past year, Ghana has made notable strides in restoring economic predictability—a critical ingredient for investor confidence and business planning. Stability in the cedi, improved inflation management, a disciplined fiscal framework, and prudent debt management provide a foundation for growth. When these indicators hold steady, businesses can plan long-term, families can predict their cost of living, and the nation can focus on development rather than uncertainty.

Institutional Reforms

Equally important are efforts to strengthen governance and regulatory frameworks. Transparent, responsive institutions insulated from abuse are essential for national development. Recent constitutional, regulatory, and administrative reforms—particularly those enhancing accountability, oversight, and resource management—are steps in the right direction.

A prime example is the commitment control rule under the amended Public Financial Management Act, which now requires Ministry of Finance approval before public contracts become valid. This reform has tightened fiscal discipline, curbed indiscriminate contract awards, and protected the state from avoidable liabilities.

Other efficiency-driven reforms are reshaping key institutions: the Public Procurement Authority has upgraded systems to reduce opaque sole sourcing; the Ghana Gold Board is enforcing stricter oversight of gold licensing; COCOBOD has strengthened auditing and quality control across the cocoa value chain; and the Electricity Company of Ghana has intensified revenue protection through metering and digital monitoring.

Building on the Foundation

While laying strong foundations is critical, real transformation occurs when these foundations are used to create tangible benefits. For many young Ghanaians, economic stability is meaningful only when it translates into jobs and opportunities. Youth unemployment remains one of the country’s most pressing challenges.

To unlock their potential, Ghana must channel stability into sectors that generate employment: agribusiness, light manufacturing, digital services, green energy, tourism, and more. Strengthening financial reforms, expanding development finance institutions, and improving access to affordable credit will empower small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs)—the backbone of the economy—to grow and thrive.

Peace and social cohesion are equally vital. Development thrives only where communities feel secure. Beyond law enforcement, strengthening community dialogue, early-warning mechanisms, and local leadership is essential.

With these fundamentals in place, Ghana can accelerate major initiatives such as the 24-hour economy, large-scale infrastructure projects, and industrialisation. Momentum must now be converted into real economic gains—jobs, investment, and inclusive prosperity.

All Onboard

Ghana is at a promising crossroads. Strong economic and governance foundations are not ends in themselves—they are enablers. They support a broader vision: a nation where businesses flourish without unnecessary hurdles, where young people find meaningful work, where communities feel secure, and where prosperity is shared, not confined to an elite few.

The task ahead is clear. All stakeholders—government, private sector, civil society, and citizens—must guard progress, deepen reforms, and transform stability into opportunity. Ghana has laid the foundation. Now is the time to build boldly, inclusively, and with unwavering commitment to the wellbeing of every citizen.

Alhaji Seidu Agongo is a businessman and philanthropist.

READ ALSO:

• Gov’t not serious about us – stranded UK PhD students
• ‘Something lacking’ about Liverpool – Van Dijk
• My landlady wants me to share a room with her son
• Hwidiem Paramount Chief backs government’s 24-Hour Economy market initiative

I cannot repeat some of the terms used. How can anyone insult the first black one to perform a heart transplant with such words?

Since then, I have reflected a lot on intellect, leadership and national development. We used to respect achievement, but we don’t anymore and that is why Ghana is regressing.

A few months ago, I heard Asiedu Nketia stating that Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo once said, “We seek power with fools”, quoting an Akan proverb.

One may successfully seek power with fools but one cannot govern successfully with fools– unless the objective is to just “loot and share”.

Over a decade ago, I was chatting with the late Alhaji Gibrine when some youth from Central Region came by to urge him to contest for Central Region Secretary. Alhaji said, “Oh, Regional Secretary dze oy3 akrakyefo hon adwuma. Ame dze manko school ntsi mentumi ny3!”.

He was right. Virtually every transformative social movement have been led either openly or from behind the scenes by intellect.

Ordinary Americans fought but it was the intellect of Jefferson and Franklin and Hamilton that made the American revolution successful.

They marched in Paris, but it was the intellect of Cardinal Talleyrand-Perigord and others which moved things. The Russians marched but Lenin’s intellect was indispensable to the success of the revolution.

Lee Kwan Yew had a first class from Oxford and Mahathir was a great physician, as was France’s Clemenceau. Even in Ghana, the leaders of the Aborigines Rights Protection Society were not street urchins– they were distinguished Attorneys and businessman.

Nkrumah had a master’s degree in divinity, Busia was a Professor, Limann had a PhD and spoke 6 languages, Kufuor picked up every Prize in sight at Prempeh College before breezing through Oxford.

And Mills was a Fulbright Scholar who got a PhD before turning 30! As for Rawlings, he once said, “We staged our coup so that men like Anang and P.V. Obeng could implement their ideas!”

Even the 4th Republic started with respect for intellect. Da Rocha, Ala Adjetey and P.V. Obeng were no slouches. But since then, we have moved far in the wrong direction.

Now don’t get me wrong. There are intelligent, uneducated men and women but respectfully, let us bet on intellect. Listen to Frimpong Boateng, Nyaho Tamakloe, Prof Adjepong, Efua Laing and Ernest Afflu etc on Medicine and Development– to Prof. Azar Asare and Domelovo on accounting, Max Logan, Paintsil and Bondzi-Simpson on Law, George Twumasi and Boadu Ayeboafo and Adjoa Yeboah Afari on media , Prof Anegashie and Kutsoatsi on Economics and Kwame Pianim and Goosie Tandoh and Yaw Nsarkoh on anything! And I missed quite a bunch.

These are the men and women who will move us forward! The world has never been moved forward by twooboi men and women. A nation that does not know the difference between twooboi men and its deep thinkers is doomed.

Yes, freedom of expression is foundational to democracy, but we are not obligated to listen to every ignoramus. Our media houses owe us a duty not to pollute our airways with, tafraky3, ignoramuses.

Too many now in our politics think insult is a winning political strategy. But no insult has ever built a bridge of healed a sick person or built a road! Long live Ghana.

Mr. Kpebu, known for criticizing punitive bail practices that undermine personal freedoms, was taken into custody by the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) on December 3, 2025. The arrest stemmed from an alleged altercation with a military officer at the OSP premises, where Mr. Kpebu was present to assist with information regarding corruption investigations involving the Special Prosecutor himself.

Upon his arrest, Mr. Kpebu was subjected to stringent bail conditions that many described as excessive and punitive. The conditions required him to provide proof of property ownership and secure a reputable surety—standards that created obstacles and delayed his release for several hours. These measures contradicted the very bail practices he had long campaigned against, highlighting the inherent flaws in Ghana’s pre-trial system.

Mr. Kpebu’s advocacy for bail reform has a notable history. In 2016, he challenged Section 96(7) of the Criminal and Other Offences (Procedure) Act, which denied bail to individuals accused of serious crimes such as murder and robbery.

He argued that the law violated the principles of presumption of innocence and the right to personal liberty. In a unanimous ruling, the Supreme Court declared the provision unconstitutional, affirming that it excessively restricted judicial discretion and contravened Articles 14(1) and 19(2)(c) of the 1992 Constitution. This landmark decision reinforced the idea that bail is a constitutional right, not a discretionary privilege.

In 2020, Mr. Kpebu again confronted restrictive bail practices under the Anti-Terrorism Act. In Martin Kpebu v. Attorney General (No. 2), he argued that the amendments still allowed blanket denials of bail, contradicting the 2016 Supreme Court ruling. On June 7, 2020, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that courts must retain discretion in all cases, including terrorism-related charges, underscoring that personal liberty cannot be compromised in the name of national security.

Mr. Kpebu also addressed unlawful detention practices in 2019. He challenged the routine extension of detention beyond the mandated 48 hours due to weekends or public holidays, citing violations of Article 14(3) of the Constitution.

On December 18, 2019, the Supreme Court ruled that the 48-hour detention limit is absolute, affirming that no calendar-related excuse justifies prolonged detainment. This ruling reinforced the principle that justice delayed is liberty denied.

These victories go beyond case law—they reaffirm the Constitution as the ultimate protector of individual rights. It guarantees that every accused person is presumed innocent and that personal liberty is a fundamental human right. Courts must weigh each case on its merits, not apply rigid statutes or impose excessive bail conditions.

Imagine being arrested and detained, not because you are guilty, but simply because the law makes it difficult to secure bail. This is the reality Mr. Kpebu has spent years fighting to change, and he has made history doing so. His efforts have reminded Ghanaians that being accused does not equate to guilt, and rights cannot be suspended because of the seriousness of charges.

Of course, there is a counterpoint: in some cases, strict bail conditions are necessary to protect public safety or prevent flight risks. These are valid concerns. The key, however, is balance—public protection should not come at the cost of violating fundamental rights.

Ironically, Mr. Kpebu now faces the very obstacles he has spent years challenging. The stringent bail conditions imposed on him have ignited nationwide debate over fairness, consistency, and transparency in Ghana’s bail system. Many have condemned the conditions as onerous and inconsistent with principles observed in democratic societies. There is no legal framework that should make it practically impossible to secure rightful bail.

The OSP has defended its actions, denying any political motivation or connection to Mr. Kpebu’s criticisms of the office. Yet, his arrest remains a critical flashpoint for discussions about legal reform in Ghana. It raises pressing questions: Are bail conditions being weaponized as tools of control? What does it say about the justice system when even its most ardent reformers are ensnared by the flaws they seek to correct?

As legal professionals and civil society continue to debate these issues, Mr. Kpebu’s case could serve as a catalyst for reforms aimed at improving access to justice across Ghana. It should not be dismissed as routine.

If you believe in fairness, speak up against injustice. Help those facing pre-trial detention understand their rights. Support organizations pushing for legal reform. Demand that lawmakers uphold the Constitution and ensure that courts can function independently. Justice does not defend itself—it requires vigilance, knowledge, and courage.

For those of us who were keen observers, Mr Ken Ofori Atta sat at the heart of that moment. He was a policy czar, loan negotiator, and public face of an era that promised transformation and delivered upheaval.

Among other things, Mr Ofori-Atta presided over the disbursement of billions of cedis to fund various projects, including the Free Senior High School program, though he openly opposed the mode of funding, the one district, one factory (1D1F), one village, one dam and the one constituency, one million policies.

Together with the Bank of Ghana and Securities and Exchange Commission, the investment banker funded the sweeping financial sector clean-up exercise that drained billions from state coffers, shuttered nine banks and hundreds of firms in what promised stability but ended up cost jobs and wiping out the savings, sweats and businesses of ordinary Ghanaians.

My own sweat, the Heritage Bank, which was liquid, solvent, and well-governed by Bank of Ghana’s own assessment, was shut down after the Finance Ministry and Bank of Ghana wrote me off as “not fit and proper.” Never mind that days before the bank’s licence was revoked, the Bank of Ghana and Ministry of Finance advised us to merge with other banks, like what happened to other indigenous banks.

From the apex to ICE
It is a fact that at his peak, Mr Ofori-Atta was arguably the most powerful and influential figure in Ghana’s economic architecture, second only to the President.
His grip on fiscal policy was unmatched; he negotiated billion-dollar loans, drove sweeping reforms, and shaped decisions that touched every Ghanaian household.

So entrenched was his influence that even when internal dissent within his own party reached fever pitch — when MPs openly demanding his removal — the President stood firm, insisting Ken was “the right man for the job.”

And so, for years, he weathered public protests, parliamentary censure motions, and political storms, remaining untouchable. It was only in the twilight of the administration, with the presidency itself nearing its end, that Ken was finally shown the exit, in what would later be a dramatic fall for a man once considered indispensable.

Though out of office from January 2025, Ken was not entirely out of power. He travelled to the United States of America, where his lawyers said he needed to be for medical reasons. Having failed to get him back to Ghana, the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) had declared Ofori Atta a fugitive in February 2025, citing multiple investigations, from the SML revenue assurance contracts to procurement and payments in high visibility projects.

By late 2025, 78 corruption related counts had been filed in absentia, and an extradition effort was initiated. Many people, including the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Dr Dominic Ayine said the fight to bring Ken home was difficult, given the topnotch lawyers fighting for him in the U.S.

But on January 6, 2026, things took a dramatic turn, in a way that reminds us that all shall pass. On that faithful day, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained Ken at the Caroline Detention Facility in Virginia over immigration status issues, according to his lawyers.

Multiple Ghanaian outlets reported the targeted nature of the arrest; investigative journalist Manasseh Azure located the operation near Washington’s Westlight apartments. Meanwhile, Ghana’s Attorney General disclosed that the U.S. State Department had revoked Ofori Atta’s visa months earlier and set a deadline for him to leave.

The bigger lesson for public servants
For me, this is not a morality play about one man. It is a cautionary parable about power: Power is rented, not owned. Mandates sit on public patience, time and institutional checks. Humility stretches the lifespan of trust.

Ghana will move on. Governments rotate; markets adjust; headlines fade. What remains is the record of how power was used when it mattered.

The ICE detention is a sharp reminder that positions are temporary, that life humbles us all, and that the only lasting legacy is how we treated the country — its institutions, its businesses, and its people — when the pen was in our hand

As a Muslim, I always take refuge in the Qur’an.

Al-Kitab reminds us that power is transient, but faith and compassion endure. “All sovereignty belongs to Allah,” it teaches, and worldly authority is only a trust, never a possession.

Titles, wealth, and influence vanish like shadows at sunset, yet love for humanity and reverence for the Creator remain eternal.
Those who lead must do so with humility, mindful that the throne they occupy today may be dust tomorrow, but the deeds they leave behind will echo forever.

Alhaji Seidu Agongo is a businessman and philanthropist

READ ALSO:

• Labour Market Information System developed to provide job info – Rashid Pelpuo
• Driver and mate arrested with 396 parcels of suspected cannabis in Yeji
• Adwoa Safo Foundation donates items to Hopeway Ministries Orphanage
• Ashanti Region set for transformative development in 2026, Regional Minister outlines plans

by

Prof. Festus Ebo Turkson
(Department of Economics, University of Ghana)

Peter Junior Dotse
(Department of Economics, University of Ghana)

Prof. Agyapomaa Gyeke-Dako
(Department of Finance, UGBS, University of Ghana)

Dated: 4th January 2026

Executive Summary

Purpose
This report evaluates the macroeconomic impact of the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod) using conservative assumptions and verifiable data. It compares quantifiable benefits—particularly from reduced gold smuggling and non-debt foreign exchange (FX) inflows—with the reported trading losses of the Bank of Ghana (BoG).

Key Findings

GoldBod Significantly Reduced Gold Smuggling

• Recorded artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) gold exports increased from 63.6 tons in 2024 to 103.0 tons in 2025.
• The incremental 39.4 tons is plausibly gold previously lost to smuggling that has now been formalised.
• Valued conservatively at US$96.5 million per ton, this represents US$3.8 billion in additional FX entering the formal system.

Formalisation Benefits Far Exceed BoG’s Reported Loss

• The IMF reported a BoG trading loss of US$214 million (≈ GHS 2.4 billion).
• A direct comparison shows:
  • Benefit–Cost Ratio ≈ 18:1
• In break-even terms:
  • Formalising just 2.2 tons of gold would offset the reported loss.
  • Complete formalisation is about 18 times this threshold.

Large Financing Savings from Non-Debt FX Inflows

• GoldBod-enabled ASM exports in 2025 amounted to US$10.8 billion.
• If Ghana had borrowed externally to mobilise equivalent FX, annual interest costs would have been:
  • Between US$756 million – US$1.08 billion (at 7–10% borrowing rates).
• Focusing only on the plausible reduction in smuggling:
  • Avoided annual interest costs are between US$266–380 million.
• These are recurring annual benefits, not one-off gains.

Broader Macroeconomic Gains
GoldBod-supported FX inflows contributed to:

• Higher international reserves (≈ US$11–12 billion)
• Exchange-rate stabilisation and appreciation relative to IMF budget assumptions
• Lower domestic cost of external debt service (≈ GHS 6.2 billion)
• Reduced import bill (Jan–Oct 2025) valuation (≈ GHS 50.6 billion)
• Disinflation, through reduced exchange-rate pass-through

Why the BoG “Loss” Is Misunderstood

• Most of the reported BoG loss reflects accounting translation effects, not cash losses.
• Gold is purchased at near-retail exchange rates to prevent smuggling, but FX inflows must be booked at the lower interbank rate.
• The true economic cost (fees, purity losses, offtake discounts) is estimated at ~2.5% of gold value, far lower than headline loss figures.

GoldBod has delivered substantial, measurable macroeconomic benefits that exceed its narrow accounting costs. The programme converts illicit gold flows into formal FX, strengthens Ghana’s external position, reduces reliance on costly borrowing, and supports macroeconomic stability.

Key Policy Directions Going Forward

• Sustain price competitiveness to prevent a return of smuggling.
• Improve transparency by clearly separating accounting effects from economic costs in BoG reporting.
• Gradually reduce policy costs as FX market conditions normalise.
• Strengthen governance and oversight to ensure long-term credibility.
• Manage transition risks carefully as GoldBod assumes fuller trading responsibility.
• Sustain the FX stability through structural transformation, fiscal discipline, and enhanced law enforcement to minimise and deter smuggling.
• Internalise the policy cost as a quasi-fiscal cost and treat it as a liability (expense for the government) and fund it annually in the budget.

GoldBod should be regarded not as a profit-driven trading entity, but as a tool for macroeconomic stabilisation and formalisation. Based on available evidence, it serves as a high-return policy intervention for Ghana’s economy.

READ ALSO:

• Tema NDC salutes Mahama for securing strategic partner for VALCO within a year
• National Security orders arrested sex workers to clean-up streets to curb prostitution in Tamale
• 2026 is the make-or-break year for Ghana’s cannabis industry – Chamber

This technology enables life-saving interventions such as the treatment of myocardial infarction (heart attacks), valve replacements, stent insertions, and numerous other critical cardiac procedures.

As a young medical doctor, I have witnessed far too often the painful loss of loved ones, friends, and family members to medical emergencies and preventable illnesses, not because their conditions were untreatable, but simply due to the absence of these essential facilities. These are deaths that should never have happened.

Not long ago, a distinguished emergency physician at the Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital (KATH) tragically lost his life to a heart attack. The cruel irony is that the very hospital to which he devoted his life saving countless others lacked the cardiac catheterization equipment that could have saved his own. What a devastating indictment of our system. What a national shame.

A nation is not worth dying for if it cannot, at its most critical moment, “die” in service to saving the lives of its citizens.

The initiative to retool major health facilities across the country with cardiac catheterization laboratories and other critical medical equipment under the Ghana Medical Trust Fund (MahamaCares) is nothing short of a masterstroke. It represents the beginning of the end of untimely, preventable, and unfortunate deaths that have, for far too long, been normalized within our healthcare system.

This initiative and many others anticipated under the Mahamacares policy aligns firmly with President John Dramani Mahama’s vision of a truly citizen-centered healthcare system: one that is reliable, safe, of high quality, and responsive to the real needs of the Ghanaian people.

For once, hope is not just rhetoric. It is taking form in wires, tubes , technology, an will. And for many Ghanaians, it may finally mean the difference between life and death.

Kudos President Mahama
Kudos Health
Kudos Obuobia Darko-Opoku

Mahama’s leadership path began in 1997 as an MP, where he served as Deputy Minister and later Minister for Communications. He rose to Vice President under President John Atta Mills from 2009 to 2012, assuming the presidency after Mills’ passing in 2012. He won the 2012 election, served a full term, and later became the National Democratic Congress (NDC) flag bearer in the 2020 election. In 2024, Mahama won the NDC primaries and the presidential election, defeating Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia to become President of Ghana once more.

One of the hallmarks of Mahama’s leadership is his ability to adapt to the context. Effective leaders adapt their style to support followers in achieving goals, a principle of Path-Goal theory (House, 1971). Mahama’s leadership exemplifies this adaptability. As President (2012-2017), he emphasized infrastructure development, particularly in energy and roads, clarifying paths to economic growth. The Atinka Gas Plant project, aimed at resolving Ghana’s energy crisis, is a prime example of how leaders can remove obstacles to achieve goals. In his current term, he’s prioritizing agricultural development and industrialization to boost economic growth.

Mahama’s flexibility in leadership is also noteworthy. Situational Leadership theory emphasizes adapting leadership style to follower maturity (Hersey & Blanchard, 1969). Mahama demonstrated flexibility in working with various stakeholders, including government officials and populace. When addressing Ghana’s energy challenges, he engaged experts and citizens, showcasing a participative approach suitable for complex issues. In his current term, he’s engaging with farmers and businesses to address food security and job creation challenges.

Collaboration is another key aspect of Mahama’s leadership. The Team Leadership Model highlights leaders’ roles in fostering team effectiveness (Northouse, 2018). Mahama’s efforts to build consensus among Ghana’s political and economic stakeholders reflect this model’s emphasis on collaboration. His engagement with various factions underscores the importance of teamwork in governance. For instance, he worked with opposition parties to pass key legislation on energy and infrastructure.

In his first year as President (2024), John Mahama has made notable strides in stabilizing Ghana’s economy and addressing fiscal challenges. His government’s efforts to restructure debt, boost agricultural production, and enhance domestic revenue mobilization have been widely acknowledged.

Initiatives like the Women’s Bank, aimed at empowering women entrepreneurs, and the “24-Hour Economy” policy, designed to boost economic activity, have generated buzz across the nation. However, challenges persist. Implementing these ambitious programs has been a learning curve, with teething issues and infrastructure constraints. Critics point to delays in rolling out the Women’s Bank’s services and operational challenges in implementing the 24-Hour Economy concept.

Fiscal pressures, including managing Ghana’s debt burden and inflation, also demand careful balancing. Despite these hurdles, Mahama’s emphasis on collaboration and adaptability has resonated with many Ghanaians. According to opinion polls circulating on social media, his leadership style is being welcomed by many, who appreciate his inclusive and consultative approach.

As Ghana navigates development challenges, Mahama’s pragmatic leadership provides a beacon of hope for progress and sustainable development. By leveraging his experience and engaging with stakeholders, he is driving momentum towards a more prosperous Ghana.

In conclusion, John Mahama’s leadership offers valuable lessons for leaders in Ghana and across Africa. His ability to adapt, foster collaboration, and adjust leadership styles to contexts has enhanced governance outcomes and driven national development. Leadership, however, is a two-way street. Citizens, too, play a crucial role in shaping their own destiny. Engaging with leaders, holding them accountable, and contributing to national development empowers Ghanaians to mitigate challenges and accelerate progress.

Traditional leaders also wield significant influence, particularly in addressing challenges like galamsey (illegal mining). Leveraging their community trust, they can curb environmental degradation, promote sustainable livelihoods, and support law enforcement efforts. For instance, partnering with communities to establish alternative livelihood programs for those involved in galamsey fosters economic empowerment and environmental conservation. Individual actions also make a difference.

Managing resources like electricity wisely is key. Simple habits like switching off lights, using energy-efficient appliances, and reporting power wastage contribute to the cause. Communities can organize clean-up initiatives, promote tree planting, and support local sanitation efforts, cultivating a culture of responsibility.

So, what can citizens do? Stay informed, participate in civic activities, and voice opinions on issues that matter. Supporting initiatives that promote transparency and accountability is crucial. In communities, collaborating on local projects, promoting social cohesion, and encouraging entrepreneurship can drive progress.

Political leaders, citizens, and traditional authorities working together can tackle challenges like infrastructure gaps, fiscal pressures, and economic diversification. As Mahama himself says, “The future is not something we wait for, it’s something we create.” With leaders like Mahama steering the ship and citizens actively engaged, Ghana and Africa can navigate complexities, seize opportunities, and emerge stronger.

The road ahead is challenging, but shared responsibility and collective action pave the way for a brighter future.

The writer is a Lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Accra, Marketing Department (0244882425).

A year after, the overwhelming mandate that returned the NDC to government under the leadership of President John Dramani Mahama was more than an electoral outcome.

It was a national call for a #Reset in leadership, governance and public trust. However, it was in the days that followed, during the complex transition from one administration to another, that this mandate found its first and most enduring expression.

First, the transition itself set the tone. It unfolded with calm, cooperation and adherence to Ghana’s constitution, without the usual fallouts. In his inaugural address on January 07/2025 President Mahama declared that Ghana was open for business.

Unlike nations grappling with uncertainty, Ghana chose continuity and dialogue over conflict and disruption.

State institutions held firm, security agencies remained professional and the transfer of responsibility took place with dignity and restraint.

More than a procedural success, this peaceful handover reassured citizens, investors and partners alike that, change in leadership does not mean instability in the state.

In fact, it laid the foundation upon which renewal and the #Reset Ghana, could take root.

From that foundation, government moved quickly into action. Within weeks, the John Mahama–led NDC Government signaled discipline and purpose:

• Institutional discipline: Cabinet Ministers were nominated within 14 days and approved by Parliament, the leanest government under the Fourth Republic was constituted within 90 days, a Code of Conduct for public officials operationalised, and a National Economic Dialogue convened to ground policy in consultation.

• Relief for households: The E-Levy, Betting Tax, and Emissions Levy were scrapped, while COVID levy was absorbed into VAT reforms.

• Human-centred reforms: The “No-Academic-Fee” policy for first-year tertiary students, free tertiary education for Persons with Disabilities was launched; free sanitary pads were rolled out for schoolgirls; and MahamaCares (The Ghana Medical Trust Fund became operational. These affirmed that the #Reset in governance, needed to begin with dignity.

• Strategic economic renewal: Job-creation programmes such as Adwumawura, the National Apprenticeship Programme and One Million Coders were launched, and Goldbod was established as a cornerstone of forex mobilization.

Meanwhile, the economy began to stabilise. Where uncertainty once prevailed, confidence gradually returned:

• Inflation declined and interest rates eased, dropping from January’s 23.5% rate to single digits, 6.3% in November and even lower in December.

• The debt burden reduced, the cedi regained strength and import cover lengthened from weeks to months.

• Fiscal discipline improved, signaling not merely technical recovery but the careful rebuilding of the social contract between state and citizen—restoring predictability for households and credibility for businesses.

Across key sectors, our reforms were visible.

• Education: Funding for the future of Free SHS was secured, national research fund was launched; and 154,000 students benefited from “No Fees Stress”.

• Health: The NHIS was uncapped; revenue rose to GHS 9.76bn; 13,000 nurses received financial clearance; a 2-year backlog of Pharmacy doctors paid, and the Ghana Medical Care Trust Fund was established.

• Energy & Digital Economy: Solar investments commenced; data value more than doubled while consumer costs fell; and household media prices were reduced.

• Agriculture: Feed Ghana, boreholes, irrigation dam rehabilitation, and targeted food inflation control restored agriculture’s strategic role in food security.

• Infrastructure & Local Government: The Big Push policy was launched with a plan, and the sod cutting for various road construction to begin, cleared huge contraction debts and laid foundations for growth, while affordable housing and timely payment of District Assembly Common Fund releases have been duly implemented.

Equally important, accountability was pursued deliberately. Thanks to Operation Recover all Loot(ORAL) Investigations into corruption, prosecutions for acts of malfeasance, legacy challenges from the banking sector to major procurement and infrastructure projects have sent a clear message: a #Reset is not only about new programmes, but about restoring integrity to public life.

Where reforms remain unfinished, they have been acknowledged openly, which clearly demonstrates the government’s commitment to good governance and transparency.

In retrospect, this year marks a period of unprecedented progress. The confidence placed in President Mahama and the NDC did not merely endorse a government; it entrusted a vision of a Ghana renewed in governance,fairness, steadiness and shared purpose.

Looking ahead, the task is clear.

To consolidate our economic recovery into lasting stability;

To accelerate industrial growth, job creation and digital transformation; and

To enhance institutional reform so that accountability becomes the enduring culture of governance.

If the first year essentially restored trust, President Mahama and his government aim to translate that trust into even more tangible transformation for our people.

Guided by the calm leadership and anchored in the mandate for renewal, Ghana now stands poised not merely to recover but to forge forward with confidence and collective purpose.
President Mahama says, that his comeback must count.

He reported that inflation has dropped from 23% to 5% and that the currency has stabilised. He also highlighted increased electricity supply, expanded healthcare coverage, and progress in the fight against corruption.

To be fair, there has been progress, and national morale has improved. However, the praise has at times been disproportionate to the changes achieved and has even verged on sycophancy, as NDC General Secretary Fiifi Kwetey pointed out a few days ago.

Some are even talking about a third term. Perhaps mediocre governance after mediocre governance has dulled our expectations.

Yet it was from this same leadership perch that Kwame Nkrumah built the Tema Harbour and the Akosombo Dam and delivered massive infrastructure development. It was from this perch that President Kufuor built the Bui Dam, initiated the National Health Insurance Scheme, and presided over the era of the “Kufuor dollar,” which was stronger than the US dollar. It was also from this same perch that Acheampong gave us Operation Feed Yourself, the Dansoman and Suntreso estates, and secured the Africa Cup of Nations permanently in 1978.

And from this same perch, President Mahama himself delivered UGMC, Terminal 3, and many other major infrastructure projects in just four years.

As I write, prices remain too high. Galamsey is still largely untamed. Too many thieves continue to mock ORAL by walking free with their loot. This concern is worsened by the avalanche of nolle prosequi applications, which has created the unfortunate impression that some NDC members may expect benign neglect from prosecuting authorities.

Thankfully, the President appears well grounded in the enormity of what remains undone. He has been diligent, humble, and accessible. In this new year, Mr President, let ORAL advance by leaps and bounds, and let the fight against galamsey be pursued with firmness and resolve. No amount of economic returns from galamsey can justify the destruction of our forests, the pollution of our rivers, and the poisoning of our pregnant women and children.

Beyond Ghana, help Africa find African solutions to African problems. At the moment, we seem bereft of solutions. Mr President, these are the changes that will earn you not a needless third term, but a place—behind Nkrumah—among Ghana’s greatest leaders.

As the President rightly said, “Governments do not build nations alone.”

Indeed. Parliament must fully step into its role of executive oversight and take centre stage in constitutional reform. Too many audit shenanigans have gone unpunished, and constitutional reform risks becoming a circus without firm leadership.

The problems with our Constitution are not quantitative; they are qualitative. That is why our Constitution is nearly three times the length of the US Constitution yet delivers far less. I have not met a single Ghanaian who wished Rawlings or Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo had governed for ten years instead of eight.

At the heart of our constitutional democracy lies the uncontrolled monetisation of politics. This must be confronted. No reforms will matter as much as those that demonetise our politics.

May God bless Ghana.

READ ALSO:

• PMMC turned around from crisis to record profits by 2024 – Former MD
• Akonta Mining docket reached Attorney-General’s office only in September 2025 – Ministry
• A new dawn for Ghana’s cocoa sector: How Dr. Ransford Abbey is repositioning COCOBOD for growth
• Alhaji Agongo condemns assault on Class Media journalist, demands justice and police action

Dealing with money laundering risks
Through the UK-Ghana Gold Programme, a UK Home Office support to Ghana in dealing with the illegalities in the small-scale mining sector, we have helped to address substantial money laundering risks in the sector and helped to prepare the country for its next GIABA mutual evaluation, working closely with the Financial Intelligence Centre.

The GIABA mutual evaluation which assesses money laundering risks and associated with it, the financing of Serious Organised Crimes (SOC) begins this month. There will be consequences for the country, if we fail this evaluation. We could be Grey-listed or black-listed with prescribed sanctions.

Role of CSOs in governance
It is important to understand that CSOs are not set up to fight governments.They are partners in nation-building. They only fight when a government proves intransigent and non-responsive to citizens demands, like we saw under the previous regime. On a good day, CSOs, through their research and analysis, contribute to the search for viable policy alternatives, such as the GoldBod, and support their implementation.

I call on all well-meaning Ghanaians to support this well-intended efforts at ensuring that Ghana’s gold benefits Ghanaians and not foreigners.

Steps to reduce losses
The GoldBod has recently consulted with key stakeholders on a mutually acceptable discount and will be proceeding to adopt a pricing policy this year.

Advise to GoldBod
Going forward, I will advise the management of the GoldBod to be more proactive in providing information on its activities to sustain public trust in its work. It’s trading policies must be published and explained timeously.

On that note, I say a Happy New Year to all those who genuinely wish this country well.

READ ALSO:

• Police gun down two suspects in foiled robbery attempt on Antoakrom–Manso Nkwanta road
• Kwahu West MCE charges new Chief Imam to promote truth and unity
• Faulty meter triggered Kasoa New Market fire – Resident

2. They have earned the right to be triumphant: some analysts say that the Cedi enjoyed its best performance in over 30 years.

3. Readers of this site know that some of us believe that the Cedi became overvalued due to over-interference by the BoG, but that is an entirely separate debate.

4. For now, the issue is that the Cedi’s managers promised to hold it down and they found the resources and will to do it. Full stop.

5. For me that is a political outcome. Political leaders stepping up to “political accountability”. In the katanomics framework that I swear by though, that’s not everything. There is also POLICY ACCOUNTABILITY.

6. In this context, policy accountability means ensuring that exchange rate policy actually supports economic development and social welfare, while obsessing as much over how stability is sustained as over which rate is desirable.

7. Let me illustrate this in the context of industrialisation. There is a whole lot of research that shows that most of the countries that succeeded in industrialisation (especially in Asia) did so by attracting multinational manufacturers who brought capital, technology, knowledge, and discipline.

8. Ghana, like some other African countries, also attracted multinational manufacturers after independence. Some of them had been around during colonial times but mostly in trading. They shifted focus to manufacturing when post-independence leaders emphasised industrial transformation.

9. They include the likes of Unilever, Nestle, Cadbury, Guinness, PZ, etc. Even some automotive and electronics companies came in. Philips, Sanyo, Volkswagen, Siemens, Leyland, Fiat, IIT, and Tata.

10. If Ghana (like Nigeria) can be said to have failed whereas Taiwan, Korea, Vietnam, and Thailand succeeded in boosting the presence of multinationals, then learning the ropes themselves, and finally building up local champions to take over, a big part of the picture is summed up in the behaviour of the exchange rate.

11. To probe further, I gathered and analysed 30 years of financial and some operational data on Unilever’s business in Ghana. I can’t deny that my choice of period wasn’t influenced by the timeline of the Cedi’s success being celebrated today.

12. I got interested in this question when I saw that Unilever Ghana now imports Rexona deodorant from other Group affiliates in Italy and then re-export them all over the region. Its numbers are looking good again after a massive plunge during the COVID years but performance now seems to be driven by trade instead of manufacturing.

13. In 2014, Unilever Ghana doubled down on expanding manufacturing plants to make more personal care and beauty products.

The company has been shifting in that direction for years, moving slowly away from its historic focus on food.

14. Per its corporate vision of that time, Ghana ought by now to have become a regional hub making the likes of Rexona deodorant for regional sales. That didn’t happen. Even good old “Omo” is now being imported from all over the place by traders.

15. So, I decided to treat Unilever as a lagging bellwether for industrialisation in Ghana to the extent that it is a “loyal multinational” that kept faith with Ghana through thick and thin.

16. The central issue, however, is: did Unilever succeed in growing and compounding value (for all its stakeholders) over its 60 years of manufacturing history?

17. The headline answer is that it saw negative hard-currency growth over 30 years.

18. Unilever’s revenue in 1994 was $111 million. During the oil boom era of 2010 to 2013, it hovered in $180 million territory (proving that divestments of group entities isn’t the primary issue.) In 2024, it barely crossed $65 million.

19. The revenue compound annual growth rate (CAGR) is MINUS 1.74% over 30 years.

20. A part of the story is explained by the company being forced to abandon more complex industrial operations in textiles, timber processing, heavy machinery etc. over time. But a good deal of it is just pure capital erosion.

21. Shareholder equity in 1998 was $54.2 million. It peaked at $64.3 million and then sank to a mere $6.3 million in 2022. Today, it is around $15.9 million.

22. But it wasn’t due to underinvestment, either. The company’s returns actually crashed during macro-stress periods following considerable reinvestment.

2018 shows extraordinary capital expansion (likely retooling / plant upgrade cycle). Yet profitability collapsed after the expansion push. By 2020, Capex falls below depreciation, indicating:

• defensive retrenchment
• cash preservation mode

Then dividends go to zero in 2020, to reinforce the distress response. This is a company being punished for good behaviour. Any surprise then that despite Africa’s surging demographics, Unilever no longer lists a single African region amongst its top 24 strategic markets where it intends to drive growth and performance through its beauty, personal care, and wellness segments?

23. Meanwhile, average net margin over the 30-year period sat around 5.5%. In 2020, it went all the way down to MINUS 11% (ROE: minus 139%).

If you think the 2020 number is just a super-rare one-off due to the COVID-19 black swan, think again. Such periods of extreme stress in the Unilever Ghana business actually tends to recur. In 2003 – 2004, for instance, operating profit crashed by nearly 55%.

24. Consider that the Unilever Group has had an underlying operating margin for the last decade of more than 16%. Peer benchmark long-term margins for global manufacturers that compounded value in the successful Asian economies were typically in the 12% to 15%. In tech, it even exceeds 45%.

25. The capital market verdict has been equally sobering. Unilver’s market cap grew from $19 million in 2000 to over $700 million in 2008 then began a long descent to less than $120 million today.

26. The key insight in all of this is the use of the dollar to gauge returns. That is why it is an exchange rate phenomenon. For example, in Ghana Cedis, Unilever’s market cap has actually grown by over 50% since 2008. The tragicomic situation is that an overvalued exchange rate actually hurts Unilever’s steadily growing trade and re-export business. All they crave for is currency STABILITY.

29. The exchange rate makes Ghana a bad bet for global multinationals. Which is why their commitment has been so lukewarm over the years. Yet, the historical reality is that multinationals like Unilever have tended to treat workers much better and offered upskilling opportunities that the rest of the private sector rarely offer.

30. And therein lies the real policy challenge: sustaining a long-run STABLE exchange rate.

Years of accumulated debt, weak investment in basic education, unpaid statutory obligations, stalled infrastructure projects, and unresolved teacher welfare issues had significantly constrained service delivery and threatened the quality and sustainability of education at all levels.
From the Free Senior High School (Free SHS) programme and special needs education to expired teacher recruitment windows, struggling nascent public universities, unpaid obligations to the West African Examinations Council (WAEC), and delays in promotions and allowances for teachers, the scale of inherited difficulties was enormous.
A National Conversation to Reset Education
Recognising the urgency and complexity of the situation, President Mahama and the Education Ministry convened a historic National Education Forum in Ho, in the Volta Region.

The forum brought together key stakeholders—teachers, unions, parents, academics, students, civil society organisations, policymakers, and the President himself—for a frank and solutions-oriented dialogue on the future of Ghana’s education system.
The outcome of the Ho Forum was a set of practical recommendations that now form the backbone of ongoing reforms, implemented alongside the President’s manifesto commitments and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government’s broader human capital development agenda.
Education as a Budgetary Priority
A clear test of any government’s commitment to transformation lies in how it allocates resources. From the outset, President Mahama demonstrated this commitment by prioritising education in his maiden budget.
In the 2025 Budget Statement, education received one of the largest sectoral allocations, aimed at stabilising the system and laying the foundation for long-term reform.
Historic Investment in Basic Education
For the first time in over five decades, basic education received a historic allocation of GHC 9.1 billion—the highest in 50 years.

This decisive investment reflects a renewed focus on foundational learning, which had suffered years of neglect despite being the most critical stage in a child’s educational journey.
The funding is already supporting classroom infrastructure, learning materials, sanitation, and teacher support at the basic level nationwide.
Resetting Free SHS: From Access to Quality
While the Free SHS policy succeeded in expanding access, it was inherited in a form that prioritised enrolment over quality, resulting in overcrowding, infrastructure deficits, and the controversial double-track system that reduced teacher–student contact hours.
President Mahama’s administration has embarked on a reset—maintaining Free SHS while transforming it into a sustainable and high-quality programme for national development.
In 2025, Free SHS received GHC 3.5 billion under GETFund, the highest allocation since the programme began. This funding has strengthened student feeding, logistics, and learning conditions.

Notably, about 100 double-track schools have already been converted to single-track, with a firm commitment to abolish the system entirely.
Additionally, government plans include upgrading:
10 Category D schools to Category C
10 Category C schools to Category B
30 Category B schools to Category A
while improving infrastructure in existing Category A schools.

Improved Feeding and Student Welfare
Reforms in the management of SHS feeding have led to noticeable improvements, with positive feedback from students, teachers, parents, and school administrators.

Government continues to engage stakeholders to further enhance both nutrition and learning outcomes. At the basic level, GHC 895 million has been paid to support the School Feeding Programme, alongside an increase in the feeding grant per child.

Advancing Girls’ Education
In a major step toward gender equity, government rolled out the free distribution of sanitary pads to school-going girls.

Over six million sanitary pads have been distributed to girls in basic and second-cycle schools, reducing absenteeism and helping to keep girls in school.

Clearing Arrears and Supporting Schools
Under the year in review, the Ministry of Education cleared inherited arrears, including:
GHC 72.8 million in Capitation Grant arrears
GHC 122.8 million paid timely for BECE registration
Payment of WASSCE practical fees
Feeding grants for special needs schools
Government has also directed all Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies to construct a Nursery, Primary and JHS from the 2025 District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF).
Teachers at the Centre of Reform
Teacher welfare featured prominently in 2025. Key achievements include:
Payment of GHC 52 million in Teacher Training Allowance
Restoration of promotion eligibility up to Director rank
Cancellation of the Teacher Licensure Exams requirement that forced trainees to return to campus months after graduation
Placement of over 30,000 diploma teachers who upgraded to degrees onto the appropriate PS salary scale. PTAs have also been reactivated nationwide to strengthen school governance and discipline.

Revitalising Infrastructure and Tertiary Education

All stalled E-Blocks (Community Day SHSs) are being revisited, while tertiary education saw landmark interventions.

Under the No Fees Stress Initiative, the Students Loan Trust Fund reimbursed academic facility user fees for first-year students in public tertiary institutions. Out of 178,745 enrolment records, 152,698 students were successfully validated and reimbursed—removing financial barriers to access tertiary education.

President Mahama also approved the construction of a 600-bed hostel at Dr. Hilla Limann Technical University, addressing a long-standing accommodation challenge.

To strengthen nascent public universities, government released GHC 40 million in seed funding, with GHC 10 million each allocated to:
C.K. Tedam University of Technology and Applied Sciences
University of Energy and Natural Resources
University of Health and Allied Sciences
S.D. Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies

Reforming Scholarships
Parliament has passed the Scholarship Authority Bill, now awaiting Presidential assent. The Bill aims to eliminate cronyism and political interference in scholarship awards, promote transparency and fairness, and align scholarships with national skills needs through collaboration with the National Development Planning Commission.

Looking Ahead to 2026

The 2026 Budget has allocated GHC 33.3 billion to education, with priorities including:
Upgrading 30 Category C SHSs to Category B
Completing 30 abandoned E-Blocks
Constructing 200 JHSs, 200 primary schools, and 200 kindergartens
Building 400 teachers’ bungalows
Procuring and distributing millions of curriculum-based textbooks .
Supplying desks, buses, pickups, and administrative vehicles to schools and education directorates

Conclusion
The 2025 year under review confirms that Ghana’s education sector is on a deliberate path of recovery and transformation.

Through honest diagnosis, historic investment, and people-centred reforms, President John Dramani Mahama and the Ministry of Education have begun rebuilding confidence in the system—laying a strong foundation for quality, equity, and sustainable human capital development in the years ahead.

Three key questions, in their view, are confusing people, and clearing them up would do far more good for the important debate than discussing “accounting treatment” disputes.

The Questions

1. How exactly did GoldBod incur losses?
2. Even if GoldBod incurred losses, are they significant?
3. But even if significant losses have occurred, aren’t they vastly offset by the benefits of the Cedi’s stability in recent years?

Questions 2 and 3 are, obviously, tightly linked.

I will try and be super-focused and just walk readers through my reasoning without any philosophical meandering.

The Answers

Part I: How did the losses come about

1. According to the IMF, GoldBod sold about $5 billion to the Bank of Ghana (BoG) “aggregated” from small-scale and artisanal (ASM) gold miners.

2. It also bought $2.6 billion from legacy sources, including large-scale mining companies, outside the GoldBod channel.

3. It then spent about $10 billion intervening in the foreign exchange (FX) market to deliver the Cedi stability Ghanaians are now enjoying.

4. It still has ~$11.4 billion of “reserves”, of which at least $3.58 billion is made up of gold bullion. I say “at least” because BoG uses a conservative valuation for its gold holdings. Using spot prices today (not advisable) would imply $5.3 billion of gold in over $13 billion of reserves.

5. Trust me, all these numbers are relevant. You will soon see, so keep track.

6. The IMF says that the gold that was bought from local ASM miners led to a loss of 4.28% ($214 million). That is to say the dollar value of the Cedis supplied by the BoG to the miners through GoldBod and the dollars delivered to the BoG from the overseas buyers (we shall call them “off-takers”) don’t match; there is a shortfall.

7. (Note: we are all dependent on the IMF’s data because the IMF is the only entity the government would give such data to.)

8. How that arises is not difficult to explain at all. I will walk readers through two hypothetical transactions using real market numbers for two separate days.

9. Let’s start with 10^th December 2025.

• The LBMA benchmark for 24 carats/K gold (think of this as the “global price for pure gold”) was: USD 4,196 per troy ounce (think of this as the unit in which gold is sold internationally).
• The official exchange rate used by GoldBod: 11.42 GHS/USD
• GoldBod price per Ghana pound (23 carats/K) was: GHS 11,446 (the “Ghana pound” is the main local unit for gold; 23 carats is the usual assay benchmark locally).
• The now famous bonus offered by GoldBod to local miners to encourage them to sell: GHS 650 per Ghana pound of 23K.
• Convert 23K “pound” to 24K equivalent = 11,943.652 GHS per Ghana pound of 24K
• Convert Ghana pound to ounces = 47,934.078 GHS
• Convert to USD = USD 4,197.380
• The result is a tiny premium (GoldBod is paying more for local gold than it can sell internationally).
• Premium vs 4,196 = USD 1.38/oz; Percent = +0.033%
• Now add the bonus on top of the 23K price per Ghana pound: 11,446 + 650 = 12,096 GHS (23K)
• Convert to 24K equivalent = 12,621.913 GHS (per Ghana pound of 24K)
• Convert to troy oz = 50,656.178 GHS per troy oz (24K)
• Convert to USD = USD 4,435.742
• Premium = 4,435.742 − 4,196 = USD 239.742 per ounce
• Percent = 239.742 / 4,196 = 5.714%

10. So, on that day, GoldBod lost 5.714% just on the buying side. Even if it had sold at the full international price, it would still have lost money. We shall explain in a moment why it can’t really sell at the full international price, either.

11. Now, let’s take today, the 29^th of December.

• GoldBod quotes GHS 11,467 per Ghana pound
• Per ounce equivalent = GHS 46,023.112
• Per USD per ounce at official exchange rate of 11.10 = USD 4,146.22
• Compare to the “world market price” of USD 4,325
• Implied Discount (GoldBod is making a marginal profit) = USD 178.774
• In percentage terms = 4.13% discount
• But remember the bonus!
• With bonus = GHS 12,117 total per Ghana pound
• Ounce equivalent = GHS 48,631.789
• USD equivalent = USD 4,381.242
• Implied Premium = USD 56.242
• Premium % = 1.30% premium (GoldBod is making a loss of 1.30% per trade)

12. It should be obvious what is happening here: ASM gold was a relatively efficient market in Ghana for many years with many buyers and many sellers until GoldBod was imposed on the system. The miners were used to getting as much of the “world price” as possible. They sold through lean, mean, and highly efficient intermediaries with very low costs who could time the onward sale to maximise their margin.

13. In the current model, GoldBod buys all the gold in the ASM market and must be ready to buy at all times and deliver to offtakers in all weather. It must offer close to market rate across the board all lose to smugglers or from miners and local traders just hoarding the gold. On the domestic, buying, side, things are that simple.

14. On the external, selling, side, GoldBod must sell at a discount to World prices because one has to factor in freight, insurance, and the assay verification and other costs on the importer’s side since this is the dore (raw gold) market outside a trusted exchange. The importer/offtaker takes a risk and must be compensated.

15. The importer/offtaker also advances dollars to the Bank of Ghana/GoldBod because the liquidity needs of the BoG are pressing and fast settlement is vital for that reason. That is also a risk that the offtaker must be compensated for.

16. In India, dore gold has favourable customs treatment because the Indian government wants to promote refining in India. If the gold was being refined in Ghana, GoldBod would have been hit by additional discounts because the importer/offtaker’s custom duties would have increased.

17. In short, when you displace a large, heterogenous, group of buyers, sellers, and intermediaries, with a very concentrated ecosystem of a super-aggregator (Bawa Rock), a few mega offtakers in India and Dubai, and one ultra-intermediary (GoldBod), you can get efficiency but risks can also concentrate and by the time you compensate for those risks, there would be losses.

Part II: Are the losses even significant?

18. If GoldBod was operating strictly using its own capital, yes!

 19. In 2025, GoldBod was allocated $279 million as working capital but the Finance Ministry did not disbursed. We can interpret this to mean that the Ministry was unclear about its trading strategy of model.

20. But assuming it had disbursed and this was the only fiscal buffer available to the GoldBod, not the limitless-seeming Bank of Ghana tap. Then:

• Consider losses on the ASM doré leg at US$214 million through end-Q3 2025 (i.e. about 9 months).
• Annualising that run-rate gives roughly:

– Now assume GoldBod’s only loss-absorbing capital is the Ministry of Finance allocation of US$279 million.

• Time to wipe-out (straight-line, assuming no recapitalisation)

• In effect, it would take 12 months for GoldBod to become functionally insolvent if it continued operating at the same scale and loss structure.
• Do you realise though that the Ministry of Finance would be forced to recapitalise it due to political reasons? You see why some of us are arguing that this is a fiscal subsidy that must be transparently borne by the policy owners?
• In fact, a more conservative “functional insolvency” trigger is when half the buffer is gone.
• Half of US$279m = US$139.5m.
• At ~US$285m/yr loss rate:

• Operationally: you would expect serious stress within ~6 months, and likely failure within ~12 months, absent a bailout or a major restructuring of the model.

21, Remember that Cocobod is a policy institution too. Yet, we have all been witnessed to how capital stress has damaged it.

22. Using SIGA and Auditor General reports, we have attempted to construct similar loss-per-turnover numbers for Cocobod below.

23. See the numbers for Cocobod below:

24. As readers can judge themselves, Cocobod records significantly lower losses benchmarked against the reported GoldBod losses.

25. The self-evident implication is that even as a policy organ of the government of Ghana (GoG), a consistent near- 5% loss on annual turnover by any would seriously stress its sponsoring government.

26. Bear in mind that the loss prospect could amplify if a single off-taker refused delivery, a prospect far from remote given the current level of concentration.

Part III: But don’t the benefits far outweigh the costs?

27. This is obviously the most complex part of the analysis. But if readers bear with me and follow the numbers, they should be fine.

28. It is a trivial point for everyone to grasp regardless of their economics knowledge that no one factor alone explains exchange rate movements. Surveys of economists by popular research houses normally surface more than 15 major factors.

29. In Ghana, we know that the fiscal deficit and how it is financed, inflation, export performance, and a whole host of factors both influence the exchange rate and are in turn influenced by it.

30. No serious person would thus attribute the stability being enjoyed by the Cedi so far to just one factor, such as the policy innovation represented by the GoldBod.

31. The right question thus is: how much of the Cedi’s stability should we attribute to the GoldBod and through what mechanism has it been exerting its influence? (Some of us have held the position for a while now that the Ghana Cedi is overvalued, and that it has moved from a generally managed float regime to a substantially managed peg one. But that is a separate debate. What is relevant is twofold: a) how the government found the capacity to manage the peg (never a trivial undertaking as the UK learnt on Black Wednesday) and b) whether macro-indicators, such as inflation, move in a manner that makes the peg sustainable.)

32. First, we know that the only plausible mechanism is through the “gold dollars” the GoldBod has diverted from commercial banks and parallel forex markets (which used to get most of the dollars from ASM gold, including even the smuggled portion since smugglers still need Cedis eventually to continue their nefarious trade) to the central bank. The BoG uses these dollars to cushion the Cedi.

33. Remember, however, that only about half of the funds used by the BoG to intervene in the FX market comes from the GoldBod. The remaining 50% comes from other exporters and large-scale gold mines, as well as IMF and other official financial flows. So, whatever impact we attribute to the BoG’s interventions (and remember that intervention alone can never halt depreciation), 50% is what we must attribute to the GoldBod.

34. Second, we know that gold prices have risen dramatically. This has nothing to do with the GoldBod but it is on course to nearly triple the amount of gold dollars in the system compared to, say, 2023.

35. If we use year-end values, the Cedi has risen from 14.7 (2024/12) to the US dollar to 11.14 to the US dollar (2025/12). That is a near -25% appreciation rate.

36. From the historical gold-Cedi relationship, we estimate a lagged effect of 3.9 percentage points appreciation in the Cedi if gold prices rise by 10%. The financial return on gold in 2025 is ~72%. Through a complex series of technical calculations to fix temporality and directionality, we estimate that 8.4% of the Cedi’s appreciation is due to the rise of the gold price through the export channel.

37. It is important to note that gold as a share of exports in Ghana has risen from the mid-30% range about two decades ago to roughly 65% today (double the long-run 2-decade average), a sign of insane overdependency on the commodity’s price rally.

38. The simple result of the above analysis to isolate the GoldBod’s effect is that of the ~25% appreciation rate, the GoldBod must share with other factors a maximal bound of 8% (that is half of the positive residual after accounting for the gold price rally’s effect on export performance).

39. A lot of other complex calculations follow to determine the impact to be allocated to the IMF-supervised fiscal consolidation and primary balance enforcement and its influence on money supply; the impact of the improved harvests (primarily a function of rainfall) on food inflation; the debt restructuring effort and the resulting relief from debt servicing; and the fall in interest rates, which appears to have been primarily driven by Finance Ministry policy. All these have had some complex direct or indirect effect on the Cedi.

40. It would be difficult in light of all the above to assign more than 3 percentage points of the 25% Cedi appreciation to the role the GoldBod has played in resourcing the Bank of Ghana’s FX market intervention capacity. Even those who will disagree with this specific estimate cannot dispute the logic of capping GoldBod’s contribution.

41. A 3% appreciation corresponds to about $600 million in relief on the import bill front. A significantly higher number than the $214 million we have been quarreling about.

42. Don’t get me wrong. It is a significant new development that we must all respectfully follow. But it serves no one’s interest, lest of all GoldBod management’s, if we start blowing up expectations. That would amount to setting them up to fail.

43. But we must not be oblivious about the costs of central bank intervention. The cost-benefit ledger extends to that aspect too. As I will show shortly, things don’t end at $600 million in “import burden relief”. Relax, I am not going to try and offset the relief with any speculative symmetric pressure on exporters. There is something more interesting to explore.

44. When BoG (via GoldBod) purchases gold locally in Cedis, it creates new Cedi liquidity. If BoG sterilises (mops up) that liquidity through Open Market Operations (OMO), it converts a monetary expansion into a recurring interest expense.

45. OMO simply means it borrows money from banks and other large institutions to “back” the paper money it has created (keeping things simple.) That money doesn’t come free.

46. On a US$5 billion gold purchase base, sterilising the Cedi created by that purchase through OMO transactions costs the central bank roughly GHS 11–13bn every year at realistic BoG OMO rates.

47. It is thus possible that the BoG will announce losses for this year. In addition to all the opacity and shadowy dealings, these fiscal stresses are the reason why some of us have been consistently wary and apprehensive about all these gold programs. Who has noticed that since the Gold-for-Oil program was terminated there has been no discernible impact at the fuel pumps? Who really was that program serving?

48. Remember also that we have only accounted for GoldBod losses in the Gold-for-Reserves intervention program. If even the other half of the intervention budget implies half of GoldBod’s trading losses, the total costs of the program would easily neutralize the $600 million in import burden relief calculated earlier (not accounting for sterilization costs of the other half of the intervention budget to avoid double-counting).

49. In simple terms, the GoldBod-backed intervention program yields no net benefit to the extent that it does not cover enough of the BoG’s need nor alleviate import burden sufficiently.

50. But that is still in neutral territory. It implies, at worst, that the GoldBod approach once its full costs become transparent cease being the miracle that on the surface it appears to be.

51. There is a more worrying issue. The GoldBod-backed intervention program is generally cost-neutral only whilst the price of gold remains elevated.

52. Readers may recall that the BoG stores some of the gold in its reserves and relies on a liquidity conversion cycle to turn the gold dollars into a cedi cushion in the domestic FX markets. Imagine a sudden drop in the price of gold, perhaps to its historic two-decade mean in the $2000-ish range.

53. Because of the policy commitments, BoG cannot simply suspend the program in its entirety. Not when funds have been advanced and long- or medium-term supply obligations have been established.

54. In such a bear market downside scenario, the BoG’s gold reserves would suddenly lose value in the multibillion-dollar range.

55. Gold bought at the height of the market could then only be liquidated for Cedi cushioning at less than half their value. That would imply printing even more Cedis to underwrite the effort. It is unbelievable how pro-cyclical the whole thing is until you work through all the risk-scenarios.

56. To repeat: the whole GoldBod thing can persist in a reasonably contained manner if the price of gold stays high and volatility continues to tilt upwards than downwards most of the time.

57. A significant drop in the price of gold would hit the program very hard. But then again the entire export channel will implode anyway.

58. Gold is now the real risk-driver for the economy. An important lesson in all of this is that the country should stop bifurcating its budget design into oil and non-oil and use gold and non-gold.

59. As for GoldBod, the more transparency there is, the better prepared this country would be when the markets turn and deft navigation is needed to prevent it from skidding off the tracks.

60. Hopefully, this tightly focused piece has done a better job in addressing the three questions on the minds of many readers.

As someone who has worked in Ghana’s media space since 1995, served as a legislator for eight years, and contributed across three terms on the National Media Commission (NMC), I have seen both the strengths and shortcomings of our current constitutional framework.

The Constitution Review Committee’s proposals for reform present a bold reimagining of the NMC – what I call the envisioned National Media Commission.

This vision is ambitious, but it is not without risks. While it promises a modern, empowered regulator, it also raises questions about inclusivity, independence, and balance.

From Protector to Regulator

The existing NMC has functioned largely as a protector of media freedom and a mediator in disputes.

However, the envisioned Commission is designed to be a proactive regulator- accrediting journalists, enforcing standards, and preventing monopolization.

This transformation is necessary in an era of digital disruption and misinformation. Yet, it must be approached with caution to avoid undermining the very freedoms it seeks to protect.

Streamlined Governance- Less Representation

The proposal reduces Commission membership from 18 to 7, introducing an Executive Secretary as Chief Executive Officer.

While this promises efficiency, it risks excluding diverse voices — civil society, academia, and other professional associations that have historically enriched the Commission’s deliberations.

A leaner Commission may be faster, but it could also be less representative of Ghana’s pluralistic society.

Expanded Mandate- Risks of Overreach

The envision NMC will:

• Accredit journalists and media houses.
• Issue and revoke broadcast authorizations.
• Sanction ethical breaches.
• Prevent monopolization and cross-media dominance.
• Define media broadly to include digital platforms.

These powers are impressive, but they raise concerns:

• Accreditation could be perceived as licensing journalists, potentially restricting free expression.
• Sanctions and enforcement may politicize the Commission if not carefully safeguarded.
• Anti-monopoly powers are laudable, but thresholds and enforcement mechanisms remain vague, risking inconsistent application.
• Overlap with other regulators like the National Communications Authority could create confusion and turf wars.

The Executive Secretary- Power and Accountability

The creation of a powerful Executive Secretary role professionalizes leadership, but it also concentrates authority. With part-time commissioners and a full-time CEO, the Commission risks becoming Executive Secretary–driven rather than Commission–driven.

The appointment process, involving the President and Parliament, may expose the role to political influence. Without strong oversight, the Executive Secretary’s wide powers could weaken the control of Commission members.

Funding Independence- Risks of Dependence

For decades, inadequate and inconsistent funding has weakened the effectiveness of the National Media Commission. The envision reforms seek to address this by guaranteeing resources and making the Commission eligible for grants from the Democracy Fund. Such financial independence is vital for ensuring impartial regulation and institutional resilience.

Yet, guaranteed funding alone does not eliminate risks. Because these resources remain government-controlled, the Commission could still be vulnerable to delays, manipulation, or political influence. True independence requires more than constitutional promises — it must be safeguarded in practice through transparent disbursement, predictable budgeting, and strong protections against interference.

The Importance of Realism

As someone who has lived the realities of Ghana’s media evolution – from the early liberalization years to today’s digital disruptions – I believe the envision National Media Commission represents a necessary leap forward.

It seeks to balance freedom with responsibility, diversity with regulation, and independence with accountability. This vision is not about curtailing media freedom, but about strengthening the integrity of the media space so that it continues to serve democracy, empower citizens, and reflect Ghanaian cultural values.

Yet, this promise will only be realized if its weaknesses are addressed. Without safeguards, the Commission risks becoming a regulator that is efficient yet less representative, powerful yet politically vulnerable.

The challenge, therefore, is to build an institution that is both strong and fair – capable of regulating a complex media environment while preserving the pluralism and independence that are the lifeblood of our democracy.

Conclusion

The Constitution Review Committee’s proposals should be embraced as a blueprint for reform, but with critical safeguards. The envisioned National Media Commission must be both strong and fair: strong enough to regulate a complex media environment, yet fair enough to protect media freedom, diversity, and independence.

As a practitioner, legislator, and Commission member, I believe this vision is achievable – but only if we confront its weaknesses head-on and build an institution that truly serves Ghana’s democracy.

Richard Quashigah – Media Practitioner since 1995, Legislator for 8 years, and three-term Member of the NMC

The case has officially moved from administrative posturing to an active battle in American federal courts following the formal transmission of the docket on December 10, 2025.

Evolution of the Extradition Timeline

The path to this standoff was marked by a strict adherence to procedural rigour.

The Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) initiated the request on November 19, 2025, after filing 78 charges in the High Court. Following a preliminary review, the Attorney-General’s International Cooperation Unit observed that aspects of the request required “clarification and enhancements.”

The AG’s office returned the docket on November 25. The OSP addressed these observations and provided supplementary documents on December 9.

On December 10, the completed documentation was formally transmitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This sequence reveals a technical approach designed to ensure the request survives the scrutiny of American judges.

How We Got Here: The SML and Cathedral Scandals

The current crisis follows a 10-month investigation into alleged financial misconduct. The 78 charges against Ofori-Atta and his accomplice, Ernest Darko Akore, centre on the Strategic Mobilisation Ghana Limited (SML) revenue assurance contract.

Prosecutors allege a “criminal enterprise” involving former GRA Commissioners, including Emmanuel Kofi Nti and Ammishaddai Owusu-Amoah, that bypassed statutory approvals.

This resulted in an estimated annual financial loss of over $100 million. Additionally, investigators are zeroing in on unapproved expenditures related to the National Cathedral project and irregular tax refund operations.

The ORAL Initiative: A Broader War on Corruption

The prosecution of Ofori-Atta serves as the centrepiece of President Mahama’s “Operation Recover All Loot” (ORAL).

This initiative, chaired by Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, recently presented a report identifying 36 high-profile cases with a combined estimated value of $20.49 billion in leakages.

By framing this case within ORAL, the government is signaling that this is a systemic effort to recover state resources.

President Mahama has emphasized that while the administration adheres to due process, “it will not grant economic saboteurs a permanent escape.”

U.S.-Ghana Relations and Legal Procedures

The case tests the 1931 Extradition Treaty between the United States and Ghana. Under U.S. law, a federal judge must find “probable cause” and “dual criminality.”

This means the acts must be punishable in both nations. While the U.S. has historically cooperated on cybercrime, a case involving a former minister carries greater diplomatic weight.

American authorities have reportedly signaled they do not view these charges as “political offenses,” which would otherwise provide a defense against extradition.

Rolf Olson, Chargé d’Affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Accra, recently clarified the American position: “The process is very well-established but it is typically not very quick.

The decision ultimately rests with U.S. courts, which have discretion to approve or deny requests.”

Strategic Defense and Challenges

Ken Ofori-Atta has moved beyond claims of medical necessity to a robust legal challenge. By retaining top-tier American counsel, he has signaled an intent to utilize every layer of the U.S. federal judiciary. His legal team in Ghana, led by Frank Davies, has consistently argued that the OSP has ignored legitimate medical records.

“The special prosecutor is not being sensitive to the issues at hand, especially knowing that Mr. Ofori-Atta is unwell and receiving treatment,” Frank Davies stated.

Attorney-General Dominic Ayine addressed the reality of a prolonged battle during the December 18 Government Accountability Series: “I’m not afraid at all.

But it means that there’s going to be a fight in the federal courts in the US. If the district court says no, he will go to the circuit court. If the circuit court says no, he’s entitled to go to the US Supreme Court.”

Accountability versus Political Vendetta

The governing National Democratic Congress (NDC) maintains that the prosecution is a matter of constitutional duty. Joyce Bawah Mogtari, Special Aide to the President, has framed the pursuit as a response to the debt levels incurred during Ofori-Atta’s tenure.

“Under your tenure, Ghana had huge debts… very high commercial rates. Sometimes you hear some of those coupon rates, and you marvel. Why would such an individual even want to refuse to come and respond to whatever investigations or questions are raised?” Joyce Bawah Mogtari remarked.

The Opposition’s Stance and Internal Friction

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) remains divided. While some acknowledge the economic toll of previous policies, the Office of Former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo issued forceful denials regarding attempts to secure “safe passage” for Ofori-Atta.

“Nana Akufo-Addo has neither contemplated such a consideration nor expressly or impliedly made any such request or representation to President John Dramani Mahama… his fidelity to the Rule of Law has never been in question,” the office clarified on December 16, 2025.

Public Sentiment and the Global Stage

Public discourse in Accra has become increasingly impatient. Many citizens draw parallels between the swift extradition of local cybercriminals and the perceived immunity of political elites.

In Cape Coast, local trader Ekow Botsio captured the frustration of many: “If a small-time fraudster can be sent to America in weeks, why is a minister walking free after a year?”

This sentiment is echoed by the Ghanaian diaspora in the United States. Activist Rodaline Imoru Ayarna issued a direct appeal to the community: “If you see Ken Ofori-Atta anywhere on the streets of the USA, effect a citizen’s arrest. He is a wanted man.”

A Turning Point for Sovereign Integrity

The Ofori-Atta case has evolved from a localized dispute into a profound test of the Ghanaian state’s ability to project its laws beyond its borders.

The outcome rests on the strength of the evidence presented in U.S. federal courts to establish Probable Cause. Plus, the resilience of Ghana’s judicial institutions.

For the international community, it serves as a measure of whether diplomatic treaties function as tools for genuine justice or merely as frameworks that favor the influential.

Whether Ofori-Atta returns to face a Ghanaian jury or remains shielded by the complexities of American law, the precedent set here will define the future of anti-corruption efforts across the African continent and the broader Global South.

Mr Qasimi is no small name. He is a Washington D.C.-based attorney, partner and co-chair of international practice at a respected American law firm, armed with decades of experience and a confident baritone for television interviews.

When Ken Ofori Atta needed a global defender to fight extradition, contest Red Notices, and lecture Ghana on due process, Mr Qasimi stepped forward like a man who knows the terrain well.

And he should. He has been there before.

Before the tailored suits and BBC soundbites, Enayatullah Qasimi was Afghanistan’s Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation and a legal adviser to President Hamid Karzai. A powerful office. Public money. Aircraft procurement. And then, allegations.

Afghan prosecutors accused him of misappropriation and abuse of authority over an aircraft deal said to be overpriced by millions.

He was detained. Released on bail. Restricted from travel. The case never resolved into public exoneration. Instead, geography intervened. Kabul faded. Washington emerged.

A man once accused of abusing public office now stands as the loudest voice insisting that another man accused of abusing public office is a victim of politics.

A former minister who once faced questions now demands that questions be treated as persecution when they approach his client.

Mr Qasimi insists that Ken Ofori-Atta is not evading justice. He is merely abroad. Recuperating. Misunderstood. That Red Notices are unnecessary.

That Ghana’s prosecutors are overreaching. That constitutional rights are being trampled. It is a familiar melody. Those who know the song often learned it when the chorus first came for them.

Ghana’s Gold-for-Reserves (G4R) and Domestic Gold Purchase Programme (DGPP) have been celebrated as innovative strategies to strengthen Ghana’s reserves, reduce reliance on foreign exchange borrowing, and curb illicit gold exports.

At the heart of these initiatives is the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod), established in 2025 to support the accumulation of gold reserves by the Bank of Ghana (BoG)—particularly from the artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector.

Through G4R and DGPP, the BoG achieved its 2028 international reserve coverage targets in 2025, three years ahead of schedule, signalling apparent operational success.

Yet this impressive achievement has come at a cost. Although GoldBod records profitability on its books, the Bank of Ghana has incurred significant financial losses—estimated at US$214 million in nine months—linked to the structure of GoldBod’s trading model. This raises the central question: Does GoldBod owe the BoG US$214 million, or has the BoG actually lost US$214 million?

Put simply, the Bank of Ghana has already recorded US$214 million in realised losses, while GoldBod also owes additional value for undelivered gold, according to GoldBod’s published December 2025 Trade Report. These realities coexist, creating a substantial financial sustainability challenge for Ghana’s central bank.

Operational Impact of GoldBod: Success Achieved at Structural Cost

GoldBod has undeniably delivered substantial operational gains. Its aggregation strategy enabled Ghana to rapidly build reserves, formalise gold-buying operations, license actors, channel financial flows through formal channels, and support currency stability. Gold now accounts for a significantly increased portion of Ghana’s reserves—an achievement unparalleled in recent history. GoldBod is profitable, primarily driven by service fees and operational charges associated with Bank of Ghana transactions. These include a 0.5% service fee, an assay charge of 0.258%, and price-setting authority, which at times includes seasonal bonuses designed to prevent smuggling or stimulate supply.

Industry stakeholders confirm that GoldBod offered price bonuses to its licensed aggregators ranging from GHs 50 per pound to GHs 200 for the supply of gold to GoldBod’s sole aggregator, Bawa-Rock Ltd. While the initial assumption was that the dip was driven by smuggling, the evidence suggests that seasonal factors played a significant role. This period coincided with Ghana’s minor rainy season, during which many Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining (ASM) operations reduce activity. As a result, gold output typically falls compared to the dry season.

However, this very structure that drives GoldBod’s profitability also shifts disproportionate financial risk directly onto the Bank of Ghana’s balance sheet.

Understanding the US$214 Million: Loss or Debt?

The much‑discussed US$214 million does not represent money GoldBod “owes” to BoG. Instead, it reflects losses already realised by the Bank of Ghana arising from pricing gaps, off‑taker charges, service fees, and market exposures incurred during gold trading. In other words, this money is gone; it is a sunk cost and a crystallised loss in the BoG’s financial statements.

Separately, GoldBod has underdelivered gold relative to BoG funding by over GH¢3.5 billion, according to the latest published trade report. This is not yet a realised loss, but it represents significant liquidity and delivery exposure. If gold prices fall before delivery, or if delivery fails altogether, BoG risks further losses. Thus, both realities coexist: the BoG has already incurred losses and remains exposed to additional risk.

Why BoG Is Absorbing Losses While GoldBod Profits

This paradox arises from structural flaws. GoldBod controls pricing (it sets prices it “desires” to buy gold) and has at times applied bonuses that increased BoG’s acquisition cost. GoldBod also charges an ad valorem tax of 0.5% in the form of service fees, despite being financed by the BoG. There are limited firm delivery timelines, and GoldBod effectively enjoys guaranteed margins while the central bank bears commodity price risk and operational exposure.

This creates a situation in which wealth is effectively transferred from the central bank to GoldBod, thereby undermining the BoG’s financial independence while strengthening GoldBod’s profitability.

Financial Sustainability Risks to BoG

GoldBod poses four principal risks to the Bank of Ghana:

a)Realised financial losses already incurred.
b)Liquidity risk arising from undelivered gold worth billions of cedis.
c)Commodity price exposure tied to the growing concentration of gold in reserves.
d)Governance and market distortion risks arising from BoG’s expanded operational role.

No central bank can sustainably absorb such risk without compromising its balance sheet resilience and policy independence. Should the Trade Continue? The answer is a BIG YES, but only under a radically restructured framework. GoldBod has proven valuable to Ghana’s reserve management strategy and macroeconomic stabilisation, but continuation must prioritise protecting the central bank from insolvency‑risk exposure.

Policy and Structural Solutions

One of the foremost priorities in addressing the financial risks associated with the Bank of Ghana’s involvement in gold trading should be to safeguard the central bank’s balance sheet. Under the 2025 national budget, the government explicitly allocated a cedi equivalent of US$279 million as a revolving fund for the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod) to enable it to purchase and export gold from small-scale miners, thereby enhancing foreign exchange reserves and formalising the gold sector (Graphic). However, these budgeted funds have not been released, and the Bank of Ghana has, in practice, stepped in to pre-finance GoldBod’s operations, exposing it to significant financial losses and monetary financing concerns (MyJoyOnline).

To protect the BoG’s financial integrity and its ability to conduct monetary policy independently, losses arising from national strategic programmes, such as GoldBod, should be transparently recognised and charged to the national budget rather than absorbed by the central bank’s books. Releasing the budgeted US$279 million directly to GoldBod through the national budget would align financing with legislative intent, reduce the need for BoG balance-sheet support, and ensure that strategic gold purchases are financed in a manner that complies with IMF programme conditions and global central-banking best practices.

Secondly, GoldBod’s pricing model and fee structure must be rebalanced. Fees charged to the central bank should be reviewed, discretionary bonuses replaced with rational, transparent policy mechanisms, and the risk of monopoly pricing reduced. At most, a 0.5% charge by GoldBod, which will also include the Assay fees, will be preferable. The current total fees of 0.758% incurred by BoG on trading via GoldBod are pretty steep and unfair to the national kitty. Why is that fee too steep? Let me explain this further. The BoG is providing funds to GoldBod to purchase gold for Ghana. However, GoldBod sets the price of gold in the domestic market and, at times, adds an arbitrary bonus. It then aggregates the gold for the BoG. By aggregating alone, GoldBod charges a 0.5% service fee. Subsequently, GoldBod will charge the BoG an additional 0.258% to confirm the purity and weight of the gold it aggregated for the BoG.  That’s the layman’s way to explain what is happening currently.

Third, strict delivery discipline must be enforced. Pre‑financing caps should be imposed on the central bank when the need arises to finance GoldBod’s operations due to delays in releasing budgetary allocations. Delivery timelines must be enforced, penalties applied, and independent audits mandated. Performance guarantees must become standard in the BoG and GoldBod’s operations.

Fourth, to minimise risk, the BoG should consider engaging other Self-Finance Aggregators for the G4R and DGPP programmes. The GoldBod’s website currently lists 51 Self-Finance Aggregators (SFAs). GoldBod has been silent on the performance of these aggregators. Do we need to scrap the SFA licensing regime? Why is the regulator, GoldBod, the only entity aggregating Gold for BoG? The BoG can consider a 50% pre-finance for high-performing SFAs. They receive 100% payment upon delivery of the requested volume. This model could also incentivise local banks to participate in domestic gold purchase initiatives.

Finally, strategic clarity is needed. GoldBod must function as an aggregator and policy instrument, not as a profit‑maximising entity at the expense of the central bank. The BoG should gradually reduce direct exposure and restore normal market functions.

Conclusion

GoldBod represents one of Ghana’s most significant recent successes in reserve accumulation and macroeconomic stabilisation.

However, its current operating structure imposes heavy and unsustainable financial burdens on the Bank of Ghana.

The Bank has already incurred US$214 million in losses while remaining exposed to billions in additional delivery risk.

With the right reforms, Ghana does not need to choose between strategic gold accumulation and central bank financial stability. Both are achievable.

GoldBod can continue to power Ghana’s reserve engine—but only if policy restructuring ensures that success is not purchased at the expense of the very institution responsible for monetary stability.

“GoldBod functions like a high-performance engine that has successfully accelerated Ghana’s reserve vehicle to its destination years early; however, the engine is currently running at a high financial cost to the car’s battery (the BoG), requiring a shift to a more sustainable power source (the national budget) to avoid a long-term breakdown.”

By Gabriel Nomotsu Teye-Ali
Finance and Natural Resource Analyst
+233-240-268-668
teyeali@gmail.com

The operation, executed on Christmas Day, targeted what the president described as “ISIS Terrorist Scum” responsible for the persecution of Christians.

Trump stated on Truth Social that he had previously warned these groups to “stop the slaughtering of Christians” or face “hell to pay.”

He characterised the mission as a series of “numerous perfect strikes” carried out by the “Department of War.” In his concluding remarks, Trump wrote: “Under my leadership, our Country will not allow Radical Islamic Terrorism to prosper.

May God Bless our Military, and MERRY CHRISTMAS to all, including the dead Terrorists, of which there will be many more if their slaughter of Christians continues.”

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) confirmed the strikes took place in Sokoto state, an area bordering Niger. “At the direction of the President of the United States and the Secretary of War, and in coordination with Nigerian authorities, U.S.

Africa Command conducted strikes against ISIS terrorists in Nigeria on Dec. 25, 2025,” the command stated. Initial assessments indicate that “multiple ISIS terrorists were killed in the ISIS camps.”

General Dagvin Anderson, commander of AFRICOM, added: “Our goal is to protect Americans and to disrupt violent extremist organisations wherever they are.” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth echoed this sentiment on X, stating: “The President was clear last month: the killing of innocent Christians in Nigeria (and elsewhere) must end. The @DeptofWar is always ready, so ISIS found out tonight — on Christmas. More to come… Grateful for Nigerian government support & cooperation.”

Nigerian Government maintains stance on religious neutrality

The Nigerian Foreign Ministry confirmed the joint operation, noting that “precision hits on terrorist targets” were achieved through intelligence sharing.

Spokesperson Kimiebi Imomotimi Ebienfa clarified the partnership, stating: “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs… confirms that Nigerian authorities remain engaged in structured security cooperation with international partners, including the United States of America…

This has led to precision hits on terrorist targets in Nigeria by air strikes in the North West.” The ministry emphasized that “terrorist violence in any form, whether directed at Christians, Muslims, or other communities, remains an affront to Nigeria’s values.”

This aligns with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s November 1 post on X, where he argued that the “characterisation of Nigeria as religiously intolerant does not reflect our national reality” and that the nation “opposes religious persecution and does not encourage it.”

On Christmas Eve, President Tinubu shared a “Christmas Goodwill Message” vowing to protect all citizens regardless of faith. “I stand committed to doing everything within my power to enshrine religious freedom in Nigeria and to protect Christians, Muslims, and all Nigerians from violence,” Tinubu posted. His special adviser, Daniel Bwala, told CNN that “the US and Nigeria are on the same page in the fight against terrorism.” However, Bwala previously warned against unilateral intervention, stating there is “no need for US to come into Nigeria to intervene in our internal affairs” while maintaining that the government would welcome help that respects territorial integrity.

Escalating intelligence and surveillance operations

Recent flight-tracking data confirms the Christmas Day strike was supported by a month-long surge in U.S. intelligence gathering. Since late November, Tenax Aerospace, a Mississippi-based contractor, has operated a modified Gulfstream V business jet on almost daily missions over Nigeria. Liam Karr, the Africa Team Lead for the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute, noted: “In recent weeks, we’ve seen a resumption of intelligence and surveillance flights in Nigeria.” Karr observed that these missions, typically launching from Accra, Ghana, represent an early sign that “Washington was rebuilding its intelligence and surveillance capacity in the region” following the U.S. withdrawal from air bases in Niger earlier this year.

Beyond tracking ISIS and Boko Haram, these flights serve a dual humanitarian purpose. A former U.S. official noted the missions include efforts to locate Kevin Rideout, an American missionary pilot kidnapped in neighboring Niger in October. The State Department emphasized its commitment to the safe return of U.S. citizens, stating: “It is a top priority for the Trump Administration to look after the safety of every American.” This increased aerial presence underscores the “strategic security agreement” between U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Nigerian National Security Advisor Nuhu Ribadu, aimed at addressing what a separate administration official called the “destabilizing spread of terrorism.”

Parallel Atrocities: The mosque bombing and kidnapping crisis

The U.S. airstrike occurred against a backdrop of indiscriminate violence that has ravaged both religious communities. On the night of Wednesday, December 24, a suspected suicide bomber struck a mosque in Maiduguri, Borno State, during evening prayers. Local police confirmed the blast killed at least five worshippers and injured 35 others. This attack highlights that “liberal Muslims” remain a frequent target for groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP who view moderate practitioners as apostates.

Simultaneously, the country is grappling with a “kidnapping economy” that transcends faith. On December 21, authorities secured the release of the final 130 schoolchildren and teachers abducted from St. Mary’s Catholic School in Niger State, ending a month-long ordeal. This follows a broader report from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) which documented 570 killings and 278 kidnappings in April 2025 alone. Research by Aid to the Church in Need reveals that at least 212 Catholic priests have been kidnapped since 2015, with many targeted for their perceived value in ransom negotiations. This data underscores a national security emergency where both religious identity and economic profit drive the cycle of violence.

Regional Impacts: Ghana and the Sahelian shift

The use of Accra, Ghana, as a primary logistics hub marks a significant shift in West African security architecture. Following the expulsion of U.S. troops from Niger and that country’s subsequent pivot toward Russia, the U.S. has intensified its presence in coastal states like Ghana and Benin. This regional realignment provides the U.S. with “over-the-horizon” strike capabilities while avoiding the political volatility of the central Sahel. However, analysts warn that this increased visibility could put Ghana at higher risk of retaliatory attacks from groups like ISWAP or JNIM, which have sought to expand southward to the Gulf of Guinea.

For Africa as a whole, the Christmas Day strikes set a powerful precedent for high-intensity, targeted interventions. Regional blocs like ECOWAS and the African Union now face a new reality where U.S. military assets can be deployed rapidly based on specific humanitarian or religious criteria. While some neighboring governments welcome the decimation of ISIS cells, others remain wary of the potential for foreign military missions to override national sovereignty or unintentionally inflame local sectarian tensions.

Conflicting perspectives on persecution statistics

The strikes follow months of tension over Nigeria’s designation as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC). U.S. Representative Riley Moore, who introduced a resolution supporting this label, stated: “The systematic slaughter of Christians in Nigeria’s Middle Belt is a genocide met with years of shameful indifference.” Moore highlighted that at least 7,000 Christians have been killed in 2025 alone, referencing reports that average 35 deaths each day.

In contrast, Nigerian officials point to the 2025 Global Terrorism Index, which ranks Nigeria sixth globally. This data suggests that while Christians are heavily targeted, the majority of victims of armed groups in the north are Muslims. Analysts note that the Maiduguri mosque blast is consistent with the index’s findings that radical Islamists target anyone who rejects their specific interpretation of faith.

Legal and trade implications of the CPC designation

The CPC designation mandates that the U.S. President select from a menu of 15 “Presidential Actions” under the International Religious Freedom Act. These can include the withdrawal of development assistance or the imposition of trade sanctions. The rebranding of the Pentagon as the “Department of War” further signals a pivot toward offensive “lethality.”

For Nigeria, the most immediate risk involves restricted access to U.S. military hardware. Under Section 402(c)(5) of the Act, the administration could legally justify broad economic sanctions affecting petroleum exports. While previous administrations issued waivers for Nigeria, the current “guns-a-blazing” approach suggests these waivers may be withheld, potentially impacting Africa’s most populous economy.

A delicate balance of force and sovereignty

The Christmas Day strikes represent a turning point in U.S.-Nigeria relations, blending aggressive counter-terrorism with an explicit mandate to protect religious minorities.

While the technical precision of the strikes demonstrates the United States’ unique capabilities, the long-term success of this strategy remains tethered to the stability of the Nigerian state itself.

Washington’s willingness to act decisively provides a necessary check on extremist groups, but it also challenges the diplomatic norms of West African sovereignty.

Ultimately, the effectiveness of this intervention will be measured not just by neutralized targets, but by whether it fosters a sustainable peace that protects all Nigerians, regardless of their faith.

I write to you with deep respect, following a recent story attributed to you in which you reaffirmed the state’s commitment to protecting journalists, punishing perpetrators of attacks against them, and compensating those harmed in the line of duty.

Your words were reassuring and firmly rooted in the Constitution, which recognises the indispensable role journalists play in Ghana’s democracy.

As a journalist myself, your assurance immediately brought to mind one unresolved and deeply painful case — that of my colleague, Latif Iddrisu of JoyNews.

In March 2018, Latif was brutally assaulted by uniformed police officers at the CID Headquarters while carrying out his professional duty of reporting on the detention of Koku Anyidoho.

That assault left him with a fractured skull and a traumatic brain injury, the effects of which he continues to endure nearly eight years on.

This is not speculation. It is a lived reality.

Latif has spent no less than $50,000 on medical care in Ghana and in California, USA, where he continues to undergo therapy.

These costs have been covered through personal savings, the support of family, friends, benefactors, and the Multimedia Group.

Today, he remains indebted to the Loma Linda University Medical Center in excess of $26,000, with an additional ambulance bill of about $700, excluding the cost of ongoing treatment.

Legally, the matter remains unresolved. The suit against the Police was filed in 2019 and, seven years on, is still before the courts after passing through three judges. Even more concerning is that the Police Intelligence and Professional Standards (PIPS) recommended compensation, and the Police administration initially pledged to pay. Yet, to date, no compensation has been made.

Several petitions have been submitted to the Office of the Attorney General, including one from His Eminence the National Chief Imam, and others from Martin Luther Kpebu Esq, Dr Kenneth Ashigbey, Professor Audrey Gadzekpo, Anas Aremeyaw Anas, and other respected citizens. Professional bodies such as the Ghana Journalists Association have also consistently appealed for redress. Regrettably, these efforts have not yet yielded closure or relief.

Dr Srem-Sai, I raise this matter with humility and respect, not as a demand, but as an earnest appeal. If the state’s promise to journalists is to be demonstrated in practical terms, this case presents a clear and compelling opportunity to do so.

This is not about sympathy. It is about constitutional responsibility, press freedom, and state accountability. It is about assuring journalists that when they are harmed in service to the public, the state will not look away.

Latif Iddrisu survived a near-death experience in the line of duty. He seeks justice, compensation, and closure, not charity, but the fulfilment of a responsibility already acknowledged by the state.

As you rightly stated at the Ghana Journalists Association Dinner Night on December 23, 2025.

“We will not harm journalists. We will not allow anyone else to harm them. We will ensure perpetrators are punished, and we will compensate any journalist who suffers harm in the line of duty.”

Dr Justice Srem-Sai, this moment offers an opportunity to translate that promise into action, and to set a precedent that will strengthen press freedom and restore faith in the state’s commitment to protect journalists.

Respectfully,
A Ghanaian Journalist
Ebenezer Afanyi Dadzie

As environmental concerns take center stage, politicians are leveraging sustainability narratives to win over environmentally conscious citizens, marking a significant shift in the country’s political landscape.

The study, which applies Stakeholder Theory to understand the interplay between green politics and electoral outcomes, suggests that sustainability is becoming a decisive factor in Ghana’s presidential elections.

Notably, the research surveyed 359 Ghanaian voters and found that a strong party brand image and personality can positively impact voting decisions, underscoring the importance of effective political marketing.

Eco-Votes Matter: What’s Driving Ghana’s Green Shift

The study’s findings are telling. Green political marketing enhances voter engagement and shapes public perception, positioning sustainability as a key factor in presidential elections.

Furthermore, sustainability initiatives, including environmental policies, stakeholder engagement, and marketing strategies, influence voter behavior and electoral outcomes.

In fact, economic, social, and environmental sustainability dimensions collectively impact presidential voting behavior, highlighting the multifaceted nature of sustainability in Ghana’s politics.

According to the study, 70% of Ghanaian voters consider environmental issues when making electoral decisions, while 60% of voters believe that sustainability initiatives are crucial for the country’s development.

Additionally, 80% of politicians surveyed reported using green political marketing strategies to appeal to environmentally conscious voters, indicating a growing recognition of sustainability’s importance in Ghana’s politics.

The Sustainability Game-Changer: What It Means for Ghana

The study’s findings suggest a significant shift in Ghana’s political landscape, with voters increasingly prioritizing long-term environmental sustainability over short-term economic gains.

This shift is driven by growing public awareness of environmental issues and the perceived effectiveness of green political marketing strategies.

Experts say Ghana’s politicians are recognizing sustainability’s vote-winning potential, and as environmental concerns grow, more are likely to incorporate green policies into their campaigns.

Winning Strategies for Politicians: Go Green or Get Left Behind

To capitalize on the green wave, politicians should integrate sustainability into their campaign platforms and prioritize environmental stewardship.

This can be achieved by developing and enforcing stringent environmental laws and regulations and fostering stakeholder engagement through regular consultations and policy dialogues.

The government can also play a pivotal role by supporting sustainable infrastructure development, including renewable energy and low-emission transportation systems, and encouraging public-private partnerships for sustainable growth.

The EC’s Role: Ensuring a Green and Fair Election

The Electoral Commission should ensure that sustainability is a key consideration in the electoral process, and that politicians are held accountable for their environmental promises.

This can be achieved by incorporating sustainability criteria into the electoral framework and promoting transparency and accountability in campaign financing.

Policymakers’ Guide: Greening Ghana’s Future

Policymakers should prioritize sustainability in national development plans and promote environmental accountability and transparency.

This can be achieved by developing and implementing effective sustainability policies and engaging with stakeholders to ensure that sustainability initiatives are effective and sustainable.

Civil Society’s Role: Holding Leaders Accountable

Civil society organizations should participate in governance processes and promote environmental accountability, supporting community-led green initiatives and sustainable development projects.

By working together, Ghana’s stakeholders can promote sustainable development and ensure that the country’s politics is guided by a commitment to environmental sustainability.

Ghana’s Green Future: What’s Next?

As Ghana approaches future elections, sustainability is likely to remain a key factor in shaping electoral outcomes.

By prioritizing sustainability and incorporating green politics into their platforms, politicians can win over environmentally conscious voters and promote sustainable development in the country. The future of Ghana’s politics is green, and stakeholders must take note.

The writer is a lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department

Authors in the Journal Publication

Samuel Affran, Benedicta Quao, Ebenezer Arthur Duncan

Growing up in rural Ekumfi Obidan, I was captivated by Sunday School stories of Jerusalem and King Solomon’s ancient Temple while at Akweesi Memorial Methodist Church as a Sunday School boy.

The lives of Jewish prophets like Elijah, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, as well as Jesus Christ – and even Judas Iscariot – who walked the same land, left a lasting impression on me.

The Israelites’ pilgrimage to Jerusalem was a tale etched in my heart.

For years, I yearned to visit this sacred land, to reconnect with my childhood teachings and authenticate them personally.

That opportunity finally arose in December 2025, when I received a call from the Israeli Embassy in Ghana.

The caller asked about my passport, and I hesitantly replied, “Yes,” unsure if it was still valid.

I obtained my first Ghanaian passport in 2000, renewing it over the years despite never traveling.

The caller told me the embassy had invited me to join a global delegation attending Planetech Week, a programme in Israel focused on climate technology and innovation. I felt a surge of excitement, sensing my time to explore this part of the world had arrived.

Two days later, an official letter arrived with programme details, and I was scheduled for an interview the following Thursday at 9:00 am.

To avoid the usual traffic on the Kasoa – Accra road, I left home at 5:30 am and arrived at the embassy by 7:30 am. I was well-prepared, thanks to my daughter Amanda’s encouragement, as anxiety had started to set in.

After passing through security checks, I was ushered in for the interview, I mean, my first visa interview.

The process was smooth, and the lady who interviewed me wished me good luck with a smile, providing a return ticket with every detail of the trip, and I returned the gesture and left.

On the appointed Saturday, I boarded an Ethiopian Airlines flight to Israel, transiting in Addis Ababa. The plane departed Accra at 12 noon, arriving in Addis Ababa at 9:00 pm.

The next flight to Tel Aviv took off some minutes after 12 midnight, and I arrived in Tel Aviv at 4:00 am, ready to begin my journey to ancient Jerusalem.

 As I stepped off the plane in Tel Aviv, I was greeted with a blissfully cold air, and a mix of excitement and curiosity filled my heart.

Here I was, finally, face-to-face with reality- the ancient city of Jerusalem, a place where history, faith, and culture converge; thanks to the invitation from the Israeli Embassy and  Planetech Week organisers, for me to join a global delegation for the week-long climate technology programme.

I was hardly prepared for what this trip had in store for me- a life-changing experience, blending spiritual exploration with cutting-edge innovation and warm Jewish hospitality. There were visits to cutting-edge startup businesses, government agencies, restaurants, shopping centres and what have you.

We also embarked on a sightseeing tour on the last day of our visit.

In the evening, we arrived in Jerusalem, the eternal city, with its labyrinthine streets and towering walls.

My first stop was the revered Western Wall, a sacred site in Judaism, where I felt the weight of history and spirituality.

I also had an opportunity to pray and connect with God.  

The stone carvings seemed to whisper stories of the past, and I couldn’t help but feel a sense of awe and reverence.

As I placed my hand on the wall, I felt a deep connection to the generations of people who had stood there before me, their prayers and hopes echoing through the ages.

We had earlier visited the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, a site of immense significance in Christianity, believed to be the tomb of Jesus Christ.

The atmosphere was hushed, with pilgrims from around the world gathered in prayer and contemplation.

I was struck by the intricate mosaics and ornate decorations, a testament to the enduring power of faith.

At the Western Wall, I witnessed soldiers patrolling the area with heightened alertness, their eagles eyes scanning the surroundings.

Known for their reputation in close-quarters combat and reserved demeanour towards foreigners, I hesitated to approach one. Yet, curiosity got the better of me, and I greeted the soldier with a simple “hello.” To my surprise, he responded with a warm smile, defying my preconceptions.

Am I with a real Israeli soldier? I asked myself. When I revealed I was from Ghana, he asked, “Africa?” I nodded, and with his permission, we took a photo together – a heartwarming display of Jewish hospitality.

From the Western Wall, our delegation headed to Jerusalem’s vibrant Machane Yehuda Market, affectionately known as “the Shuk”.

This bustling marketplace is a sensory overload in the best possible way, especially on Thursday afternoons and Friday mornings when locals prepare for the Jewish holiday, Shabbat.

The air is filled with the aromas of fresh produce, spices, and street food, while colorful stalls and energetic crowds create a truly immersive experience.

Our licensed tour guide, Shuki Haidu, immersed us in Jewish hospitality, leading us through shops and eateries to sample local delights.

The Shuk’s streets were a flurry of activity, with shoppers hurriedly gathering goods, creating an infectious atmosphere of community and tradition.

Beyond the ancient walls, I explored the vibrant city of Tel Aviv, with its stunning beachfront, modern architecture, and bustling supermarkets.

The contrast between old and new was striking, with sleek skyscrapers standing alongside historic buildings.

I strolled along the Mediterranean coast to my first story on the promised land, feeling the sea breeze and soaking up the sun, as I marvelled at the city’s unique blend of Bauhaus and Mediterranean Revival styles.

But it wasn’t all sightseeing – our delegation was in Israel for a purpose.

The Planetech Week programme brought together global leaders, innovators, and entrepreneurs to tackle the pressing issue of climate change.

I was blown away by Israel’s cutting-edge tech and innovative solutions, from water conservation to renewable energy.

It was clear why the country’s startup scene is the envy of many – it’s a hotbed of creativity and problem-solving

The enthusiasm and passion of the Israeli people were palpable, and I was struck by the country’s commitment to using technology to create a better future.

And then, of course, there was the food.

I had heard about the exceptional Jewish hospitality, and I was not disappointed.

From traditional falafel and shawarma to fine dining at upscale restaurants, I indulged in the rich flavors and aromas of Israeli cuisine, and of course, the plush Jewel Hotel in Tel Aviv. You people are amazing.

Each meal was a celebration of community, friendship, and generosity, with warm hosts and warm hearts.

Every restaurant and office you visit has free brands of coffee and tea.

As I took a stroll with my camera on the magnificent Tel Aviv Waterfront beach, watching the sun set over the Mediterranean, I reflected on the profound impact of my journey.

I had come to Israel to immerse myself in its complex historical narratives and spiritual essence, and I had found that, but I’d also discovered something more. In Israel’s cities, every restaurant offered Wi-Fi, and even buses were equipped with internet connectivity.

It was a striking blend of ancient tradition and cutting-edge tech, a testament to the country’s innovative spirit, but I had also discovered something more.

 I had experienced the power of innovation, the warmth of Jewish hospitality, and the enduring spirit of a people and a city that have shaped the course of history.

This journey had been a transformative experience, one that would stay with me for a lifetime.

As I departed, I knew that I would carry the memories, lessons, and connections of this incredible trip with me, and I looked forward to sharing them with the world.

The trip was a thrilling adventure, albeit with a dash of anxiety as a first-time international traveller.

My worries began in Addis Ababa when I couldn’t find my luggage, fearing it had been left behind in Accra.

 My heart raced at the thought of the hassle ahead, but thankfully, someone clarified that I’d collect it at my final destination.

The flight itself had its ups and downs – literally. Turbulence hit, accompanied by lightning flashes, making for a nail-biting experience.

Despite this, I’d say Ethiopian Airlines is a top-notch African carrier.

The airhostess noticed my love for coffee and kept me fuelled with hot Ethiopian coffee, even ensuring I didn’t miss my favorite Fortune Coffee brand in Ghana.

One highlight was the cockpit announcements, particularly the Arabic phrases and the pilots’ warm tone. It added a touch of local flavor to the experience.

I thank H. E. Roey Gilad, Israeli  Ambassador to Ghana, Ran Natanzon, Noa Beck, and Dana Honen.

Our December Burghers are seen on the street, but locals have mastered the ability to ignore them. After all, the cedi is not as scared of foreign competition as it used to be. As for side-chicks and other side-personalities, it is another season of reckoning on how to become… The Luckiest.

Markets hum with activity. But the Ghanaian myth is that half the crowd are our ghost relatives who add to the hustle.  Disappointed by another disappointing, copy-catted Black Friday concept, folks hurry through shopping aisles in that familiar December dance – calculating budgets, scanning possible gifts, and questioning why prices have the confidence of bye-election promises. Office parties are being finalised. Schools, too, are hosting their end-of-year shows, complete with exuberant choreography and shepherds who know all the lyrics to King Paluta’s hits.

And the children – oh, the children. (My 9-year-old is playing Mary, can you imagine?) Their anticipation is so intense you could plug an extension cord into it and power a small fridge. They wait for Santa, never mind that the last time they saw him, his beard was held in place by a Ghana cedi elastic band. Plus, he smelled strongly of FanYogo and bofrot.

Church choirs, and workplace choirs too, are warming up. (Too hell with Unions; what with bonuses that never came). No one takes rehearsals more seriously than a Ghanaian choir in December. Banana-inspired sopranos reach for notes that were not part of the original score.

But beyond the glitter and bustle, something quieter is at work.

Christmas, for many cultures across centuries, is a season for reflection. By this time of the year, the cash is all gone while January’s school fees beckon. It is also a time to gauge how far the rent payment is from the next advance. By design, Harmattan mornings encourage introspection. End-of-year fatigue demands a pause. People start asking themselves: Who do I need to reconnect with? Who do I owe a phone call, a visit, perhaps even an apology? The season becomes less about the day itself and more about the human instinct to gather, remember, and renew.

Nothing beats Christmas. Historically, the festival achieved its global reach through a rather impressive marketing campaign. Missionaries travelled far and wide, spreading Christianity, yes – but also blending their holy day with existing winter festivals. European traditions of feasting, singing, gift-giving and storytelling all found a home under the Christmas umbrella. And because it absorbed instead of replaced, Christmas became unusually inclusive for a religious celebration.

Then came commerce. If nature placed Christmas near a time of reflection, business placed it near the end of the fiscal year. A genius move. Suddenly, December became the perfect opportunity to move merchandise, daring us to call it Detty. Gift-giving traditions sharpened. Advertising grew louder. The colours red and green began to generate revenue. Today, you cannot walk ten metres in a mall without being serenaded by donkomi speakers insisting you buy something urgently for someone special. And yet, even as businesses ring their bells, people still find ways to locate the heart of the season.

Because what truly makes Bronya memorable has very little to do with shopping aspirations.

It is the emotional connection – those bursts of joy, gratitude, or even the bittersweet moments that anchor one year in the mind. It’s the laughter around a jollof dinner table or the reconciliation with that Ochokobila you haven’t spoken to since “that incident.” It’s a small act of generosity that lands exactly when someone most needs it.

There is also the sensory magic. A song played once a year. The smell of well- gingered goat-light soup drifting from a kitchen. These details lodge themselves in memory, ready to be replayed decades later with startling clarity.

And then, novelty. Every memorable Christmas contains one twist. A surprise visitor. A newly purchased home gadget. An unexpected dumsor that forces the whole family outside, laughing, sharing stories under the stars. These deviations from routine create the stories we retell: “That was the year Daavi taught us how to prepare dzemklpe.” “The year the car broke down but we still pushed it to church.” “The year Santa Claus arrived on Okada.”

Tradition, of course, is the backbone. Repeated rituals give Christmas its frame. Attending church. Calling relatives. Preparing the same dishes. Hanging the same lights. These rituals give each year its context, so that the small differences stand out. At a point it was Bronya Apata, Knock-out Crackers or  Kakamotobi. At another point, it was that catchy ‘24th’ song by Kaakyire Kwame Appiah. For some, the Christmas trigger was Picadilly biscuits, for others it was Danish cookies.

But perhaps the most essential ingredient is presence. Being mentally available, not just physically there. When that call ends, when work breaks, when people put aside the hustle and attention finally settles, moments begin to take root. These become the Decembers that linger long after the calendar flips.

So yes, Christmas is commercial, historical, cultural, spiritual, noisy, busy, sometimes overblown and yet, remarkably, it remains deeply human. A season stitched together from memory, meaning, and shared ritual. A time when people try- sometimes clumsily, sometimes beautifully – to make space for one another.

In our hearts.

Afehyia pa!

*******

The writer can be reached via email at kofi.akpabli@gmail.com

How does currency appreciation cause debt to go up? Indirectly, yes, I can understand through capital flows, etc., but not directly. Still struggling to understand.

You came to meet a foreign currency-denominated debt level that had been assessed with the exchange rate at 14.3 to the dollar at the end of 2024.

Now the exchange rate is around 11.4 to the dollar, and the debt stock has gone up, and you attribute that to exchange rate pressures. The depreciation of the currency in the last three months alone (from about 10.4 to about 11.4, on average) cannot explain the high stock increase in debt of over GH₵71 billion.

This clearly shows a complete lack of understanding of the debt dynamics. The Minister for Finance should please come again.

As a women’s and child rights advocate, she participated in Working Group 6, which focused on cultural diversity, recognition, and inclusion. The summit aimed to promote a just, inclusive, and equitable international order under the theme “Equality, Solidarity, and Sustainability.”

Queen Boresah engaged in consultations on cultural diversity, economic inclusion, and gender equality, contributing to discussions that culminated in a draft report for the G20.

She interacted with experts, dignitaries, and leaders, including South Africa’s Vice President, government ministers, indigenous leaders, and representatives from the United Nations and African Union. She was the only Ghanaian delegate in her working group.

She also gave interviews on building momentum toward the SDGs and Agenda 2063, emphasizing the importance of context-specific development plans.

Queen Boresah met with officials from the African Union, the G20 Interfaith Forum, and delegates from other countries to explore cooperation and partnership opportunities.

Expressing gratitude for the warm hospitality and excellent organisation, she said she looks forward to returning to South Africa soon.

ALSO READ:

GTEC warns public against six unaccredited University of Ghana learning centres

NDC has betrayed voters’ trust – NPP

After years of impressive pass rates under the Free Senior High School (Free SHS) policy, this year’s results show a sharp decline.

Passes in Core Mathematics dropped from 66.86% in 2024 to 48.73%, while Social Studies fell from 71.53% to 55.82%. English Language and Integrated Science recorded marginal declines but remained relatively stable.

For many observers, this downturn raises a critical question: Is this a sign of falling quality in our schools, or the result of a deliberate crackdown on examination malpractice?
To me, this decline is not a failure — it is a necessary correction.

A historic surge in infractions

Between 2017 and 2024, WASSCE results were plagued by systemic malpractice, with West African Examinations Council (WAEC) data showing disturbing trends. From 2021 to 2024 alone, 146,309 candidates were implicated in cheating schemes. Cheating cases increased more than sixfold — from 10,386 in 2021 to 62,046 in 2024.

In 2024, 13.6% of all candidates were involved in exam malpractices.

The most common infractions included collusion, smuggling of foreign materials, impersonation, and widespread digital leaks through WhatsApp and Telegram.

WAEC’s five-year statistics further show that over 532,000 subject results were withheld, and nearly 39,000 cancelled in 2024 alone. Dozens of entire results were annulled each year.

Despite these alarming numbers, prosecutions were rare — until recently.

A renewed push for integrity

Ahead of this year’s exams, the Ghana Education Service (GES) and Ministry of Education announced a strict zero-tolerance stance on cheating. Invigilators and supervisors were warned that aiding malpractice would lead to instant dismissal. Candidates were urged to rely on their own preparation rather than leaked materials.

This time, WAEC followed through.

The 2025 results show that subject results for 6,295 candidates were cancelled, entire results for 653 candidates annulled, and hundreds more withheld.

Investigations into alleged collusion in 185 schools are ongoing. So far, 35 people — including 19 teachers — have been prosecuted, with 19 convicted.

This level of enforcement is unprecedented and stands in sharp contrast to previous years when civil society groups like Africa Education Watch (Eduwatch) repeatedly raised concerns with little consequence.

For too long, we allowed a culture of shortcuts to thrive just to project a certain image of success.

Eduwatch’s Executive Director, Mr. Kofi Asare, has often argued that unrealistic performance targets for schools and political pressure to portray Free SHS as overwhelmingly successful fuelled widespread cheating. He urged the use of technology — such as CCTV in exam halls — to restore credibility.

Free SHS and the quality debate

The Free SHS policy significantly expanded access and removed financial barriers for thousands of families. As someone who understands the impact of poverty on education, I fully appreciate this progress. It is partly why I have supported many brilliant but needy students to further their education.

However, critics argue that the rush for quantity under Free SHS — and the pressure to always defend the programme — has prevented honest conversations about quality.

University lecturers have raised concerns about foundational gaps among some Free SHS graduates. In September 2024, Professor Martin Oteng-Ababio lamented that universities were “sacrificing quality for quantity” due to overcrowded lecture halls and underprepared students.

This year’s WASSCE results may reflect a system adjusting from inflated grades to genuine merit — a view echoed by both GES and the Ministry of Education.

That is why the 2025 results are not a failure but a painful and necessary correction.

Why academic integrity matters

Education is the bedrock of national development. When certificates lose credibility, employers question competence, universities lower standards, and the entire workforce suffers.

Ghana cannot afford to produce what the nonprofit LEADIF once described as “excellent grades but hollow minds.”

Integrity in assessment ensures that success is earned. It builds confidence, rewards hard work, and produces graduates capable of innovation and leadership.

For businesspeople and education advocates like some of us, this is the moment to prioritise quality over quantity and invest in teacher training, smaller class sizes, and technology that supports fair learning.

The way forward

While it is important to identify the root causes of the 2025 WASSCE performance, we must detach politics from the conversation and focus on rebuilding an education system that earns the trust of Ghanaians and global stakeholders.

Going forward, Ghana must:

• Maintain a strong crackdown on malpractice with transparent sanctions
• Invest in high-quality teaching through training and better resources
• Reduce class sizes for improved learning outcomes
• Strengthen supervision and adopt technology to curb cheating
• Remove partisan influence from education policy

At this turning point, one truth remains clear: discipline and integrity are non-negotiable if we seek to raise a generation capable of driving national progress.

The real question is not whether the drop in performance is embarrassing — but whether we have the courage to embrace it as the price of restoring credibility to our education system.

The writer is a philanthropist and businessman.

This most recent visit carried a deeper spiritual weight. I was travelling to Ouagadougou for the ADDI Pan African Conversations: All Roads Lead to Ouagadougou, a Diaspora gathering created to strengthen unity, reconnection, and collective purpose across the global African family. This remarkable convening was made possible through the efforts of Ambassador Coulibaly, Burkina Faso’s Ambassador to the United States, whose work opened the door for more than 700 African descendants, many visiting the continent for the first time, to set foot in Burkina Faso. The gathering was led under the visionary guidance of Dr Arikana Chihombori Quao, whose decades of advocacy for African dignity and Diaspora reconnection shaped the spirit of the event.

Those who arrived came not only for heritage tourism, but also for investment pathways, business opportunities, and a renewed connection to the continent. They journeyed from Toronto, Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Belzoni, Memphis, Oakland, Baltimore, Brooklyn, St. Kitts, St. Thomas, Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, Haiti, and the British Virgin Islands, a diverse sea of returnees answering a shared ancestral call.

Long before stepping into that hall, I had been following Captain Ibrahim Traoré. At first, through tense news reports and social media fragments, and later through speeches that carried rare clarity and conviction. When he expelled France, when reports emerged of French forces burning their abandoned vehicles rather than leave them behind, and when Burkina Faso announced their withdrawal from the West African regional bloc Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), he voiced aloud the questions many Africans had carried silently for decades:  Who benefits from the ECOWAS silence? Why does the African Union remain silent in the face of internal African crises, terrorism, and foreign interference?  His fearlessness awakened something across Africa and the Diaspora, especially among the youth.

So when I learned he would attend the ADDI gathering, a quiet anticipation rose within me. How had my steps, from Mississippi to Africa, through grassroots work, Pan African service, classroom teaching, traditional leadership, and Zetaland, led me here? A softer question followed: Why me, and why now?

Then came the unmistakable voice of Mukasa Willie Ricks, the legendary leader of the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party, who helped popularise the rallying cry Black Power. He moved through the room, stirring a powerful call and response:

“Black Power!”

“Black Power!”

Soldiers stood in their red berets with disciplined calm. Elders and revolutionaries lined the front rows. A low hum of anticipation rippled through the room as we waited for his arrival. When Captain Traoré finally entered, the hall erupted again. But this time, people cried, shouted, stood on chairs, and waved flags. The energy felt like being in the presence of Garvey, Nkrumah, Sankara, Lumumba,  Malcolm X,  Fannie Lou Hamer, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr., Mandela, and Jerry Rawlings all at once, except this time the leader stood among us, alive and unmistakably of our time.

After the applause settled, he delivered an announcement that changed everything. All fees for Permanent Residency, the first step toward Burkinabè citizenship, would be waived for every participant. All 700 of them. The room gasped. Tears flowed. People embraced.

Ghana has long been the trailblazer in Diaspora reconnection, from the Right of Abode, to the Right of Return, and the global impact of the Year of Return. Yet Burkina Faso’s gesture offered a different message. The first step home would cost nothing, because the Diaspora already belongs. This marked a clear shift from the rising citizenship by investment trend across the continent, a reminder that the spiritual return of Afro Descendants is neither a transaction nor a transactional relationship that can ever be priced or purchased.

As the program moved toward the official group photo, I lingered at the edge of the crowd, unsure whether to step forward. Something whispered: Wait.

Then it happened. He turned. Our eyes met.

I stepped forward and said softly, my voice trembling, “Thank you… thank you. We are proud of you.”

He nodded and replied, “Thank you. Thank you.”

Then he extended his hand first. A deliberate gesture. A firm grip. And in that instant, something moved between us. The handshake felt ancestral, like an echo from another time carried through memory and bloodlines. It was steady and grounding, a moment of recognition that made the room fade until it felt as if only two spirits stood there.

Then the soldiers guided him forward, and I stood there with tears in my eyes, not from sadness, but from belonging and clarity.

We came to Ouagadougou with a purpose. We left determined to build stronger initiatives across agriculture, animal husbandry, and Faso Mabo, a national initiative where every citizen offers free physical labour to build roads, schools, and community infrastructure. It is an extraordinary sight to witness, a living expression of patriotism where the entire nation works with its hands. It is the African way.

And for me, the path ahead became unmistakably clear: to work with educators in Burkina Faso to expand STEM summer camps and training programs, nurturing young innovators who will shape Africa’s future.

The Land of the Upright People gave me more than a handshake. It gave me clarity. It gave me alignment. It gave me purpose. It gave me a mission I did not know I was waiting for. And it returned to me a piece of my future I did not yet know belonged to me.

Among them stood a young woman whose presence radiated conviction and purpose: Kuukuwa Boateng, the national representative of the University Students Chapter of IET-Ghana.

As she walked toward the podium, a quiet hush fell across the room. She was not merely a student leader; she carried with her the hopes of thousands of engineering students from campuses scattered across Ghana.

And when she began to speak, her voice echoed with the fire of a generation determined to shape the nation’s future.

Ms. Kuukuwa spoke of a student body that refused to give up, students who pushed through overcrowded lecture halls, fought for space in congested labs, and rode in trotro after trotro just to make it to class.

She described young engineers who stayed up at 2 a.m., sketching designs on the back of old lecture notes, powered by little more than dreams and determination.

To her, these students were not just learners, they were builders of tomorrow.

They were the ones who saw “no light” not as an inconvenience, but as a challenge they were destined to solve. They were the generation raised on the chorus of “Ghana is broke,” yet they rejected the idea of a future limited by the past. They dreamed of a nation where every problem was an opportunity for innovation.

When they sang “Arise! Arise! for IET,” Kuukuwa said, it was never just an anthem.
It was a promise:
A promise that they would not wait for permission to innovate.
A promise that they would use their knowledge to uplift their motherland.
A promise that one day, the world would look at Ghana and acknowledge the brilliance of its young engineers.

She looked into the crowd and spoke directly to her peers:
To the final-year student struggling with an overwhelming project, she urged them not to give up.
To the first-year student uncertain about the path ahead, she assured them the journey was worthwhile.
And to the female engineering student standing alone in a male-dominated classroom, she reminded her that she was seen, valued, and essential to the future of engineering in Ghana.

As she spoke, something powerful stirred in the room. Her words transformed the AGM from a formal gathering into a symbolic relay. She described the moment as a passing of the baton—one generation of engineers entrusting Ghana’s future to the next.
In that moment, the young engineers of Ghana stood a little taller.

With passion ringing in her voice, Kuukuwa declared:
“We are ready.
We are hungry.
We are grateful for the giants whose shoulders we stand on.
And we will not let you down.”
The hall erupted in applause.

Her story, their story, was no longer just a speech. It had become a declaration of purpose, a celebration of possibility, and a promise to carry Ghana forward on the strength of innovation, resilience, and engineering excellence.

Long live IET-Ghana.
Long live the spirit of engineering.
Long live Mother Ghana.
And with that, the next chapter of Ghana’s engineering story truly began.

READ ALSO:

• Heavy security mounts at Manhyia Palace ahead of Asantehene’s final ruling on Bawku chieftaincy dispute
• Akosua Serwaa to appeal High Court ruling in widowhood case
• World AIDS Day: 334,000 living with HIV – Reports

For generations, countless women and girls have been pressured into silence, forced to hide their pain behind closed doors and behind a society that often urges them to “endure,” “stay quiet,” or “protect the family name.”

Yet silence has never offered protection. It has only strengthened the cycle of violence.
Today, more than ever, we must call on individuals, families, communities, and institutions to Break the Silence. Speak Up.

The Reality Many Women Live With
For many women and girls, abuse is not an occasional tragedy, it is their daily life. They endure emotional manipulation, physical assaults, sexual exploitation, and economic control. These acts are not isolated incidents; they are symptoms of a deeper cultural tolerance for gender-based harm.

Too often, victims are met with doubt, stigma, or blame. Fear of losing a job, fear of ridicule, fear of retaliation, and fear of being dismissed push many women into silence. This silence is not a lack of courage—it is a desperate attempt to survive.

In workplaces, schools, homes, and public institutions, gender-based violence appears in many forms:
• “Compliments” that cross personal boundaries
• Unwanted touching masked as friendliness
• Threats linked to promotions, grades, or opportunities
• Intimidation from authority figures
• Words deliberately used to belittle or weaken self-worth
These behaviours create unsafe environments where women are expected to tolerate what they should never accept.

The Power and Courage to Speak Up
Speaking up is more than reporting abuse—it is reclaiming dignity, autonomy, and hope. When survivors share their stories, they become a source of strength not only for themselves but also for others who may be suffering quietly.
Every voice raised against gender-based violence sends a powerful message:
You are not alone.
Abuse is not normal.
Your life and safety matter.
And beyond the present moment, speaking up shapes a better future. It teaches young girls and boys that respect, equality, and safety are non-negotiable values for any society aspiring toward justice.

Our Shared Responsibility
Ending gender-based violence is not the responsibility of survivors alone. It requires a united and persistent effort from all sectors of society—families, traditional authorities, religious institutions, community groups, workplaces, and government agencies.
We must commit to:
• Creating safe, accessible avenues for reporting abuse
• Guaranteeing confidentiality and protection for survivors
• Training leaders, teachers, and workers to identify and respond to abuse
• Establishing and enforcing strong workplace and institutional policies
• Holding perpetrators accountable, regardless of status or influence
When institutions stay silent, they reinforce the problem. Ghana cannot afford such silence.

Where to Seek Help
Anyone experiencing abuse—or anyone who knows someone in danger—can reach out to national support systems:
Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU)
055 083 3322 / 0302 662 822
Ghana National Commission on Children (GNCC)
0302 662 473 / 0302 662 474
Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ)
0302 663 710 / 0302 663 711
These services exist to protect, support, and empower.

A Call to Action
We all have a role to play in the fight against gender-based violence. When we speak up, when we believe survivors, and when we challenge harmful norms, we move closer to building a Ghana where every woman and every girl can live without fear.
Let us choose courage over silence.
Let us choose justice over shame.
Let us choose protection over neglect.
Break the Silence. Speak Up.
Together, we can end gender-based violence and build a safer, more compassionate society for all.

By Hon. Constance Baaba Boateng (Mrs.)
Assemblywoman, Essaman Electoral Area – Ajumako-Enyan-Essiam District, Central Regional Women Caucus Representative (NALAG)

READ ALSO:

• WAEC identifies seven key areas behind poor core mathematics performance in the 2025 WASSCE
• Teachers take just 20 cedis for three hours of invigilation, driving exam malpractice – GNAT President [Audio]
• GNAT President attributes rising exam failures to politicisation and Capitation delays

But our situation in Ghana is worse. The opposition becomes holier-than-thou. It is always from opposition parties that we hear the expression, “profligate expenditure”.

On October 2, 2021, the National Democratic Congress, through its Communications Officer, Sammy Gyamfi, said as follows: “I want to submit very forcefully that the decision by the Akufo-Addo-Bawumia NPP government to buy a new presidential jet is a misplaced priority and will amount to a waste of the public purse if allowed.”

He was reacting to the NPP government’s decision to procure a new presidential jet.        

But Mr Sammy Gyamfi would hear none of this. “If President Akufo-Addo and Bawumia cared about the sufferings of Ghanaians, they would not even think of buying a presidential jet at this time.”

Fast forward to November 13, 2025. The NDC is in power. Its Finance Minister, Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, in presenting the 2026 Budget in Parliament, announced that the government “will, beginning in 2026, commence procurement processes for the acquisition of four modern helicopters, one long-range aircraft and one medium-range aircraft to strengthen the operational efficiency of the Ghana Air Force. “

In reaction, hear the language of the NPP Minority. Through Reverend John Ntim Fourdjour, MP for Assin South, the NPP described it “as a misplaced priority at a time of economic hardship.” The NPP said the decision “reflects insensitivity to the prevailing economic challenges.”

Back to September 2021. To a disclosure by the then MP for North Tongu, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, that the President’s travel to Germany with a private jet cost $14,000 per hour, the then NPP Defence Minister, Dominic Nitiwul, said the existing jet was not fit for purpose.

“NO PRESIDENT CAN SHOWER IN THIS AIRCRAFT,” he said, adding, HE CANNOT MOVE FROM THIS AIRCRAFT STRAIGHT INTO A MEETING”

A worse insult was to come. Even as the then Defence Minister spoke of the presidential jet not being in functional use, news broke that the Falcon jet had been lent to Liberian President George Oppong Weah for his trips outside Liberia.

As a journalist, Yours Truly sincerely hoped that this disclosure would be denied. It wasn’t. All that the then NPP government said was that “it is a normal practice for countries to lend their aircraft to other Heads of State”.

In 2008, Kufuor bought the Falcon 900, which was delivered in 2010 when he was no longer the President. In 2021, NDC’s President Mills inaugurated the new aircraft and flew in it. In justification, the Deputy Information Minister, Samuel Okudzeto-Ablakwa explained that the NDC did not oppose the purchase of the aircraft but did not support the idea of buying two aircraft at a time.

Sounds familiar? Sounds like an expression you heard from NPP Parliamentarians this week?

Away from Presidential jets and all their hoo-haws, I have other worries. In tough times, African nations are at their most vulnerable because coup plotters are on the prowl. Every unguarded utterance seems to be an invitation to groups of desperadoes with access to arms to begin plotting.

That is why I want to plead with our civilian politicians, especially Parliamentarians, to pipe down on some of their rhetoric.

A case in point is the reaction of Minority Leader Afenyo Markin to the ruling by a Tamale High Court, which this week ordered a rerun of the Kpandai parliamentary election.

To slam the “kangaroo judicial system Ghana now has” shows an adult who could not control his emotions.  

The Tamale High Court on Monday, November 24, 2025, ordered a complete rerun of the December 7, 2024, Kpandai parliamentary election within 30 days. The ruling followed a petition by an NDC candidate challenging the victory of the NPP candidate.

Afenyo Markin criticised the judiciary for what he described as “actions and inactions that serve the interests of their paymasters”. My question to him is: can judges, as humans, not err? Must every error amount to “serving the interests of paymasters”?

I remind Afenyo that there are seniors of his who were confronted with worse legal provocations but remained calm. One is Akufo-Addo. The former President, in his reaction to the ruling of the Supreme Court in the 2012 election petition, which he lost, simply said, “While I disagree with the court’s decision, I accept it” That was statesmanship. That was maturity.

If that example is too far off to be recalled, Afenyo Markin should listen to a playback of the reaction of Speaker Bagbin in his (Afenyo’s) suit at the Supreme Court in 2014.

Afenyo describes the Tamale judge as doing the bidding of a “paymaster”. The question is, was Justice Torkonoo doing the bidding of a “paymaster” when she empanelled the Supreme Court within two hours to hear his (Afenyo Markin’s) suit? All Alban Bagbin did was file an application asking the Supreme Court to overturn its decision.

Meanwhile, on October 18, 2024, hear the words of Afenyo-Markin (then the Majority Leader) after the Supreme Court ruling against the Speaker. He challenged the Minority in Parliament to “pursue a legal course if they believe they have a solid case regarding the recent parliamentary dispute.”

Easier said.

Few stories capture this paradox better than that of Alex Apau Dadey, the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, a man whose vision, enterprise, and philanthropic spirit have reshaped parts of Ghana’s economic and social landscape, yet whose journey mirrors the silent betrayal of the very builders driving the nation forward.

“In Ghana, the cost of building often exceeds the profit of dreaming.”

The Story—The Man Behind the Vision

Alex Apau Dadey is not your conventional tycoon. His story is not written in political privilege but in persistence, purpose, and patriotism.

As the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, he has built one of Ghana’s most dynamic technology-driven conglomerates, touching sectors from fintech and gaming to logistics, e-commerce, and social development.

It is not his business acumen that sets him apart, but his belief that Ghana can progress on the strength of its own innovation.

Under his stewardship, KGL Group has become a central player in Ghana’s digitalized economy, revolutionizing systems that have enhanced transparency, accountability, and financial inclusion.

Those who know him speak of a man both visionary and vulnerable, human in his flaws, yet unwavering in his pursuit of progress.

One can only say that his quiet strength lies in seeing opportunity where others see obstacles and in building solutions that serve both profit and purpose.

“For Alex Apau Dadey, enterprise is not about power; it’s about people. Not about profit, but progress.”

The Impact—Transforming Vision into Tangible Change

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL Group has transformed itself into more than a business; it has become a national development engine.

Technology & Economic Transformation

The Group’s KGL Technology Limited has digitized key activities within the National Lottery Authority (NLA), resulting in increased efficiency, accountability, and state revenue collection.

The company’s digital technologies have greatly increased government revenue from gaming operations, directing hundreds of millions of cedis into the Consolidated Fund to support public initiatives.

Beyond gaming, KGL’s investments in fintech, mobile payments, and digital distribution, through businesses such as KGL Payments and Digital Distribution Hub, have increased thousands of Ghanaians’ access to financial services.

The company’s position in modernizing payment systems directly helps Ghana’s digital economy strategy, which is championed by initiatives such as Digital Ghana.

Corporate Social Responsibility & Human Development

But Mr. Dadey’s vision stretches far beyond boardrooms and servers. Through the KGL Foundation, he has redefined corporate social responsibility as a moral and national duty.

In education, KGL funds scholarships for brilliant but underprivileged students, builds ICT centers, and supports school feeding initiatives while partnering with hospitals and NGOs to improve maternal and child healthcare through the group’s foundation, especially in rural communities in health.

In sports, KGL is a major sponsor of the Ghana Football Association (GFA) and grassroots sporting activities, ensuring the next generation of athletes have both opportunity and hope.

These interventions align directly with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), promoting education, health, employment, and innovation.

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL is not only generating revenue but also building social infrastructure for Ghana’s future.

“He builds in silence, gives without cameras, and transforms without applause.”

The Challenges—When Vision Meets Resistance

Yet behind the glow of progress lies a darker truth: vision in Ghana often attracts suspicion.

Despite KGL Group’s undeniable contributions to revenue mobilization and social development, the company has not been spared the murky undercurrents of politics and institutional hostility.

In recent years, the Group has found itself navigating a maze of regulatory hurdles, delayed approvals, and bureaucratic resistance from state agencies that once praised its work.

What should be partnerships for progress have too often become contests of power and perception. Within business circles, this phenomenon has earned a name, “Economic Witch-Hunting.” It

is a quiet but corrosive culture where successful enterprises are viewed not as allies in development but as rivals in influence.

From stalled policy approvals to strategic attempts to curtail KGL’s dominance in digital operations, it is seen by industry players and many others as evidence of a broader pattern, what some call “Strategic Crippling.” In such an environment, success becomes a liability.

The irony is glaring. The same digital initiatives that improved government revenue and employment opportunities are now being met with skepticism, fueled by political insecurities rather than economic logic.

Instead of applauding homegrown innovation, certain public actors have chosen to distrust and dismantle it, all in the name of “regulation.”

For Alex Apau Daddy, these challenges have been both personal and institutional. Navigating through the maze of unspoken political allegiances and administrative sabotage, he has had to balance corporate diplomacy with moral conviction.

Yet, through it all, he remains steadfast, believing that time, truth, and tangible impact will outlive propaganda.

The implications for Ghana’s economy are chilling. When institutions turn innovation into intimidation, investors, both local and foreign, lose confidence, and progress grinds to a halt.

It is a self-inflicted wound, a betrayal not of one man or company, but of Ghana’s own development aspirations.

The greater tragedy, however, lies not in his trials but in what they say about Ghana’s development climate. How can a nation claim to seek economic transformation while sabotaging the very visionaries driving it?

“We cannot build a digital nation while digitally disabling our visionaries.”

Reflective Thoughts—When Greatness Goes Uncelebrated

At its core, the story of Alex Apau Dadey is not just about business; it is a mirror reflecting Ghana’s uneasy relationship with success.

We praise visionaries until their light shines too brightly. We celebrate entrepreneurs until they start changing systems.

Then we see them as a threat and call them dangerous. His journey mirrors this national paradox.

We glorify politics and ignore production; we exalt rhetoric and silence results. And yet, Mr. Dadey’s journey stands as a reminder that true patriotism is not spoken; it is built.

He continues to invest, to employ, to empower, and to believe in a Ghana that sometimes fails to believe in him.

Here is a man who has generated employment, supported national revenue, and contributed to social development, yet remains more scrutinized than celebrated.

His story raises uncomfortable questions about Ghana’s relationship with success: Why do we treat excellence as suspicion? Why do we measure patriotism by politics, not productivity? And why do we allow institutional pettiness to cripple innovation?

If Ghana truly wants sustainable development, it must start by protecting, not persecuting, its visionaries.

Because nations don’t rise by accident. They rise because men and women like Alex Apau Dadey dare to build when others are busy tearing down.

“When history is written, it will not remember those who spoke the loudest; it will remember those who built the longest.”

Sidebar: The KGL Footprint in National Development

• Revenue Mobilization: Digitization partnership with NLA generating hundreds of millions in state revenue.
• Employment Creation: Thousands of direct and indirect jobs across technology, finance, logistics, and customer support sectors.
• Education Support: Scholarships and ICT training through KGL Foundation.
• Sports Development: Key sponsor of GFA and youth football programs.
• Health Initiatives: Rural clinic support and health campaigns under SDG alignment.

Final Reflection

So here lies the irony: A man whose vision modernized systems, funded education, and supported communities is still viewed with suspicion by the very state that benefits from his success.

How many more visionaries like Alex Apau Dadey must Ghana quietly crucify before realizing they are its greatest national treasures?

Schools reveal a nation’s instincts with remarkable honesty. They are the small republics where rules operate without ceremony, where power is exercised without speeches, and where children discover whether authority intends to empower them, or simply contain them.

It is in one of these republics, Wesley Girls’ High School, that Ghana now faces a constitutional test with wide implications: can a school that is publicly supported require every student to live as though they belong to one faith?

Wesley Girls has, for generations, maintained a firm Methodist character. Chapel is compulsory. Islamic prayer is not allowed. Hijabs are barred. Fasting during Ramadan is prohibited. These are not vestiges of a bygone tradition; they are the living structure of school life.

The Supreme Court must now determine whether these practices are compatible with the Constitution.

This case is not a quarrel about where to put prayer mats. It is a confrontation between two visions of what the Constitution protects: the individual dignity that Jack Donnelly describes as the foundation of human rights, and the communitarian belief that institutions may enforce a shared identity for the sake of discipline and unity. When these ideas collide, the courtroom becomes the arena where a society decides how it treats those who stand in the minority.

The Claim:

The challenge to Wesley Girls is grounded in a straightforward principle: human rights belong to people because they are human, not because they belong to a particular school, religion, or institution. They do not evaporate when a student crosses a compound. They travel with her.

A Muslim student walking onto campus does not become a blank page waiting to be rewritten. She arrives as a person entitled to manifest her religion, in dress, prayer, and observance. The Constitution says so plainly. It protects not only belief but the expression of belief. A right that exists only in private is not a right at all.

Stopping a student from praying, wearing a hijab, or fasting during Ramadan is not a matter of school management. It strikes at what Donnelly calls the minimum conditions for a dignified life. When a student must hide her faith to fit in, the harm is not administrative, it is personal.

Equality strengthens this further. A rule that appears neutral, such as banning all headgear, may still be discriminatory if it disproportionately burdens one group. The Constitution cares about the effect of the rule, not the neatness of its wording.

And Ghana’s secular character is decisive: a public-supported institution cannot compel students to take part in worship in a faith they do not share. The state may organise classrooms, but it may not organise consciences.

The Response:

Wesley Girls, supported by the Attorney-General, offers a different narrative. In their view, the school is a carefully cultivated community whose Methodist roots are essential to its character. Asking the school to abandon those roots, they argue, risks dismantling the culture of discipline and academic excellence for which it is renowned.

This is the communitarian argument: institutions derive meaning from shared values, and those who join them understand the nature of the community they are entering. Uniformity is presented as cohesion rather than control.

The school also leans on a basic truth: no right is absolute. Boarding houses require order. Too many overlapping religious practices, they argue, may disrupt routine and supervision. The intention, they insist, is not to suppress belief but to manage a complex environment.

The reasoning resembles the European idea of a “margin of appreciation,” where institutions are sometimes given leeway to balance competing considerations.

But Donnelly warns that tradition and institutional identity can easily mask exclusion. Cultural justifications, he notes, often become the language through which power explains itself.

His question remains uncomfortable: what happens when an institution’s self-definition requires individuals to suppress essential parts of themselves?

The human-rights answer is clear: institutions may be proud, but they may not be coercive.

The Real Contest: Two Understandings of the Constitution

Beneath the legal filings lie two different understandings of what the Constitution is for.

One sees the Constitution as a shield for the individual. Under this view, a student enters a school carrying rights that cannot be bargained away or trimmed to fit an institutional preference.

The other sees the Constitution as a framework that allows institutions to preserve their coherence. Rights exist, but always in conversation with tradition, order, and identity.

The Court must choose which view governs Ghana’s public education system.

What Other Countries Have Learned

Courts in other countries have confronted similar disputes. South Africa requires schools to reasonably accommodate religious practices that do not disrupt learning. Nigeria protects the wearing of the hijab. Kenya, by contrast, upheld a school’s right to prohibit it, a decision widely criticised.

The broader global movement points in one direction: mature constitutional orders favour accommodation, not compulsion.

The Institutional Choice Ahead

Institutions can either widen the space for belonging or narrow it. A rule that tells students, “You may attend, but you must quiet the parts of yourself we do not recognise,” belongs firmly in the latter category.

Donnelly writes that human rights exist so that individuals meet authority with dignity intact. Any rule that undermines that dignity must be viewed with suspicion.

What the Supreme Court Must Resolve

The Court faces three questions that will shape the future of public education in Ghana:

• Do students carry their religious rights with them into school?
• Can a public-supported institution compel participation in religious practices?
• May a school that draws from the public purse privilege one religious identity above all others?

If the Court answers in favour of rights, Wesley Girls can preserve its Christian heritage, but without enforcing it. The hymns may continue. The compulsion must stop.

If the Court goes the other way, it risks creating pockets of public life where the Constitution operates only partially.

The Classroom as the Republic’s Mirror

Constitutions do not fail on paper. They fail when they stop shaping the institutions that govern everyday life. And few institutions shape citizens as powerfully as schools.

The Wesley Girls case is a test, not of religion, but of the Republic’s integrity. It offers the Court an opportunity to affirm that tradition enriches public life but does not control it, and that no child must choose between her God and her education.

For a country committed to dignity, equality, and pluralism, that is not a lofty ideal.
It is the only consistent position the Constitution allows.

But the Achimota–Rastafarian case and the Wesley Girls religious-accommodation case are, in truth, about as similar as a locked door and a furnished room. Both are made of wood, yes, but they do entirely different things.

To appreciate the difference is to understand something subtle but vital about constitutional law: the same right can raise utterly different problems depending on where it is squeezed, by whom, and for what purpose.

Achimota:

Achimota School’s refusal to admit Tyrone Marhguy because of his dreadlocks was not a textured constitutional dilemma. It was a constitutional emergency in need of immediate repair.

The school insisted its grooming policy was neutral. Courts everywhere have heard such claims and smile politely before reading the fine print. A rule that burdens only the child whose faith requires the banned style is not neutral; it is simply discrimination dressed up in tidy language. One may call the dress formal, but the dance is the same.

More importantly, Achimota is a state school. It does not exist to project an identity. It exists to provide a public service. It cannot demand cultural conformity as an entrance fee. Its ethos is civic, not religious, not cultural, not mission-based. Once the state says a child cannot attend a public school unless he abandons a religious practice, the matter is practically self-deciding. The Constitution does not require delicate interpretation. It requires correction.

There was no competing value for the Court to weigh. The case was clean, direct, almost mathematical: public school + religious exclusion = constitutional violation.

That is why the judgment landed with such authority. It was not balancing. It was enforcing the obvious.

Wesley Girls:

The Wesley Girls dispute, however, refuses to behave like a simple case. It is layered, complicated, and, depending on your angle of view, profoundly uncomfortable.

Here, the student is not denied admission. The gate opens. The question emerges later, inside, where rules govern prayer, fasting, dress, and chapel.

The school is not an ordinary state institution. It is a mission-founded school with a proud Methodist ethos, the kind of ethos that shapes everything from morning routines to uniform philosophy. Yet it is also heavily supported and regulated by the state, part of the national placement machine, and vital to the public education ecosystem.

Legally speaking, Wesley Girls is neither fish nor fowl. It is not a private enclave free to operate entirely on its own terms. But it is not a blank public slate either. It is a public-supported cultural institution, an entity performing a public function while carrying a religious personality. In constitutional theory, that hybrid status is where difficult questions hide.

And those questions are not small.

The Real Issue:

Unlike Achimota, whose rule kept Tyrone out, Wesley Girls face a more penetrating question: How far may a publicly supported institution insist that students participate in a religious world they do not believe in?

This is not simply about hijabs or fasting schedules. These are expressions of faith, yes, but the deeper tension concerns compelled participation in worship, being required to sing hymns one does not believe, sit in chapel while prayers are recited, or abandon religious duties entirely.

This is not a “minor school rule.” This is conscience.

If Achimota shut the door on identity, Wesley Girls risks dissolving identity from within. Both actions wound dignity, but in different ways. Courts take the internal wound just as seriously as the external one.

Achimota’s Clean Lines, Wesley Girls’ Constitutional Maze

The Achimota court needed only one question: Was the child denied access because of his religion? Yes. Case closed.

The Wesley Girls case demands at least five:

1. Is the school’s religious ethos compatible with its public obligations?
2. Can the state outsource part of its educational function to a religious institution without importing constitutional duties into that institution?
3. Does compelling participation in Christian worship violate freedom of conscience?
4. Can minority religious practices be limited for administrative convenience?
5. How much accommodation is reasonable before discipline and unity collapse?

These are not rhetorical questions. They cut to the core of how mission schools and the state are meant to coexist.

Why the Cases Cannot Be Analogised

The public conversation often tries to treat the two cases as comparable. They are not. One addressed a violation; the other confronts a structure. One demanded enforcement; the other demands interpretation. One was a closed question; the other is an open chapter.

The Achimota case answered the question of who may enter a school. The Wesley Girls case will answer the question of who a school is allowed to be.

That is a constitutional difference of profound consequence.

When the Supreme Court finally rules on Wesley Girls, it will not merely decide whether hijabs or fasting schedules are permissible. It will define the boundaries of religious identity in Ghana’s publicly supported mission schools. It will signal whether the Constitution views these schools as neutral public platforms, religious communities with limits, or something entirely new.

The Marhguy case settled a breach. The Wesley Girls case will define a philosophy.

And that is why pairing the two is a category error. The first taught us that no child may be stopped at the gate because of their faith. The second will teach us whether a child’s faith may be reshaped once they step inside.

The Caritas Lottery Platform regulates consumer promotions, games of chance, raffles, and draws, as well as points-based selection criteria, by companies, individuals, and well-meaning Ghanaians.  

This is provided for in Section 4 of the National Lotto Act, 2006 (Act 722), which mandates the NLA to operate any other game of chance or to enter into collaboration, partnership, or joint venture with any person, society, association, or corporate entity.

Relaunch and rebranding of the Caritas Lottery Platform

After a four-year hiatus, the Caritas Lottery Platform lost its authority and clients. Therefore, in October 2021, the Caritas Lottery Platform was relaunched in a vibrant event attended by some ministers of state, corporate Ghana, and the Authority’s stakeholders to establish a new brand image and recover market dominance. 

The Caritas Business Unit was created, and Marketing Officers were recruited as relationship managers for the Authority’s clients.

Stakeholder meetings were also held with Corporate Ghana to brief them on the Authority’s new perspective regarding the Caritas Lottery Platform.

The Authority reviewed the regulatory Fee regime to remain attractive to corporate Ghana, and a new Caritas Negotiation policy was put in place to guide the team. 

Also, in August 2022, following advice from the Office of the Attorney General and Minister for Justice, NLA regained control as the sole statutory body responsible for regulating all consumer promotional schemes involving elements of chance (raffles, draws, point-based selection criteria, etc.).

The AG’s opinion paper ultimately empowered the platform to serve as the exclusive authority overseeing all promotional activities organized by corporate Ghana.

Client Satisfaction

According to the Acting Director of Marketing, Caritas and Events, Mr. Kwabena Opoku-Boakye, the NLA Caritas Lottery Platform not only regulates the consumer promotion sector but also advises clients on future promotions based on feedback to help them enhance their products, services, and ultimately their brands. Clients gain vital market insights into how consumers perceive their brands and products.

The Caritas Lottery Platform’s brand integrity has been fundamental in attracting corporate organizations. Using the platform enhances a company’s brand credibility and provides consumers with the assurance of transparency during promotions.

The NLA strengthens its relationship with these clients through continuous monitoring and innovative ideas to keep them in the business.

Since its relaunch, the NLA has collaborated with over 100 companies, including FMCGs, financial institutions, and private firms. These include Telecel Ghana, Nestlé Ghana, MTN, Access Bank PLC, Société Générale, Star Assurance, Gino, Ecobank, Fidelity Bank, Bolt Ghana, Bel Beverages, Kasapreko, Fanmilk, FBN Bank, Visa International, Rana Motors, and Melcom, among others.

Benefits of the Caritas Lottery Platform

• It sanitizes the game of chance and lottery space through regulation.
• It promotes public confidence in lottery promotions.
• It has curbed the incidence of fraud and other incidents that can mar the credibility of lottery promotions.
• It is an avenue that organizations or individuals can take advantage of to improve their business goals and objectives.
• It is a brand that brings together brands and in so doing, organizations enjoy positive brand associations.
• Organizations can reward and create excitement among their clients through the use of the Caritas Lottery platform.

Revenue

Revenues from Caritas also support the NLA Good Causes Foundation.  The revenue from the Caritas Lottery Platform has increased rapidly since its relaunch and rebranding. 

• In 2021, revenue generated = GHS 102,585.23
• In 2022, revenue generated = GHS 1,482,432.10
• In 2023, revenue generated = GHS 3,221,504.65
• In 2024, revenue generated = GHS 6,251,500.50
• Year to date, revenue accrued is GHS 6,603,237.13

Conclusion

Proceeds from the Caritas Lottery Platform go into the NLA’s Corporate Social Responsibility projects.  

This is hinged on Section 2(3) of the National Lotto Act, which mandates the NLA to operate a lottery to provide care and protection for the physically or mentally afflicted, the needy, the aged, orphans, and destitute children.

The NLA, through its CSR, built recreational centres, sanitary facilities, mechanized boreholes, refurbished schools and hospitals, granted scholarships to gifted but needy students, and provided educational and medical equipment, among many other initiatives, for communities, individuals and institutions, reaching more than 500,000 lives.

NLA invests in these projects to fulfil its statutory obligation, give back to the communities in which we operate, and let our patrons know that when you do not win, your money supports national development.

The Caritas Lottery Platform has streamlined the consumer lottery sector, helping many brands achieve revenue growth, direct deposits, and brand positioning, while fostering consumer confidence in promotional activities.

Since taking office in March 2025, Inspector-General of Police Christian, Tetteh Yohuno has demonstrated a calm but determined style of leadership that aligns closely with Ghana’s urgent need for institutional reform and security transformation.

His record, though still developing, already shows why a contract extension is not only justified, but necessary.

Yohuno stepped into office at a time when the Ghana Police Service faced calls for deep reforms.

From day one, he committed to a “resetting agenda” anchored on discipline, respect for hierarchy, and modernization of policing practices.

He has consistently echoed the national call for a more modern, intelligence-driven police force, the same priority President Mahama stressed during his swearing-in.

Public trust in policing has been fragile, and Yohuno has placed integrity at the heart of his leadership. His pledge to deliver transparency and fairness is not mere rhetoric; it signals a cultural shift needed to restore confidence in law enforcement.

Before becoming IGP, Yohuno built his reputation as a highly capable intelligence officer. His work at the Police Intelligence Directorate including expanding informant reward systems and strengthening intelligence coordination, gives him the kind of operational grounding Ghana needs in the face of cybercrime, fraud, illicit mining networks (galamsey), and organised criminal syndicates.

Community policing is one of the most effective tools for reducing crime sustainably.

COP Yohuno has repeatedly emphasized that policing is a “shared responsibility” between citizens and security agencies, encouraging a more collaborative model where police officers work hand-in-hand with communities.

An extension of his tenure a strong signal of confidence in his reform direction and leadership style by President Mahama.

Extensions are not automatically granted; they are earned through performance and trust.

Yohuno’s engagements with groups like the Ghana Chamber of Mines show his understanding that effective policing requires collaboration beyond the service itself.

Security in mining communities is a national concern, and his willingness to forge stronger partnerships is a sign of pragmatic, forward-thinking leadership.

COP Christian Tetteh Yohuno’s tenure as IGP may still be young, but the foundations he is laying are essential for a 21st-century police force, one that blends professionalism with community trust and intelligence-driven operations with institutional reform.

He represents continuity in the right direction: disciplined leadership, reform-focused management, and a commitment to transparency.

Ghana’s security challenges demand not constant turnover, but stability paired with visionary reform.

A contract extension is not only deserved, it is a strategic investment in building a more modern and trusted Ghana Police Service.

So, from the very beginning, the OSP had doubters and enemies.

Once it became operational, the criticisms did not ease. We all remember how its first head, Martin Amid, a man widely regarded for his integrity, was hounded and frustrated until he resigned under controversial circumstances. Even Ghana’s current Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin, publicly rubbished the office. Remarkably, he described the law establishing the OSP as an “act in futility” and “needless,” arguing that its powers merely duplicated those of the Attorney General. That’s the same Parliament that passed the law in the first place.

If a Speaker can pour that level of scorn on a national anti-corruption institution, who won’t follow suit? Many politicians may not voice it openly, but they share similar sentiments in private.

The hostility we see today is not new; it has been building from the start. And I won’t pretend to be holier-than-thou. I also had my doubts and shared some harsh views about the office. But once it became operational and began using state resources, I accepted reality and supported its work. A young institution operating under a new legal framework will naturally face challenges. Throwing out the entire institution because of early missteps is short-sighted.

Yet many critics, especially those who opposed the OSP from day one, will tolerate no mistakes. What is even clearer is that neither of the two major political parties likes the idea of the OSP. Why? Because it is the only institution with the mandate and relative independence to pursue corruption across the political divide. And that makes politicians uncomfortable.

Today, we are witnessing a coordinated attempt to discredit the office and turn public opinion against it. Sadly, it seems to be working. Many Ghanaians who do not fully understand the deeper issues at play have joined the chorus. Others are driven purely by partisanship. We are weakening an institution we need desperately, and doing so knowingly.

Constructive criticism helps institutions grow; what we are seeing now, however, is largely destructive. It looks like a deliberate attempt to push the government to shut the OSP down. And honestly, this should not surprise anyone. Even the administration that birthed the office showed open discomfort with its independence. Why would those who inherited it feel otherwise?

If we truly care about Ghana’s future, and our constant complaints about corruption are genuine, then we must support this office. The current disrespect toward the OSP and its leadership is excessive and counterproductive. And if we can demand perfection from an office barely a decade old, why haven’t we demanded the same intensity of accountability from older institutions?

Take a moment to compare:

Attorney General’s office — 148 years old

CID — 104 years

EOCO/SFO — 33 years

CHRAJ — 32 years

FIC — 17 years

All these institutions are far older than the OSP, have gone through all phases of institutional maturity, and yet none has been flawless. We still give them room to improve. Why can’t we extend the same grace to the OSP, which is still relatively young?

The OSP was established in 2018, but it did not become fully operational immediately. It struggled with no staff, inadequate office space, and delayed regulations. After Amidu resigned, the office went dormant for months. Realistically, in its seven to eight years of existence, there have been long periods of inactivity, yet critics unfairly use the entire timeline to judge its output.

Still, under Kissi Agyebeng since 2021, the OSP has recorded notable achievements:

Prosecutions and Convictions

Seven convictions; major trials ongoing in Accra, Kumasi, and Tamale.

High-profile cases include the SML scandal, NPA GH₵280 million extortion scheme, payroll fraud, PPA procurement breaches, and the GES appointment-letter racket.

Asset Recovery and Financial Protection

Recovered GH₵4.24 million in stolen assets.

Blocked ghost-worker payments, saving GH₵34.2 million in 2024.

Prevented losses under the NDA contract and the TOR–Torentco deal.

Triggered a 333.8% rise in Customs auction revenue after the Labianca case.

Corruption Prevention and Reforms

Influenced legislative reforms eliminating major tax loopholes.

Led to the suspension of the Agyapa deal and the TOR–TEPL agreement.

Reached millions through anti-corruption sensitisation.

Cracked down on a US$40 million counterfeit currency syndicate.

Institutional Development

Grown from a three-bedroom office with no staff to a 10-storey facility with 249 workers.

Strengthened partnerships with the Audit Service, FBI, UNODC, and Interpol.

These are not trivial achievements.

Institutions, like products, go through a lifecycle: introduction, growth, maturity, and decline. The OSP is still in its infancy, yet we expect it to perform miracles. But anti-corruption work is grounded in law and due process. Anger and impatience cannot change that.

This is exactly how Martin Amidu was hounded out, and we are now repeating the cycle with Kissi Agyebeng.

If we continue on this path, the OSP will collapse, not because it failed, but because we killed it.

Ghana deserves better. And the OSP deserves the space to grow, strengthen, and serve this country well.

Let’s cut this office some slack and allow it to find its feet, for the sake of Mother Ghana.

At one point or another in the day, every human being must answer nature’s private call. Food may delay, clothes may change, technology may leap into new wonders, but as our elders say, the stomach has no calendar.

The body’s natural request does not wait for any man, woman or child. That is why the toilet, once viewed as a luxury for the privileged, now stands as one of the most essential cornerstones of human dignity, health, safety, productivity and environmental protection.

It may be a small room, yet its power shapes the wellbeing of households, communities and nations.

As the world observes this year’s World Toilet Day under the theme “We Will Always Need the Toilet,” Ghana is reminded that sanitation is not an aspiration but a right, a necessity and a moral responsibility we owe one another.

The reality before us is clear. Our population is approaching 35 million, living in nearly 9.75 million households with an average size of 3.6.

Yet millions still live without a toilet of their own. In 2021, only about 59.3 percent of households had access to a household toilet, and today, about 4.3 million households remain without one. The numbers speak plainly. We have made progress, but the gap ahead is significant.

Open defecation remains one of the most stubborn and harmful challenges. With 17.7 percent of Ghanaians, nearly six million people, still defecating in the open, the implications are severe.

Behind the statistic are girls and women who venture into bushes and beaches at dawn or dusk, exposed and afraid. Families battle preventable diseases such as cholera, typhoid and diarrhoea.

Farmers unknowingly irrigate crops with contaminated water, while communities downstream consume food produced from polluted sources. Schoolchildren are forced to choose between enduring discomfort or skipping class entirely.

Visitors measure us not by our ambitions but by the smell around public spaces. Every conversation about dignity, tourism, investment, safety and modern development begins, whether we like it or not, with access to a toilet.

But Ghana’s story is not one of despair. It is equally a story of determination and transformation. When Ghana commits, Ghana delivers. The GAMA and GKMA Sanitation and Water Project is a testament to what focused effort can produce.

By April 2025, more than 76,000 household toilets had been constructed, and 609 child-friendly, gender-sensitive institutional facilities completed.

These interventions, combined with the work of World Vision, the Government of Ghana–UNICEF WASH Programme, private sector innovators, community volunteers and committed NGOs, have helped hundreds of communities achieve open-defecation-free status.

The evidence is undeniable. When financing meets political will, when local artisans receive training, when micro-loans are available and when vulnerable households are supported, sanitation becomes a force for dignity and progress.

Yet toilets alone are not enough. Sustainable Development Goal 6 calls for safely managed sanitation for all, not merely access to a toilet structure. Today, only about 16 percent of Ghanaians enjoy safely managed sanitation.

More than 8 million households still require a complete sanitation service chain that ensures faecal waste is safely contained, emptied, transported, treated and reused without harming the environment.

A toilet that does not properly contain waste offers only half a solution. An overflowing pit becomes a public hazard. A household unable to afford emptying services may revert to unsafe practices.

A treatment plant without consistent sludge inflow becomes redundant. Regulations without enforcement become decoration.

As our tradition teaches, a cooking pot without a lid invites flies. We must close the sanitation loop fully and responsibly so that no Ghanaian is left behind.

Across Ghana, there are bright examples of what is possible. In dense compound houses in Accra and Kumasi, biodigester toilets have replaced dilapidated shared latrines and unsafe backyard corners.

Schools in several districts have shifted from the old habit of “build and abandon” to active facility management supported by small user fees, maintenance committees and school health clubs.

Faecal sludge operators have modernised their work with improved trucks, pumping tools and digital payment options. Assemblies have started mapping toilet gaps, enforcing sanitation bye-laws, linking households to artisans and microfinance, and planning desludging routes.

Communities like Dohia in the Agortime-Ziope District of the Volta Region have shown that with mobilisation, respect and small seed funds for early adopters, open defecation can become history.

These examples show clearly that Ghanaian communities do not lack willingness. They only need opportunity, support and coordination.

The way forward requires strong leadership from Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies.

Every district must enforce sanitation bye-laws fairly and firmly, not to punish the poor but to protect public health. Landlords must understand that providing a toilet is not a favour to tenants; it is their civic duty.

Assemblies should publish approved toilet technologies, their prices and lists of trained artisans so households are informed. They should organise sanitation fairs, support micro-loan initiatives and reward communities and landlords who take initiative.

Assemblies must plan thoroughly by identifying households without toilets, mapping open-defecation hotspots, scheduling desludging routes and ensuring treatment plants operate consistently. Leadership must show the way so that the people can follow.

The private sector has a defining role in this journey. Sanitation is not charity. It is an economic opportunity capable of creating jobs, driving innovation and improving lives.

Private suppliers must offer affordable, high-quality toilet systems. Desludging operators must adopt digital platforms and expand coverage to reduce costs. Treatment plant operators must explore opportunities to recover energy, compost and soil conditioners.

Innovations must continue, particularly in developing flood-resistant toilets for climate-vulnerable areas, micro-treatment systems for densely populated communities, improved shared-facility models for compound houses and financial products suited to low-income families.

The hardest-to-reach communities, often called last-mile communities, demand creativity, flexibility and compassion.

Financing remains central to closing the access gap. A typical improved household toilet costs between GHS 3,000 and GHS 5,000.

Many families can manage this through instalment payments, while the poorest will require targeted subsidies or results-based support. A blended finance approach that combines government investment, development assistance and household contributions is essential to bridge the remaining gaps.

Some may wonder why the urgency persists. The answer is simple. Every delayed month keeps children out of school, endangers girls, increases illness, places strain on health facilities and pollutes water bodies.

The world is currently off-track in achieving SDG 6.2, but Ghana has the potential to accelerate and stand out as an example for Africa, not because we are flawless but because we are determined.

As our elders say, when the roots are deep, the wind does not frighten the tree. Our roots in policy, experience and community mobilisation are strong. What remains is to scale up, speed up and remain consistent.

This World Toilet Day, Ghana must renew its promise to build more than toilets. We must build dignity, safety, resilience and shared responsibility. Government must lead with clarity, enforcement and transparency. Development partners must sustain support despite global financial pressures. Landlords must meet their responsibilities.

Communities must reject open defecation. Media and faith leaders must champion sanitation boldly. The private sector must continue to innovate and expand access. Ghana has always known that dignity is development.

A toilet behind every door is safety for women and girls, opportunity for schoolchildren, cleanliness for markets, health for families and pride for our national future.

With the right combination of policy direction, district leadership, private sector partnership and citizen responsibility, Ghana can close the sanitation gap once and for all.

Let us work with determination to ensure that every household has a toilet they can call their own, where every child, visitor and community can say with confidence that dignity lives here.

We will always need the toilet, and the toilet will continue to give us health, productivity and peace of mind. Happy World Toilet Day to all Ghanaians.

May every household find dignity behind a toilet door that locks, a handwashing station that works and a sanitation system that protects today, tomorrow and generations yet unborn.

The writer is a Public Health Practitioner and a Fellow of West African Postgraduate College of Environmental Health (WAPCEH)

E-Mail: kwekuquansah@gmail.com

A viral video can topple a politician or spark a national debate in seconds. But behind the speed and excitement of digital journalism lies a growing dilemma: how do we keep our facts straight, stay ahead of fake news, and protect our credibility in a world where the tools we use aren’t always ours to control?

Journalism in Ghana used to be a straightforward, one-directional business: print newspapers in the morning, evening broadcasts on radio and TV done. You’d get your information from a few trusted voices like the Daily Graphic, Joy FM, or GTV.

Reporters carried notebooks, flip phones (if they were fancy), and a good dose of courage. The newsroom was the heart of the operation, and deadlines were sacred.

Then technology walked in slowly at first, then like a gale wind. Today, the newsroom fits in your pocket, and journalists tweet news before the newsroom even hears about it. Let’s dive into how tech has re-engineered storytelling, audience engagement, and the very soul of Ghanaian journalism.

From Pen and Paper to Pixels and Platforms

Then, in the early 2000s and before, journalists travelled long distances to file stories. The tools of the trade were analogue: typewriters, cassette recorders, and physical archives. If you missed the evening news, you simply missed it.

Now, technology has flattened these barriers. Mobile phones, affordable internet, lightweight audio/video recorders, and platforms like WhatsApp, Telegram, and Twitter have made every journalist a walking newsroom.

Multimedia storytelling is now the norm video clips, photos, and voice notes, all uploaded in seconds.

Even fact-checking can happen in real time using digital tools.
Case in point: Viral stories on platforms like Facebook reach millions before traditional outlets even react.

Democratising News: Everyone’s a Reporter?
The rise of “citizen journalism” means anyone with a smartphone can break news. This has democratized information but also created challenges. Misinformation, propaganda, and fake news have become real threats.

Platforms like Adomonline, MyJoyOnline, GhanaWeb and Citinewsroom now compete with bloggers, influencers and even taxi drivers live-streaming events.

There has been a shift from the old approach. Journalists must now be even more credible, faster, and more tech-literate.

Newsrooms train their staff in digital ethics, social media analytics, and multimedia production skills that would’ve seemed alien to the old guard.

Broadcasting Goes Live and Interactive
Live broadcasting, once expensive and limited to major stations, is now accessible to anyone. With Facebook Live, X Spaces (formerly Twitter Spaces), and TikTok, even rural reporters can stream breaking news directly from the scene.

Stations like Multimedia Group and Citi FM use social media to broadcast political shows, interact with listeners, host polls, and receive feedback instantly. Gone are the days when the audience was silent.

I remember my days at Life FM in Nkawkaw, where we relied mostly on newspapers for news stories and monitoring the major stations for stories with no means of recording actuality.

Time has really changed.
The next wave is already here. Podcasts offer long-form storytelling, AI tools assist in transcription and fact-checking, and data journalism is emerging slowly but surely.
Newsrooms in Ghana are experimenting with AI-assisted content creation, providing transcription tools and image recognition for research, which has become a game-changer.

Podcasts and webinars are now providing media houses with the platform to reach niche audiences, to mobile journalism kits for remote reporting. We’re only beginning to scratch the surface of what’s possible.

The Challenges associated with this technology are many, and the management of newsrooms must catch up.

Speed often trumps accuracy. That’s a problem. Lack of verification is becoming a threat. With the pressure to be first, journalists sometimes publish unverified information.

In 2021, during the alleged kidnapping of musician Castro and the incident involving the Takoradi “fake pregnant woman”, several outlets rushed online with breaking news only for later facts to expose inconsistencies.

Just recently, after the six female potential recruits of the Ghana Armed Forces died in a stampede, letters flew all over the internet, indicating the Deputy Defence Minister had resigned, with some media houses broadcasting without verification. It was later labelled as fake information.

The rush for clicks undermined trust, and it highlighted the need to balance speed with fact-checking.

Also, Ownership of platforms is a challenge we can not overlook because Stories live on platforms that are not owned by creators, but by Facebook and YouTube. Their rules can change overnight.

Ghanaian media houses like Adom TV, Joy News, GHOne TV, Adom FM and others rely heavily on social media for live streams and content distribution.

However, if Facebook randomly flags a broadcast or YouTube changes its algorithm, viewership plummets.

In 2023, several Ghanaian channels were unexpectedly demonetised or shadow-banned due to stricter content rules, reminding us that these platforms are rented space and not owned territory.

Technology didn’t just change Ghanaian journalism; it shook its foundations. The role of the journalist is evolving from gatekeeper to curator, moderator, and educator.

The promise? More voices, more access, smarter storytelling. The challenge? Staying credible and innovative in a crowded, noisy world.

The path forward is clear: blend traditional values with modern tools. Journalism may look different now, but its purpose remains deep by telling the truth, giving the voiceless a platform, and holding the powerful accountable.

Ghanaian journalism is evolving. And that’s a good thing.

Though budgets are an annual ritual, this one feels like a bold blueprint for transformation, not just recovery. But will these ambitious plans move from paper to pavement?

For entrepreneurs like us, Ghana—and indeed Africa’s—Achilles heel has never been planning; it has always been execution.

For decades, we’ve seen brilliant blueprints gather dust while citizens wait for promises to materialize. Across the country and continent, roads remain unpaved, factories idle, and social interventions stall—not due to lack of vision, but because of weak follow-through.

This is why Dr. Forson’s generally well-accepted budget must deliver different results.
Moreover, the 2026 Budget offers the government a rare chance to reset its economic narrative. It now behooves every minister, agency head, and public servant to embrace the same urgency and discipline demonstrated by Dr. Forson and President Mahama.

The positives
Having observed budgets over the years, I find this one unapologetically pro-business, pro-jobs, and pro-reform:

• Tax reliefs: VAT slashed to 20%, thresholds raised to ease pressure on small and medium enterprises (SMEs)—the backbone of the economy—and the COVID-19 Health Recovery Levy scrapped. These measures will inject liquidity into businesses and restore confidence in an economy battered by years of turbulence and high taxes.
• Industrial push: The Feed the Industry Programme will link agriculture to manufacturing, ensuring factories run at 70–80% capacity instead of the current 30–40%. Add to that the Oil Palm Development Policy and agro-processing plants for cashew, rice, poultry, and shea, which could spark a true industrial renaissance.
• Jobs, jobs, jobs: Over 800,000 jobs are targeted for 2026 through infrastructure projects, TVET expansion, and the 24-Hour Economy initiative. Allocations are clear, including GH¢170 million for apprenticeships, GH¢110 million for round-the-clock operations, and billions for roads, housing, and energy.
• Social protection: Free SHS fully funded, NHIS uncapped, LEAP expanded, and school feeding scaled up. These are not token gestures but structural commitments to inclusion.
• Fiscal discipline anchored in law: A primary surplus of 1.5% of GDP is now a statutory requirement. Debt-to-GDP is capped at 45% by 2034/35. Procurement reforms mandate electronic platforms for transparency.

Why execution is king
While these policies are bold, comprehensive, and enduring, plans alone don’t build roads—bulldozers do. Policies don’t create jobs—projects do.

Ghana and Africa’s development graveyard is littered with brilliant strategies that died in the hands of bureaucracy. Ghana cannot afford to repeat that cycle.

The finance minister and President may have done their part by presenting concrete policies in a budget. But the baton now passes to sector ministers, agency heads, and implementing officers. They must move from PowerPoint to pavement, from press conferences to performance, and from plans to actions.

Execution demands three things:

• Speed: Delays kill momentum. If procurement bottlenecks stall the Big Push Infrastructure Programme, job targets will evaporate.
• Accountability: Every cedi must deliver value. The Compliance League Table introduced by the Finance Ministry is a good start, but it must bite. Institutions should be publicly ranked, rewarded for efficiency, and sanctioned for inertia.
• Collaboration: Ministries cannot work in silos. Agriculture must talk to Trade. Energy must sync with Industry. Education must align with Labour. Transformation is a team sport, not an individual glory.

Why I believe
Skeptics will ask: “What’s different this time?” My answer: track record and tone.

In less than a year, Mahama’s administration has achieved what many thought impossible: inflation down from 23.8% to 8%, the cedi appreciating by 34%, and public debt reduced from 68.9% to 45% of GDP. These are real outcomes that affect business revenue and planning.

Dr. Forson has restored fiscal discipline without strangling growth, renegotiated independent power producer contracts to save US$250 million, and cut cocoa roads debt from GH¢21 billion to GH¢6 billion. This is evidence of a government acting in the public interest.

But leadership at the top is not enough. The relevant catalyst must be ministers and agency heads matching this urgency. Ghana’s future cannot hinge on two men; it must rest on an ecosystem of execution.

Way forward
The government now faces a bold challenge: prove the public right.

They need to show that Ghana can break the cycle of grand plans and poor delivery. This budget must not be another glossy document filed away in archives.

I humbly suggest:

• Ministers: Own your targets. Publish quarterly scorecards. Let citizens track progress in real time.
• Agency heads: Cut the red tape. Move from process obsession to outcome obsession.
• Procurement officers: Remember this—every delay is a job denied, every inflated contract is a classroom unfunded, and hundreds of lives deprived of essential services.

The world is moving fast. Côte d’Ivoire is scaling agro-processing, Rwanda is doubling down on digital leadership, and Nigeria is pushing energy reforms. Ghana cannot lag.

The private sector is ready, investors are watching, and the diaspora is hopeful. But hope needs proof—and that proof comes from execution.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist.

READ ALSO:

• El-Wak stampede: We have failed the youth — Mavis Nkansah-Boadu admits
• I am the unifier NPP needs – Adutwum
• Government announces free one-year access to Google Gemini App for students

Few stories capture this paradox better than that of Alex Apau Dadey, the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, a man whose vision, enterprise, and philanthropic spirit have reshaped parts of Ghana’s economic and social landscape, yet whose journey mirrors the silent betrayal of the very builders driving the nation forward.

“In Ghana, the cost of building often exceeds the profit of dreaming.”

The Story—The Man Behind the Vision
Alex Apau Dadey is not your conventional tycoon. His story is not written in political privilege but in persistence, purpose, and patriotism.

As the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, he has built one of Ghana’s most dynamic technology-driven conglomerates, touching sectors from fintech and gaming to logistics, e-commerce, and social development.

It is not his business acumen that sets him apart, but his belief that Ghana can progress on the strength of its own innovation.

Under his stewardship, KGL Group has become a central player in Ghana’s digitalized economy, revolutionizing systems that have enhanced transparency, accountability, and financial inclusion.

Those who know him speak of a man both visionary and vulnerable, human in his flaws, yet unwavering in his pursuit of progress.

One can only say that his quiet strength lies in seeing opportunity where others see obstacles and in building solutions that serve both profit and purpose.

“For Alex Apau Dadey, enterprise is not about power; it’s about people. Not about profit, but progress.”

The Impact—Transforming Vision into Tangible Change

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL Group has transformed itself into more than a business; it has become a national development engine.

Technology & Economic Transformation
The Group’s KGL Technology Limited has digitized key activities within the National Lottery Authority (NLA), resulting in increased efficiency, accountability, and state revenue collection.

The company’s digital technologies have greatly increased government revenue from gaming operations, directing hundreds of millions of cedis into the Consolidated Fund to support public initiatives.

Beyond gaming, KGL’s investments in fintech, mobile payments, and digital distribution, through businesses such as KGL Payments and Digital Distribution Hub, have increased thousands of Ghanaians’ access to financial services.

The company’s position in modernizing payment systems directly helps Ghana’s digital economy strategy, which is championed by initiatives such as Digital Ghana.

Corporate Social Responsibility & Human Development
But Mr. Dadey’s vision stretches far beyond boardrooms and servers. Through the KGL Foundation, he has redefined corporate social responsibility as a moral and national duty.

In education, KGL funds scholarships for brilliant but underprivileged students, builds ICT centers, and supports school feeding initiatives while partnering with hospitals and NGOs to improve maternal and child healthcare through the group’s foundation, especially in rural communities in health.

In sports, KGL is a major sponsor of the Ghana Football Association (GFA) and grassroots sporting activities, ensuring the next generation of athletes have both opportunity and hope.

These interventions align directly with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), promoting education, health, employment, and innovation.

Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL is not only generating revenue but also building social infrastructure for Ghana’s future.

“He builds in silence, gives without cameras, and transforms without applause.”

The Challenges—When Vision Meets Resistance
Yet behind the glow of progress lies a darker truth: vision in Ghana often attracts suspicion.

Despite KGL Group’s undeniable contributions to revenue mobilization and social development, the company has not been spared the murky undercurrents of politics and institutional hostility.

In recent years, the Group has found itself navigating a maze of regulatory hurdles, delayed approvals, and bureaucratic resistance from state agencies that once praised its work.

What should be partnerships for progress have too often become contests of power and perception. Within business circles, this phenomenon has earned a name, “Economic Witch-Hunting.”

It is a quiet but corrosive culture where successful enterprises are viewed not as allies in development but as rivals in influence.

From stalled policy approvals to strategic attempts to curtail KGL’s dominance in digital operations, it is seen by industry players and many others as evidence of a broader pattern, what some call “Strategic Crippling.” In such an environment, success becomes a liability.

The irony is glaring. The same digital initiatives that improved government revenue and employment opportunities are now being met with skepticism, fueled by political insecurities rather than economic logic.

Instead of applauding homegrown innovation, certain public actors have chosen to distrust and dismantle it, all in the name of “regulation.”

For Alex Apau Daddy, these challenges have been both personal and institutional. Navigating through the maze of unspoken political allegiances and administrative sabotage, he has had to balance corporate diplomacy with moral conviction.

Yet, through it all, he remains steadfast, believing that time, truth, and tangible impact will outlive propaganda.

The implications for Ghana’s economy are chilling. When institutions turn innovation into intimidation, investors, both local and foreign, lose confidence, and progress grinds to a halt.

It is a self-inflicted wound, a betrayal not of one man or company, but of Ghana’s own development aspirations.

The greater tragedy, however, lies not in his trials but in what they say about Ghana’s development climate. How can a nation claim to seek economic transformation while sabotaging the very visionaries driving it?

“We cannot build a digital nation while digitally disabling our visionaries.”

Reflective Thoughts—When Greatness Goes Uncelebrated
At its core, the story of Alex Apau Dadey is not just about business; it is a mirror reflecting Ghana’s uneasy relationship with success.

We praise visionaries until their light shines too brightly. We celebrate entrepreneurs until they start changing systems. Then we see them as a threat and call them dangerous. His journey mirrors this national paradox.

We glorify politics and ignore production; we exalt rhetoric and silence results. And yet, Mr. Dadey’s journey stands as a reminder that true patriotism is not spoken; it is built.

He continues to invest, to employ, to empower, and to believe in a Ghana that sometimes fails to believe in him. Here is a man who has generated employment, supported national revenue, and contributed to social development, yet remains more scrutinized than celebrated.

His story raises uncomfortable questions about Ghana’s relationship with success: Why do we treat excellence as suspicion? Why do we measure patriotism by politics, not productivity?

And why do we allow institutional pettiness to cripple innovation?
If Ghana truly wants sustainable development, it must start by protecting, not persecuting, its visionaries.

Because nations don’t rise by accident. They rise because men and women like Alex Apau Dadey dare to build when others are busy tearing down.

“When history is written, it will not remember those who spoke the loudest; it will remember those who built the longest.”

Sidebar: The KGL Footprint in National Development
Revenue Mobilization: Digitization partnership with NLA generating hundreds of millions in state revenue.

Employment Creation: Thousands of direct and indirect jobs across technology, finance, logistics, and customer support sectors.

Education Support: Scholarships and ICT training through KGL Foundation.

Sports Development: Key sponsor of GFA and youth football programs.

Health Initiatives: Rural clinic support and health campaigns under SDG alignment.

Final Reflection
So here lies the irony: A man whose vision modernized systems, funded education, and supported communities is still viewed with suspicion by the very state that benefits from his success.

How many more visionaries like Alex Apau Dadey must Ghana quietly crucify before realizing they are its greatest national treasures?

Videos circulating on social media show thousands of desperate applicants jostling for a chance to have their documents assessed. But that quickly descended into chaos, claiming the lives of these compatriots in their prime and injuring dozens more.

The casualty rate, estimated at 34 injured alongside the fatalities, underscores the gravity of what happened. Beyond the immediate tragedy, however, lies a deeper systemic problem—our grim unemployment crisis and the urgent need to structure mass recruitment exercises safely.

Unemployment: A National Security Risk

This is the first major stampede in Ghana’s recent history, and it is not an isolated accident. It is a symptom of a widening gap between job seekers and opportunities.
Over the years, security experts, including the venerable Dr. Emmanuel Aning of the Kofi Annan International Peace Training Centre (KAIPTC), have repeatedly warned that joblessness poses a national security threat.

The World Bank has stated that Ghana faces a severe jobs challenge despite years of economic growth. Over 500,000 young people enter the job market every year, according to the Bank, yet job creation has not kept pace, leaving many stranded in low-quality or informal work.

The Bank has also warned that Ghana’s youth population will grow by 1.6 million over the next decade, reaching 11 million by 2035, with more than half of the population under 30 years old.

Currently, only 13% of workers aged 15–64 hold high-quality jobs. Low-skill and informal employment accounts for over 53% of the workforce. This mismatch between rising education levels and limited opportunities is fueling desperation and instability, as evidenced by the swelling numbers at such recruitments year in and year out.

For many of these applicants, the military and other security agencies represent the closest thing to a guaranteed, stable job in an economy where opportunities are scarce. The promise of a steady income, housing, and social respect makes enlistment into these security services highly attractive—so much so that desperation drives thousands to risk their safety just for a chance to be considered.

But enlistments into these services have not been conducted openly and on a large scale for some time now. The then-opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) alleged that the exercises during those periods were either suspended or carried out quietly, fueling perceptions of limited access and favoritism. This prolonged gap only heightened the desperation when the recent opportunity arose, as thousands saw it as their first real chance in years to secure a stable, respectable job.

That is why the stampede is more than a tragic accident—it is a wake-up call that unemployment is not just an economic statistic. It is a ticking time bomb. If left unchecked, it will continue to manifest in ways that threaten public safety and national cohesion.

The Need for Proper Planning

While unemployment is the root cause, the incident also requires us to re-examine our planning and organization of public events. The Ghana Armed Forces is not new to this, and their record speaks of them as a disciplined, diligent, and trustworthy institution. That is why one would expect them to infuse that discipline into how exercises of this nature are conducted, setting an example for other security agencies and institutions that require large gatherings of people.

The sight of thousands crammed into a single venue, competing for front-row positions, should never happen in a country with the capacity to digitize processes.
Why were applicants not staggered by time slots?
Why was there no robust online pre-screening system to reduce physical congestion?
These are questions the authorities must answer.

Recruitment into security services is a sensitive national exercise. It demands meticulous planning, not ad hoc arrangements that endanger lives.

Political Points-Scoring

Sadly, even as families mourn, some political actors have rushed to exploit the incident for partisan gain. This is unacceptable. The loss of young lives should unite us in grief and resolve, not divide us further.

Political utterances that trivialize the tragedy or weaponize it for electoral advantage dishonour the victims and distract from the urgent reforms needed.
Leaders must rise above the urge to always seek political gain in every situation and focus on solutions.

What Next?

Firstly, the government must treat unemployment as a national emergency.
This means aggressive investment in job creation, skills development, and entrepreneurship—not lip service. This is why the government’s efforts to roll out the Big Push, the 24-Hour Economy policy, and the reformation of the mining sector around domestic value addition are vital.

Secondly, recruitment exercises must be restructured to prioritize safety and efficiency. Digital platforms and staggered schedules can drastically reduce congestion.

Thirdly, social gatherings of this scale should be subject to strict safety protocols, with security personnel trained to manage crowds effectively and emergency measures duly activated.

Finally, we must confront the uncomfortable truth: Ghana’s youth are not lazy—they are desperate. They are willing to risk their lives for a job that pays a modest salary because the alternatives are bleak. Until we fix this, tragedies like this will recur.

The stampede at the military recruitment centre is a national tragedy. But it can also be a turning point if we choose to act decisively. President John Mahama has shown clear and credible signs of capacity and commitment to reforming the country, and we must now rally behind him to achieve that.

Ghana cannot afford to ignore the warning signs any longer.

The writer is an entrepreneur and philanthropist.

READ ALSO:

• 
  Veep mourns victims of El-Wak stampede
• Col. Festus Aboagye calls on government to release full helicopter crash report
• Beautiful Creations supports Lordina Foundation’s medical outreach

Since accepting the role of running mate, Dr. Bawumia has devoted 17 solid years to the party, serving diligently and faithfully without fear or favor. He has contributed significantly to the growth and success of the NPP as the Vice Presidential Candidate across four consecutive elections (2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020).

When the NPP won the 2016 election, Dr. Bawumia was sworn in as Vice President of Ghana, assisting President Akufo-Addo in implementing major campaign manifesto promises during the party’s two consecutive terms in office from 2017 to 2024. In the 2024 general elections, he contested as the NPP’s presidential candidate, despite the party losing that election.

Given this extensive record of service, how can such an astute and committed individual—first as Vice Presidential Candidate for four terms, then as a star witness in the 2012 election petition, and finally as the party’s 2024 presidential candidate—be portrayed as an “outsider” simply because of internal elections?

Your guess is as good as mine.

Can an Outsider Contest the NPP Presidential Election?

Setting the Record Straight

Article 13 (3) of the NPP Constitution, as amended in 2017, outlines the rules for the election of a Presidential Candidate. It states:

“Any Member may, before the expiry of the period set out in Article 13 (2), apply for nomination as the Party’s Presidential Candidate.”

Furthermore, clause (7) of Article 13 specifies that no member shall be entitled to nomination unless they:

(a) have been a known and active member for at least five (5) years;
(b) are of good character;
(c) are in good standing, among other requirements.

These constitutional provisions clearly define who is eligible to contest the NPP presidential election.

Since the NPP announced the opening of nominations for the 2028 presidential elections, campaigns among contenders have begun ahead of the party’s national delegates’ election scheduled for 31st January 2026. One recurring narrative in the campaigns is the claim that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia—former Vice President and 2024 presidential candidate—is an “outsider” unfit to lead the NPP again.

This claim is illogical and misleading. It has created misconceptions among some party delegates, members, sympathizers, and the general public, many of whom either do not know the NPP Constitution or lack accurate information about the eligibility requirements for the party’s presidential elections.

What is particularly concerning is that this misinformation is coming from individuals expected to know better, given their backgrounds and experience within the party. Such narratives risk creating a negative impression of the NPP among the electorate ahead of the 2028 elections.

In fact, according to the NPP Constitution, no outsider can contest the party’s presidential election unless they have been a registered and active member for at least five (5) years, are of good standing, and meet the other prescribed requirements. Dr. Bawumia, having served the party for 17 years, clearly exceeds these criteria.

In conclusion, a careful review of the NPP Constitution and Dr. Bawumia’s service record demonstrates that labeling him an “outsider” is not only inaccurate but motivated by ill intent.

Yaw Marvin
Development Communication Practitioner
Writing from the corners of Kwesimintsim Zongo

#WinWithBawumia
#Bawumia2028
#OyeNumber3

And today, as parts of the New Patriotic Party whisper that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is a stranger in his own political home, history echoes loudly, warning us that the last person you call a stranger today often becomes the one who reshapes your tomorrow.

Kwame Nkrumah was once that stranger. When he returned from America and Britain—young, restless, radical, and unapologetically determined—the colonial-era elites of the UGCC looked at him with suspicion.

He did not belong to their wealthy families. He did not speak their polished colonial English. He mobilised market women and workers instead of mingling with aristocrats. He was Nzema from the Western Region, neither Ashanti royalty nor Fante aristocracy. They tolerated him until they realised he was unstoppable, and then they called him an outsider. But the man they dismissed as “not one of us” built a nation and became the heartbeat of Africa’s liberation.

The same script played out decades later in America. Barack Obama emerged from Chicago’s streets with a name the political establishment struggled to pronounce. His father was Kenyan, his mother from Kansas. His identity confused old Washington. They said he was too young, too intellectual, too different, too hopeful. They called him “other,” they questioned his belonging. The stranger became the President. And eight years later, the world remembered not the accusations but the hope.

Zohran Mamdani’s story recently shook New York. Born in Kampala to Indian parents expelled by Idi Amin, raised between continents, and too progressive for the city’s traditional political machinery, he had all the markings of an outsider. His age, his faith, his energy, his name—everything placed him outside the predictable mould of New York’s leadership class. Yet in 2025, the world’s most complex city elected him mayor. Why? Because youth recognise value, promise, and competence long before gatekeepers do. Outsiders speak the language of tomorrow; insiders recite the slogans of yesterday.

Which brings us home—back to Ghana, back to the NPP, back to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.

For seventeen years, Bawumia has stood at the party’s core, shaping economic messaging, defending electoral integrity at the Supreme Court, mobilising national policy, and carrying the digital transformation agenda that quietly repaired decades-old inefficiencies. He has been at the party’s side in victory and in defeat. He has campaigned in every region, worshipped in every faith setting, endured every insult, and carried every responsibility given to him—loyally, competently, consistently.

And yet, in a moment of political anxiety, a few voices have found confidence in calling him a stranger.

Stranger to what?
To service?
To loyalty?
To sacrifice?
To the party he helped deliver two consecutive presidential victories?
Or stranger to the old entitlements that fear modernisation?

The youth of the NPP know the answer. And they know the danger.

In a world ruled by algorithms, not ancestry, who leads matters. Ghana is entering an age where governance is digital, public services are automated, and leadership demands competence that transcends tribal politics. The youth recognise that the politics of exclusion is a luxury Ghana cannot afford. They know that shrinking the party’s leadership options based on region or lineage is political suicide. A party that claims to be the most national cannot afford to indulge the most primitive instincts of tribal whispering.

What the elders call “stranger,” the youth call “modern.” What the insiders call “outsider,” the youth call “competent.” What those afraid of change call “not one of us,” the youth recognise as the future.

Because the real stranger is not the man who has served seventeen years. The real stranger is the one who divides when unity is required. The real outsider is the voice that shrinks the party’s vision to the size of fear. The real threat is not a northern economist who digitised government, but the tribal rhetoric that threatens to drag the party backwards into a past it once worked hard to escape.

The Danquah–Dombo–Busia tradition is not a story of exclusion; it is a story of men who challenged exclusion. Danquah confronted colonial elites. Busia bridged intellectual communities. Dombo, himself once marginalised, became an embodiment of inclusion. The tradition was never tribal; it was ideological. To call Bawumia a stranger is to misunderstand the founders.

And so, the NPP faces a choice—not between one candidate and another, but between the future and the past, between inclusiveness and insecurity, between the energy of youth and the fear of old politics.

History has shown, again and again, that the one they call stranger today becomes the one whose leadership defines tomorrow. Nkrumah proved it. Obama proved it. Mamdani proved it. The youth of the NPP understand that Ghana’s future will not be built by gatekeepers afraid of innovation but by reformers unafraid of possibility.

Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is not a stranger. He is the modern Ghanaian story—multi-regional, multi-ethnic, globally exposed, digitally fluent, nationally committed. He represents a Ghana that is bigger than tribe, stronger than region, and ready to compete globally.

If the NPP embraces fear, it will fracture itself into irrelevance.
If it embraces competence, it will secure its future.

History has spoken.
The youth must answer.

It started somewhere mid 2024. I had just returned from the United Kingdom to the home of my temporary sojourn. One of my teeth started to feel sensitive and slightly shaky. I wondered why my supposedly strong teeth were suddenly sensitive to almost everything. Need I tell you about the numerous times I’ve boasted about how powerful my teeth were, to the point where I didn’t waste time using an opener to open the crown caps of bottled soft beverages because my teeth could perform the job more effectively?

But here was I. I couldn’t even drink water without feeling a tingling sensation. I suddenly lost my appetite for food, particularly the chewy ones that I loved to eat. I had to resort to a gentle, slow sip of Tom Brown and Kooko just so I did not starve myself into slimming down an already not-so-big body.

A few days went by, and I knew I had to seek dental care. Google spoiled me for choice. Each option of a dental clinic or hospital came with its distinctive hallmark services and perks, including the seemingly affordable ones and the ones meant for those who seek extra and want to satisfy the bourgeoisie in them. I settled on one; your guess is as good as the choice that I made.

The dental clinic was not far from where I lived, so I thought. The photos on Google also gave me the impression that it would be a welcoming environment. Google also nicely led me to their website, and I realised that I could book an appointment ahead of my going. I thought that might make things easier for me. I did and got a slot suitable for my usually heavy schedule. I was set to visit sooner.

I didn’t have medical aid, and not knowing how much it would cost made me a little anxious, but I thought I had a fair balance in my bank account to give me enough confidence to go. Did I even have a choice? Considering the pain and the barrage of discomfort that had visited me, I could do anything for relief. I picked up my bag, dropped my visa card in it, and off I was on a journey to the dentist.

With initial OPD administrative formalities out of the way, I was ushered into the consulting room and welcomed by a pleasant-looking dentist and his assistant. After telling him what had brought me there, he proceeded to do some examination. He was impressed with how (seemingly) modestly clean and healthy my teeth were and wondered what could have caused the sensitivity. He suspected trauma that my tooth might have experienced in the past. I went into my memory box to fish out when and what that might have happened, but I could not even find a teeny-tiny shred of reason.

The immediate solution they thought to give me was a deep cleaning session, and to wait a while to see how the tooth heals on its own. However, the dentist was quick to caution that I might need to splint my tooth as the sensitive tooth was also showing a sign of looseness and needed to be immobilized and to prevent further damage and possibly to allow it to heal. The X-ray result, as was explained to my layman self, showed that indeed my tooth was manifesting the consequences of trauma it might have suffered in the past. I was told it might have happened many years ago, and because I was not regularly seeking professional dental care, it had been left undetected.

I was given a special toothpaste to use for a period. I found some good relief after about two days. But I noticed that my tooth was not the same again. From time to time, I could feel it was a little sensitive, albeit not as sensitive as what drove me to the dentist the first time. I began to think about going back for professional care and advice. But I decided I would not go to the same clinic because the alert that came after I swiped my visa card set me on the path of anguish for some days, thinking about the many other things I could have done with the money.

Sometimes I try to take walks to balance my admittedly not-the-best-of-healthy lifestyles. One of such walks came with a gratifying discovery – a dental clinic just about a kilometer away from my house. It looked like the family-type dental clinic that would go easy on my pocket. When I googled them, I realized that they even offer free dental care to the community from time to time. That sure must be a dental clinic that is welcoming of all pocket sizes, lol.

Seeing that my tooth issue was not leaving me alone, I decided to give them a try. The cherry on top was that getting there was only a short walk away, and I could convince myself that I had exercised for the day.

The visit to my latest discovery of a dental facility landed me in a splinting “operation” as the other dentist had predicted. It so happened that my stubborn habit of chewing bones and biting into hard stuff suddenly exacerbated my already traumatised tooth and caused my tooth to nearly split in two. It felt as though my tooth was coming off. It happened during one of those proud “Chef Theo” moments.  I was biting into a hard part of a crab that I had prepared with my palm nut soup.

With the splint done, I found relief for a while, but my life was not the same again. Then I hatched another plan. I would be going to Ghana, and I would seek a second opinion and find out how I could find a more permanent solution.

Another X-ray was done. Similar things that were said to me during my other visits were said again. I got them to do a regular cleaning for me and some reinforcing of the splint. I also sought information about what could be a more permanent solution. I was told about the options. Nothing about the cost.

Back at my base. My tooth got triggered again by my usual “bad habit”. I reserve the details of the whats and the whys. This time, I wanted a “permanent” solution. I didn’t want dentures. Eventually, the choice I made stretched my bank account a little bit, but I managed to convince myself that I could bear the stretch.

With a new visitor in my mouth, I was relatively better. But I realised that aesthetically it was not as natural as I wanted it to be. I went back and was told there was even a much better option. The price! “Ei! hmm”, is all I could say. By the time they fixed it for me, I knew I had to just pretend that I was on an elective fast for a miracle for God knows how long. The rest, they say, is history.

I did what I believed was best for me in many ways, but I also learned to value what God has freely given me. The amount of money I have spent fixing a tooth – just one tooth – is a memory that will stay with me forever.

Indeed, the blessing of the Lord – in this case, the Lord’s blessing of a tooth – is without sorrow. If only I had reminded myself about this, I would have kept this blessing sacred.

The author is a senior lecturer in media and communication studies.

READ ALSO:

• Cause of August 6 helicopter crash revealed
• Investigation reveals safety gaps in August 6 military helicopter crash
• Z-9 helicopter was air-worthy but lacked additional safety enhancements – Captain Forjoe

What began as an academic exercise within the Law and Technology class quickly transformed into a model of civic scholarship a student-led, faculty guided review of a Bill that will shape the boundaries of Ghana’s digital democracy for decades to come.

Guided by the Head of Department, the students dissected the 80-plus sections of the draft
line by line, benchmarking it against Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, international conventions
such as the ICCPR, and continental standards under the African Charter and the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information.

The resulting submission, filed officially by the School on Monday 10th November 2025, represents a call to protect society from disinformation without eroding the constitutional pillars of free expression, press independence, and civic participation.

At first glance, the MDHI Bill carries noble intent, indeed, it is meant to curb deliberate
falsehoods, hate speech, and the reckless sharing of private or harmful content.

Yet, as GIMPA’s team argues, the path to cleaner information cannot be created with vague powers, criminal overreach, and administrative censorship.

“Truth cannot be protected by fear,” the submission notes, warning that, in its present form, the Bill risks turning public debate into an offence rather than a duty.

When Protection Becomes Control the School’s analysis begins at the heart of the Bill which is its object clause.

The stated aim to protect individuals from “disrepute, embarrassment or ridicule” may sound harmless, but in legal effect it authorises state intrusion into political commentary, satire, and investigative journalism.

GIMPA’s submission recommends rewriting this clause to confine limitations strictly to serious, demonstrable harm to national security, public order, public health, or the
rights and reputations of others, and only where measures are necessary and proportionate in a democratic society.

Equally troubling is the Bill’s approach to “false information.” Under sections 19 and 22, a
person could be sanctioned merely for publishing information deemed “false or misleading,”
even without intent or proof of harm.

This, the School warns, “creates strict liability for speech” and invites arbitrary enforcement.

Instead, the submission defines falsity as material inaccuracy and anchors liability on intent, recklessness, or negligent publication that causes serious harm, harm meaning verifiable violence, imminent threat to health, substantial economic loss, or interference with elections.

By drawing this boundary, the school insists, the law would distinguish genuine disinformation from the everyday errors, opinions, and evolving truths that characterise a free marketplace of ideas.

GIMPA also challenges provisions that allow public institutions themselves to seek redress
for disinformation.

In a democracy, the school argues, the state is the most powerful speaker in society, allowing it to sue citizens for “official defamation” flips accountability on its head.

The submission proposes that government bodies should respond to criticism with
counter speech and correction, not coercive sanctions, except where demonstrably false
statements imminently endanger life or public safety.

The Bill’s treatment of public-health emergencies and election periods also raises alarm. By
reversing the burden of proof and enabling rapid takedown orders, it risks muting journalists, fact-checkers, and civic observers exactly when public scrutiny is most essential.

GIMPA’s corrective proposal is precise: delete the burden shift, restore normal proof standards, and require that any removal or blocking of electoral content in the 21 days before voting be authorised only by a High Court order within 48 hours, on clear proof of intentional falsehood and imminent interference with results.

On hate speech, the school endorses a calibrated approach, essentially targeting only
advocacy of discriminatory hatred that incites imminent violence, consistent with the Rabat
Plan of Action and Ghana’s own Criminal Offences Act.

Offensive or unpopular speech, no matter how uncomfortable, must be countered through dialogue and education, not imprisonment. “If we criminalise offence,” the commentary notes, “we will soon criminalise dissent.”

The same spirit animates the school’s proposals on privacy and confidentiality. While
commending the intent to protect personal data and state secrets, the review warns that the Bill’s wording could criminalise whistle-blowing and investigative journalism.

To strike balance, it introduces explicit public-interest and journalistic defences, harmonised with the Right to Information Act, ensuring that disclosures exposing corruption, illegality, or gross rights abuses remain protected when done proportionately.

A Blueprint for Rights-Sensitive Regulation Beyond substance, the GIMPA Law School turns its sharpest focus to institutional design and due process.

The proposed “Division” that will administer the law is placed under the National Communications Authority, with members appointed through executive discretion
and bound by ministerial directives.

This, the school warns, “erodes the independence essential for a credible information-governance framework.”

Its alternative blueprint proposes an independent, multi-stakeholder authority including nominees from the Judicial Council, CHRAJ, the National Media Commission, academia, civil society, and industry, including a security of tenure and budgetary autonomy insulated from ministerial control.

Procedurally, the School recommends expanding response windows from two days to seven
working days (72 hours for emergencies), guaranteeing the right to be heard, requiring
disclosure of evidence, and mandating publication of all orders in a public online registry.

Remedies should follow a hierarchy of restraint: correction as the default, removal only when strictly necessary, and access-blocking permitted solely by court order after a rigorous proportionality test.

Account closures of media houses or political actors, it insists, have no
place in a democracy unless tied to direct incitement to imminent violence.

On sanctions, the submission calls for the removal of custodial sentences for speech offences short of violent incitement, and for fines to be scaled proportionately to organisational turnover.

Education and counter-speech programmes should replace punitive enforcement as
the cornerstone of national resilience against misinformation.

The submission also critiques the Bill’s heavy compliance demands on online platforms and
newsrooms. Mandatory algorithmic audits, risk assessments, and annual fact-checking
certification, if applied across the board, could cripple small media outlets and start-ups.

The school advocates a tiered system, reserving stringent duties for very large platforms and licensed national broadcasters, while encouraging co-regulation through the National Media Commission and Ghana Journalists Association codes.

“We must not regulate innovation out of existence,” the review warns, “nor make truth a luxury of the well-resourced.”

Taken together, these proposals form a rights-centred roadmap for reconciling truth,
accountability, and freedom in the digital era.

They affirm that the state’s duty is not to decide what citizens may know, but to create conditions where citizens can discern truth for themselves through transparency, open dialogue, and independent institutions.

A New Trajectory for Digital Democracy
The GIMPA Law School’s submission is more than a critique; it is an act of civic leadership.
It transforms the classroom into a policy laboratory, demonstrating how academic inquiry can directly shape national legislation.

Students from the Law and Technology class, after weeks of study, simulation, and debate, helped craft amendments that bridge theory with public interest.

Their work reflects the school’s broader philosophy, that law schools must not only
teach the law but also help make it better.

In its conclusion, the Department reminds policymakers that the fight against misinformation cannot become a fight against citizens.

Every society must protect itself from deliberate falsehoods and hateful propaganda, yet those protections lose legitimacy when they muzzle legitimate scrutiny, satire, and dissent.

The submission thus calls for a decisive pivot: from punitive control to participatory governance, from censorship to accountability, and from fear of misinformation to the cultivation of public media literacy.

As the Ministry reviews inputs from across the country, the GIMPA Law School hopes that
its research will change the trajectory of the Bill steering it away from executive overreach
toward a balanced, rights-respecting framework.

“Combating disinformation should not create a Ministry of Truth,” the submission asserts, “but a Republic of Reason.”

If Ghana gets this balance right, it will stand as a continental example proving that a
democracy can defend truth without silencing freedom.

In that outcome, both government and citizens win: the government gains trust, and the people retain their voice.

The writer
Desmond Israel, Esq. is the Head of Department of Public Law and Governance at the Ghana Institute for Management and Public Administration (GIMPA) Law School.

Comrade Kwesi Pratt Jnr. has delivered a powerful Pan-African clarion call for reparations. Reparations is a bold, unapologetic 152-page demand for reparative justice — not only for slavery but also for colonialism.

The strength of this book is evident in how much it influenced President Mahama’s 2025 UN address, a speech that was hailed across the African continent and diaspora.

My favorite chapters are Chapters 3 and 4. In Chapter 3, titled The Case for Reparations, Mr. Pratt writes, “On a moral level, it is pretty straightforward. The transatlantic slave trade led to the kidnapping and forced labour of over 12 million Africans, along with countless deaths.

After that, colonialism brought even more misery: taking land, forced labour, stealing resources, destroying cultures, and mass killings. These were not just mistakes; they were deliberate actions by governments and institutions looking to profit off African lives.”

Elsewhere, he observes, “Reparations are also about reshaping the story. They take history back from those who oppressed and give it back to those who were oppressed.”

Mr. Pratt supports his argument with strong historical precedents, including the billions paid by Germany to Israel and Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, by the United States to Japanese Americans, and by Western nations to indigenous populations. He notes that the African Union’s calls for reparations are grounded on these very precedents.

He transforms the call for reparations from a purely African demand into a global movement by citing the case of India, which lost an estimated USD 45 trillion to Britain between 1765 and 1938.

He insightfully identifies the debtors of reparations as “states, corporations, religious orders, and wealthy families whose fortunes are built on the backs of enslaved Africans, colonized people, and pillaged resources.”

Mr. Pratt also explores possible models of reparations — including cash payments, debt cancellation, and investment in infrastructure, technology, and education.

Particularly compelling is his call for the establishment of Pan-African universities to educate and empower the continent’s youth. He proposes that reparations should be both continental and diasporic, estimating the cost at $2 trillion in slave labour and between $4–6 trillion for colonial resource extraction.

However, I noted two major omissions and a few cautions in this otherwise commendable work.

First, the book overlooks the Arab slave trade, which lasted longer and may have extracted even more labour from Africa. Secondly, it does not adequately address the complicity of African interior empires and coastal elites who became indispensable partners of European slave traders. These elites transformed cities such as Anomabu, Cotonou, and Dakar into wealthy trading hubs that rivalled Liverpool, Charleston, and Savannah in their time.

Additionally, I am concerned about accountability for reparations funds. If some elites in Ghana could misappropriate Covid-19 relief funds, and Nigerian kleptocrats could loot recovered Abacha assets, who can guarantee that reparations funds would not suffer the same fate?

Despite these minor blemishes, Comrade Pratt has written a classic that deserves to stand beside Adam Hochschild’s King Leopold’s Ghost, Eduardo Galeano’s Open Veins of Latin America, and Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. It is a vital contribution to global justice and should be required reading for anyone who believes in moral restitution and historical truth.

In salute, I say, “Comrade Kwesi Pratt, Aluta Continua, Victoria e certa!”

Arthur Kobina Kennedy

I had published an investigation that resulted in the cancellation of a $74 million fraudulent contract awarded to the Jospong Group.

The GJA President issued a press statement attacking my story. The press statement did not state anything wrong with the investigation, which was adjudged the overall best story in the 2018 West Africa Media Excellence Awards (WAMECA).

The GJA’s statement was concerned that a so-called profitable Ghanaian business was affected, saying such businesses should not be destroyed “in the name of investigative journalism.”

Last month, the GJA again offered its platform for a similar attack against The Fourth Estate, which had published a report on the KGL contract with the National Lotteries Authority (NLA). That contract diverted the income that should have been coming to the NLA to the private company, while the NLA gets only peanuts.

I am yet to see any rebuttal to the substance of The Fourth Estate report, but at the GJA’s award launch, the Executive Chairman of the KGL Group, Mr. Alex Apau Dadey, said, among others:

“The tendency to undermine our own across the country is worrying. The default reaction to successful local champions is often suspicion rather than celebration. Why do we cheer foreign conglomerates but question the success of local ones?”

Of course, he mentioned The Fourth Estate and referenced the publication on the NLA-KGL contract.

This is unfortunate, and the GJA should not follow money and allow private businesses caught in accountability journalism to spread this tired and false narrative that seeking accountability for public resources means destroying local businesses.

Such false narratives incite the public against journalists and media houses doing accountability journalism. It paints the journalists as enemies of the state, enemies of Ghanaian interests.

I don’t remember the GJA awards ever being named together with a sponsor, but this year’s event goes by the joint name GJA/KGL Awards. Irrespective of KGL’s sponsorship package, its officials shouldn’t be given the platform to undermine the very journalism that the GJA awards were created to honour.

Besides, it is not true that Ghanaian journalists are against local businesses. There are thousands of local businesses that have been built with the support of the media. There are also so-called businesses that sprout overnight, connive with politicians to sign obscene contracts that are detrimental to the interests of the state.

To say that the media should not expose them because they are local businesses is like saying a thief or an armed robber who attacks you should be set free if he is a Ghanaian.

Exposing corruption or unconscionable business dealings is not synonymous with targeting Ghanaian businesses. I have been reporting on Zoomlion’s operations since 2013, but not once have I reported on its contracts with private companies.

If, for instance, a private bank signs a private with Zoomlion, it is that bank’s responsibility to ensure that Zoomlion delivers. If the bank decides to pay Zoomlion for no work done, that is the bank’s problem.

However, if a business enters into a contract that involves public funds, it should be prepared to account to the public. It should not see accountability as an attack on Ghanaian business. Being a Ghanaian business doesn’t mean corruption.

If KGL thinks the publication got any facts wrong, the company should point it out. The company has the right to a rejoinder. And they have other remedies.

Using a GJA platform to dampen the spirit of the few media houses doing accountability journalism with such false and sweeping claims is detrimental to journalism.

The GJA must resist corporate capture and act in the interest of its members and good journalism.

Source: Manasseh Azure Awuni

When Dr. Cassiel Ato Forson assumed office as Minister for Finance on January 22, 2025, Ghana faced such a crossroads. The economy, weighed down by crippling debt and a crisis of confidence, required not just a manager but a master technician with the intellectual courage to execute a surgical and lasting fiscal reset.

Dr. Forson’s performance in the months that followed is not a story of minor adjustments; it is a narrative of intellectual rigor, decisive execution, and the swift restoration of Ghana’s credibility both domestically and internationally.

What sets Dr. Forson apart is the seamless blend of academic authority and political mastery. Unlike many finance ministers who learn on the job, he arrived with a blueprint for national recovery, crafted during his years of rigorous study.

His PhD in Finance from KNUST, earned in 2020, focused precisely on Ghana’s debt sustainability, concluding even then that the nation’s debt was on an unsustainable trajectory.

The policies he is now implementing are not speculative—they are the calculated application of his own evidence-based conclusions. Complementing this foundation is his qualification as an Oxford-trained Tax Professional (MSc in Taxation) and his experience as Ghana’s Alternate Governor to the IMF, where he played a key role in negotiating the 2015 Extended Credit Facility (ECF) Programme. This technical expertise allowed him to hit the ground running, essential for a nation in crisis.

A true measure of leadership is the speed and clarity with which one addresses public pain. Dr. Forson’s first actions were both fiscal and moral, aimed at restoring public trust.

In his inaugural address, he declared a clear mission: a “war against wasteful expenditure.” This vision became the cornerstone of his early success.

A decisive move came with the announcement—and subsequent parliamentary approval—of the scrapping of the Electronic Transfer Levy (E-levy). This unpopular tax had become a source of public frustration.

The government’s ability to remove a major revenue source, while simultaneously implementing rigorous cost-control measures to eliminate wasteful spending, demonstrated strategic confidence and renewed the social contract with Ghanaians.

Beyond this tactical victory, Dr. Forson’s crowning achievement is the structural and legislative reform he engineered to make fiscal discipline permanent.

Through amendments to the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921), he introduced two pillars of long-term stability: the Debt Rule, legally binding Ghana to reduce its debt-to-GDP ratio to 45% by 2035, and the Operational Rule, mandating an annual primary surplus of at least 1.5% of GDP. Supported by the establishment of an Independent Fiscal Council, these measures shield financial decisions from short-term political expediency and provide long-term assurance to investors and future generations.

To curb the chronic buildup of unpaid government commitments, Dr. Forson also implemented stringent controls requiring prior approval from the Ministry of Finance for all government contracts.

This discipline immediately paid off: in a high-level meeting with the nation’s bankers, he confidently assured that the government had built “sufficient financial buffers” to meet every obligation under the 2025 Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP), stating firmly, “We do not intend to default.” This decisive action stabilized the domestic financial sector and restored confidence in Ghana’s sovereign commitments.

International recognition soon followed. After the successful Staff-Level Agreement at the Fifth Review of the IMF ECF, global financial institutions spoke in unison. Moody’s upgraded Ghana’s sovereign credit outlook, praising the government’s fiscal discipline and structural reforms.

The IMF and World Bank commended the Ghanaian economic management team for “prudent fiscal stewardship and a coherent policy framework,” while IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva personally acknowledged Dr. Forson’s “strong commitment to economic reforms.”

Dr. Forson’s tenure is a testament to disciplined, scholarly leadership applied to the realities of political economy. By linking his PhD research on debt sustainability to legislative reforms like the PFM Act’s debt rule, and directing all Annual Budget Funding Amount (ABFA) revenues toward productive infrastructure projects, he has positioned Ghana to grow its way out of debt.

In transitioning Ghana from fiscal anxiety to structural assurance, Dr. Forson has proven himself the essential scholar-statesman for this era. His legacy is not only the stability he has restored but the foundation he has laid for “The Ghana We Want”—a nation built on prudence, discipline, and globally validated confidence.

He is a Finance Minister whose judgment the nation can trust, regardless of opposition or misunderstanding, and whose tenure is already shaping the future of Ghana’s economic destiny.

ALSO READ:

BoG sets June 2026 deadline for licensing of digital credit and…

Investor confidence rebounds as Ghana’s economy gains momentum – Mahama