Every Ghanaian, male or female, Christian or Muslim, traditionalist or agnostic, draws a certain level of inspiration from music.

Still, the multi-million question is, where and when did Ghanaian music emanate?

Ghana has a very musical history that mirrors the radiant diversified culture and tradition of its people.

The route of Ghana’s music can be traced back to many centuries when different African music sounds and styles got fused, but highlife was Ghana’s maiden specified genre of music.

Since the emergence of authentic highlife music in the early 1930s, music has not been the same in the West African sub-region.

With your permission, let me drive you through the major musical genres in Ghana and the personalities who have worked themselves out to make the genres prominent in contemporary Ghana.

HIGHLIFE MUSIC

Highlife music is arguably the oldest indigenous African music genre . Highlife music is believed to have originated from Ghana.

The musical genre spread like wild fire to Western Nigeria and Sierra Leon in the middle of the 19th Century.

By 1950, highlife had gained grounds, power and prominence not only in Ghana but in Liberia and Gambia as well.

The infantile or earliest form of Ghanaian highlife was primarily performed by brass bands along the Ghanaian coastal enclave.

Singing groups and customary bands sprang up in principal towns and cities like Kumasi, Elmina, Accra,Takoradi, Winneba and Cape Coast.

By the 20th Century, these bands had gained massive eminence and had incorporated a broader array of instruments, primarily of European origin, a vocal musical component and stylistic elements fused with both local music and jazz.

In no time, highlife emerged as a unique synthesis of American, African-American and European musical aesthetics.

Highlife was associated with the local African Aristocracy during the colonial period and was played by myriads of musical bands enveloping the Jazz Kings, Cape Coast Sugar Babies and the Accra Orchestra.

The upper class audience who relished the music in select clubs gave the music its name.

The term ‘highlife’ appeared in the early 1920’s as a catch -phrase or jargon for the orchestrated indigenous and local songs played at exclusive clubs by the early dance bands such as the Jazz Kings, the Cape Coast Sugar Babies, the Sekondi Nanshamang and later the Accra Orchestra.

The people outside called it highlife as they did not reach the class of the couples going inside who did not only pay a colossal entrance fee of about 7 shillings but also had to wear evening apparels including top-hats.

In the late part of 1949, highlife as a musical genre diverged into two distinctive parts: Dance Band Highlife and Guitar Band hHghlife. Guitar Band Highlife heavily featured smaller bands and was initially highly common in rural areas.

As a result of stringed instruments like the seprewa in the West African subregion, musicians were happy to incorporate the guitar. They also used the Dagomba style, a style borrowed from the kru sailors from Liberia to create highlife’s two -finger picking style.

Guitar band highlife also featured singing drums and claves. E.K. Nyame played a fulcrum role in the popularization of highlife with the help of his Akan trio band and would later speed on to release over 400 records during his enviable musical career.

Dance Band Highlife by contrast was deeply rooted in urban settings.The post war period saw larger dance orchestras being replaced by smaller professional dance bands, typified by the success of the legend E.T. Mensah and the Tempos.

As foreign troops departed, the primary and secondary audiences became increasingly Ghanaian and the music evolved to accommodate their taste. Mensah’s fame soared after he performed with Louis Armstrong in Accra in May 1956 thereby earning him the nickname the “Highlife King”.

Unequivocally writing, the highlife genre would not have been firmly rooted and widespread accepted in our Ghanaian setting without some Musical geniuses. At this juncture, allow me to take cognizance of the men who have immensely contributed to the growth of highlife music in Ghana.

AMAKYE DEDE

Popularly known as ‘Serious’, Daniel Amakye Dede is a Ghanaian highlife legend , singer and songwriter. Born on January 5 ,1958, the native of Asante Akim Agogo begun his musical journey in 1973 and has never looked back.

The “Sokoo na mmaa p3” hitmaker is arguably one of the best musical talents Ghana has ever seen.

His unique personality coupled with his scintillating voice and humility has won him the admiration and support from a chunk of music loving Ghanaians. In 1973, Nana Abrantie Amakye Dede joined the Kumapem Royals as a composer and vocalist.

This band led by Akwesi Ampofo Agyei had hits such as “Abebi bewu a eso”, “ Wanware me a” and “ Odo m’ani agyina”.

Later Amakye Dede moved to Nigeria where he composed his hit song ‘ Jealousy go shame’. Amakye after breaking away from the Kumapem Royals formed his own band, the Apollo High Kings in 1980.

He dominated the highlife scene in the 1980’s and in the 1990’s and has continued to release hit songs in modern time.

He has also headlined many mega concerts in Ghana and abroad. He remains the mentor of Kwame Eugene the two time VGMA highlife artiste of the year.

C.K.MANN

Born Charles Kofi Amankwah Mann, C. K. Mann was a Ghanaian highlife icon and producer born in 1936 at Cape Coast.The multiple awardee’s music career spanned over four decades.

The man who succinctly worked as a seaman joined Moses Kweku Oppong’s Kakaiku band. After familiarizing with the Ghanaian Music scene, he joined Ocean Strings and led the band until 1965. When the band got disjoined, he joined a newly formed band in Takoradi called the Carousel 7.

He came to prominence in 1969 when he released his single “Edina Benya ”. It was C.K. Mann who impressed on the owner of his band to sign Paapa Yankson.

In 2006, Mann was awarded the Grand Medal of Ghana for his exceptional contribution to the growth of Ghana’s music. Mann died on March 20, 2018 after a short illness.

PAAPA YANKSON

The history of Ghanaian music will be woefully incomplete without the mention of Paapa Yankson. Born Benjamin Yankson on June 22, 1944 at Winneba, Paapa Yankson is conceded by many music loving fans as the greatest highlife composer to ever live.

The Ghanaian highlife maestro until his death in 2017 recorded dozens of hit tracks. Popular among them are “show your love”, “wo yere anaa wo maame”, “ tena menkyen” and “wiase mu nsem”. These and many other songs encapsulated the illustrous career of Paapa Yankson.

Like C . K . Mann, Paapa Yankson was a receipient of the Grand Medal Award for his exceptional contribution to the growth of Ghanaian highlife music. The veteran highlifer died in his sleep on July 21, 2017.

KWADWO ANTWI

“Goovey”, “ Afrafra”, “ Densu ” and “Dont stop the music ” were albums released in 1994,1998 and 2002 respectively by Kwadwo Antwi , a legend in the Ghanaian musical circle. Born Julius Kojo Antwi , Mr. Music Man as he is affectionately called was born into a family with 13 siblings.

The highlife maestro grew up in Darkuman a suburb of Accra. With a career that has spanned close to 30 years, he has not disappointed.

He can boast of 22 albums with “ Tom and Jerry” being one of his successful singles. Over the years, Kwadwo Antwi has established himself as a consummate, a prolific songwriter, producer and an enigmatic performer.

Daasebre Dwamena, Daddy Lumba, Nana Kwame Ampadu, Dr.Paa Bobo , Akosua Agyapong, Paulina Oduro , Ewurama Badu, Gyedu-Blay Ambulley ,Kwame Eugene, Bisa K’dei, Kidi, Kofi Kinasta, King Promise and Akwaboah are some honourable mentions. These people have all contributed creditably to the growth of the highlife genre in Ghana and Africa at large.

HIPLIFE MUSIC

Hiplife star, Barima Sidney is not the type to shy away from controversy, often producing hitsongs with political undertones. He and many other musicians have opined in diverse ways pertaining to the originality of the hiplife genre.

Sydney, the “Obia ny3 Obia” hitmaker together with Gyedu-Blay Ambolley have debunked assertions that Reggie Rockstone is the originator of hiplife in Ghana. R

elax, take a seat back and allow me to cruise you through the history of hiplife music in Ghana.

The origin of Ghanaian hiplife dates back to the late 1970’s with musicians like Gyedu-Blay Ambolley and K.K Kabobo on the music scene.

As early as 1973, Ambolley released his first single “simigwado” a partial-rap in fanti-style to a small audience.

This saw him perform highlife variations with fast tempo and fast-spoken poetic lyrics. Ambulley would go on to be eulogized as the father of Ghanaian rap among his contemporaries.

Tennyson Quaye was often referred to as the backbone of Ghana music. In recognition of his own variation and introduction of Jama or Kpanlogo to fuse with hiplife.

The sound engineer has subsequently been commended in the music engineering field.

Reginald Osei, known in showbiz circles as Reggie Rockstone also begun to craft a nitch in an art form with producers like Mike Cooke, Rab Bakari and Zapp Mallet.

The “Tribe” was one of the first rap groups in Ghana consisting of Chief G now known as Jay Ghartey, Abeeku and Kweku T performing rap as back as 1989.

Reggie Rockstone forayed into what is now termed hiplife. In Twi, Reggie would flow over hip -hop beats, a style that had been used in Mahoney P’s debut album ‘Kofi Babone’.

Reggie Rockstone has been described as the “godfather of hiplife” since he spawned a new music genre in this country. After his debut album “Makaa maka” with the hit single “Choo Boi” the Ghanaian youth geared up for greater musical works.

A new era was born in the late 1998 when a young producer known as Hammer of “The Last Two” appeared on the Ghanaian musical space with original beats plus precision rap artistes.

Hammer, Born Edward Nana Poku Osei managed to fuse hip-hop grooves with local tempo street melodies, which caught the attention of both the young and the old , the elite and the masses as well.

Some of the biggest artistes in hiplife today were in Hammer’s line -up . Among them were Kwaw Kesse, Edem, Obrafour, Tinny and Sarkodie.

Sarkodie, Obrafour, Medikal, Okyeame Kwame and Yaa Pono are some of the notable hiplife artistes in Ghana.

DANCEHALL

Dancehall is a popular Jamaican genre that rose in the late 1970’s. Initially, dancehall was a sparse version of reggae.

In the mid -1980, digital instrumentation became more prevalent, changing the sound considerably with dancehall increasingly characterized with fast tempo rhythms.

In recent time, dancehall music has taken over the Ghanaian airwaves largely because of the emergence and dominance of Stonebwoy, Samini and Shatta Wale on the music scene.

Their tracks have dominated the music circles and seen them win numerous awards in and beyond the borders of Ghana.

As dominant as Stonebwoy, Samini and Shatta Wale may be in Ghana music today, they did not pioneer dancehall music in Ghana .

Before Shatta Wale, Samini and his progidy Stonebwoy came into full force, Yoggi Doggi was already doing his “ thing”.

Yoggi burst onto the scene at a very young age excelling as a guest on Akyeame’s “ Mesan aba”, a song released in 1999. Sonni Balli can not be kept out of the very few Ghanaians who upheld the banner of dancehall before it became what it is today.

Sonni Balli started as a rapper with the G-Life hiplife group. Balli ultimately decided to quit rap music after the G-Life group broke down.

Ghanaian music lovers will find it difficult to forget Terry Bonchaka, the man who served as the role model of Shatta Wale was so gifted that he could literally do everything with a microphone.

Essentially, the “Pulele” hitmaker was a dancehall artiste. In his short stint as a mainstream artiste, he dominated the music industry with his scintillating performance coupled with his startling voice and personality.

At just 21, he had attained Achilles status and had subsequently Conquered the Ghanaian music industry. Some of his records include “Poulele” and “zoozey”.

Terry Bonchaka died in a tragic accident in October 2003, a death that shook the foundation of the Ghana music industry .

GOSPEL MUSIC

For gospel lovers, this is for you. In Ghana, so much of Christian expression of spirituality at the popular level has been the result of charismatic movements.

Gospel music has become one of the most important expressions of popular Christianity.

Evidently, no other dimension of popular Christianity embodies the aspirations, fears, the self -understanding, the faith and hope of the ordinary Ghanaian Christian as the various strands of popular religious music, which has together been referred to as “Gospel Music”.

While many performers of commercial churches, bands, choirs and styles have circulated publicly, reintegrating them into the liturgical context of their worship has become difficult.

Gospel music is conceded the fastest growing genre of music in the country even today it cannot be contended. Gospel musicians are the most critiqued yet the less recognized. The Gospel music is a whole industry; the genre has maintained the music industry all this while.

There is a school of thought that spirit -filled gospel songs of these days are rare. The school believes that messages in the songs are not as edifying as they used to be.

Call it a lie, but there is a kind of fulfilment in “old gospel songs”. Could it be the production? I vehemently doubt because there is technological advancement and better equipment to record these days or I may agree because the “ better” technologies used these days even make music production less cumbersome.

At this writing barrier, let me sail you through some of the personalities who have worked ardently to project the image of Ghana.

PROFESSOR KOFI ABRAHAM

Born Abraham Kofi Boakye, Professor Kofi Abraham is a prolific writer and song writer. Kofi Abraham, who won an honourary award at the 20th VGMA’s was born on August 5, 1954 to strict Methodist parents at Sekyedumase in the Ashanti Region. He started as a terrazzo contractor but later went into music.

The voiceferous and enigmatic gospel icon once described some of the contemporary gospel songs as mere noise making.

Professor Kofi Abraham described as the doyen of Ghanaian gospel music had the title “Professor” conferred on him by a prominent member of the Late Hilla Limann’s administration.

With an illustrious career that has gone beyond 40 years, Kofi Abraham is mostly remembered for his hit songs, notable among them are “Yesu mo” and “wahye me” . There is no shred of doubt that Professor Kofi Abraham is a legend.

ESTHER SMITH

Born at Suame in Kumasi in the early 1970’s to Christian parents, Esther joined the Tesano Methodist Church Choir at a tender age of 14 and that was when she grew more into music.

According to Esther Smith, she started writing her songs after joining the Voices of Faith Choir in the early 1990’s.

Notwithstanding the difficulties she went through in her quest to release her maiden album “Gye no di”, Esther made a break through when she had support from Ankobea Music Production.

She affirmed her superiority in the gospel music by clinching the Best Gospel Album of the Year, Best Song of the Year and the Best Album of the Year at the 2004 Ghana Music Awards.

The likes of Amy Newman, Kwaku Gyasi, Mama Esther, the late Reverend Bonsu, Elder Mireku, Joe Mettle, the late Koda, OJ and a host of others have kept the gospel torch high and bright.

GHANAIAN DRILL MUSIC
Ghanaian drill music is a variant of hip hop. This exciting sound surfaced in Ghana as early as 2011 but gained national appeal and global recognition in 2020.

Influenced by American and UK drill , Ghanaian artistes imbued Ghanaian rhythms to create a distinctive sound that has since resonated with local and international audiences.

Ghanaian drill music is heavily youth-driven. Just like busking and pop music, Ghanaian drill swoops deep, creating an evocative picture of street life and activities.

Although myriad of Ghanaians refer to the music as “Asakaa”, the genre must not be misconstrued for the pioneering Asakaa Boys musical group.

“Asakaa”, comes from the “Saka”, a pronunciation of “Kasa”, the Twi word for “talk/ speak”. Influenced by the American and UK musical culture, Asakaa Boys americanised their home city “Kumasi” with a nuck name: Kumerica.

It became a strong movement for Ashanti or Kumasi based drill music artistes and influenced other famous Ghanaian artists like Black Sherif, Kwaku Darlington, Kwaku Flick and Yaw Tog.

The Grammy Awards recent inclusion of drill music in the African Music genre category is a testament to the growing impact of Ghanaian drill music on the international music scene.

Asakaa Boys’ “Akatafo)”, Yaw Tog’s ‘sore remix’, Jay Bhad’s ‘condemn’ , Black Sherif’s ‘first sermon’ are classical examples of Ghanaian drill music.

The aforementioned ‘drillers’ are breaking boundaries with their music and consequently influencing a new cadre of musicians with their sound.

To reckon, Ghanaian music is on the rise. We came from far and I believe we will surely make advances

The writer is an ardent music lover and critic , a political communications specialist and a netizen.

This common law tort, incorporated into Ghanaian law through the Courts Act, 1993, raises questions about gender roles, marital power dynamics, and individual rights.

Enticement occurs when a third party persuades a spouse to withdraw their services from their partner.

To succeed in an enticement claim, the husband must prove the third party’s involvement in inducing his wife’s actions.

Section 54 of the Courts Act gives courts discretion to apply common law principles.

The case of Mate v Amanor (1973) highlights the challenges in proving enticement, as the court found that the wife’s withdrawal of services was not due to inducement or persuasion by a third party.

Critics argue that enticement laws reinforce patriarchal attitudes, treating wives as property. Others see it as protecting marital relationships.

As societal norms evolve, laws like enticement warrant reexamination to ensure alignment with modern values.

Should laws like enticement be reevaluated to reflect contemporary understandings of marriage and individual rights?

The discussion around enticement underscores the importance of refining legal principles to prioritize equality and individual autonomy.

Your input is valued. We welcome your Feedback and comments.

You’re thriving at work.

You’re respected by your peers.

To everyone else, it looks like you’ve “arrived.”

But deep inside… something is shifting.

It’s not dissatisfaction.

It’s not ambition.

It’s a divine stirring.

A whisper in your spirit that says: “This isn’t all.”

This article is for the woman who knows her current job matters — but senses there’s something more.

A deeper assignment.

A call to build something that outlives her role and her résumé.

If that’s you, you may already be standing at the edge of your next assignment, without even realizing it.

Here are 3 signs that show you are ready to step into God’s bigger assignment for you…

# 1. You Feel a Tug… Even When Everything Looks “Fine”

On paper, your life makes sense. You’re performing well. You’re trusted. You’re delivering.

But somewhere in your heart, there’s a nudge that won’t go away.

You feel stirred. Restless. A holy unease.

That’s not confusion…that’s calling.

It’s not a sign to run.
Rather, it’s an invitation to listen and come up higher.

# 2. You’ve Started Helping Others… Quickly and Naturally

Maybe you mentor junior colleagues at work.

Maybe you’ve helped friends navigate the storms you once survived, and somehow, it feels easy and fulfilling.

These aren’t random acts of kindness; they are breadcrumbs to your blueprint.

And now…You may even be feeling the desire to do more with it…to structure it and scale it to serve more people, with more clarity and consistency.

When purpose starts knocking, it sometimes shows up as a quiet impact. Trust me when I tell you that what’s casual to you is life-changing for someone else, so please don’t treat it lightly.

#3. You Keep Hearing God’s Nudge – “Build this.”…’ Start this’..

You keep getting the same prompt in prayer..

Start the blog..

Launch the mentoring circle…

Write the book….

Teach the course….

Birth that platform…

But it feels bigger than you. It feels scary. Stretching. Sacred. Guess what? That’s how you know it’s a divine assignment. It often shows up as an instruction that demands faith, not perfection.

So….

Have you experienced or are you experiencing any of these?

Then God is definitely calling you to MORE! Isn’t that exciting?

Well, here are a few tips to help you as you go on this journey..

1. Your Job is NOT a Barrier to Starting Now: You read that right!

Your job is not in the way. It could be a seedbed for your assignment as it funds your vision, refines your discipline, and sharpens your resilience.

That tough boss? Training

That complex project? Strategy school

That demanding season? Capacity stretch.

Everything you have learnt and are going through right now have been preparing you — not just for the promotion but for your higher assignment.

2. Your Purpose is NOT a Side-Hustle: It’s not a weekend hobby or something to do when you’re less busy.

It’s a sacred mandate – an eternal investment.

It’s a divine contribution only you can make in your generation.

So treat it as such. Take action. Start small…be strategic….and scale fast. There are lives waiting for what only you carry.

3. Your Journey Should NOT be Lonely: The journey to birthing purpose while thriving at work and home is beautiful but not always easy. You’ll face doubts, resistance and moments when you will wonder why you ever decided to start…moments when quitting will look easier than continuing.

That’s why you need two powerful forms of support – a Coach who can guide you with clarity, strategy, and accountability; and a Community that sees you, believes in you and reminds you of who you are when life gets loud.

You are not meant to do this alone. Surround yourself with women who are also saying YES to their next level, and watch your obedience turn into overflow.

This is why the Uncommon Woman Movement exists – to guide Career Women like you – women with ambition, a heart for impact and a burning desire to make God proud.

We help you merge your job and your calling gracefully so that you excel and grow in your career while birthing the MORE inside you.

So, if you’ve been sensing a tug…

If you’ve been asking, “Lord, is this You?”

If you’ve been waiting for a sign…

This is it.

Then visit the link – https://www.uncommonwomanmovement.org/gh/ – to join us as we launch in Ghana and let’s build a legacy, impact lives, and glorify God fully and fearlessly – one Uncommon Woman at a time!

The decisions we make today will significantly shape our collective future we all anticipate and hope for and if care is not taken by all and sundry, that future will elude us all. Following the party’s significant electoral defeat in the 2024 general elections, we appear weakened.

This current state of the party, could be liked to a once celebrated and prized thoroughbred—known for its strength and agility—now sickened by self inflicted injuries which have impeded its performance.

Using this horse analogy, we must all understand that we cannot hastily saddle a sick horse and expect it to gallop. Wise stewardship requires us to first treat its injuries after a careful diagnosis of the underlying issues, and to provide the necessary care for a full recovery. Only then can the horse get better, carry weight, endure the journey ahead, and reach new milestones.

The leadership’s call for supporters to stop vilifying fellow party members must be taken seriously. Attacking one another and disparaging potential contenders only exacerbates the wounds of a horse struggling to stand. Internal conflicts deepen the division and risk permanently damaging the health of the party. National leadership must adopt a proactive approach—cautioning members who cross the line, enforcing discipline when necessary, and ensuring that all true members adhere to the party’s code of conduct, core values, and constitutional dictates.

Discipline at all levels should be non-negotiable, starting with our national leadership. Potential candidates must take responsibility and call their supporters to order. If we fail to manage our own ranks as leaders, we will undoubtedly struggle to control them and maintain the peace and unity necessary for meaningful progress and comeback.

The time for the opening of nominations will come, but that time is not now. Let us respect the party, its structures, and, most importantly, each other. Only through such respect can we support the recovery of this ailing horse we all eagerly want to ride.

We must also remember that our opponents deal with internal conflicts too, yet they appear to manage their differences with seeming maturity and discretion. In contrast, we shamefully unravel publicly before the very electorate whose trust we seek to regain.

Rebuilding requires a deliberate and methodical process anchored on several key areas, each serving as a remedy aimed at comprehensive restoration:

1. Unity and Cohesion
“Unity is strength; division is weakness.”
The party must pursue genuine reconciliation and inclusivity. A united front is essential for rebuilding public trust and regaining electoral viability.

2. Introspection and Accountability
Just as a sick horse cannot heal without first diagnosing its condition, the NPP must reflect on the causes of its defeat. Honest introspection, must be an objective assessment of past mistakes, and accountability—not for punishment, but as a pathway toward clarity, renewal, and restored confidence.

3. Effective Leadership and Capacity Building
Revitalizing the party demands fresh thinking and innovative approaches. Developing leadership capacity at all levels—through mentorship, training, and inspiration—is critical to restoring competence and credibility.

4. Strategic Communication and Branding
Just as a recovering horse must be carefully rebranded before reintroduced to compete again, the NPP must manage its narrative strategically. Effective internal and external communication is vital for restoring public confidence and reshaping the party’s image.

5. Grassroots Engagement
“Roots determine fruits.”
Healing the party needs a focus on its foundations. Robust grassroots mobilization and meaningful engagement must remain central, as our grassroots supporters are the true custodians of our party.

The premature scramble for positions by ambitious members—defying collective directives and caution—resembles an attempt to saddle a horse still struggling to stand. Such actions jeopardize our recovery and threatens our survival. No member or faction is greater than the collective constitutional aspirations of the party.

As Confucius wisely stated, “It does not matter how slowly you go as long as you do not stop.” The path to rebuilding is not a sprint; it demands patience, resilience, discipline, and collective responsibility.

It is therefore incumbent upon every member—regardless of rank or ambition—to embrace this season of healing and transformation. We must nurse our party back to health, equipping it with the strength needed not just to compete but to be attractive, be seen as worthy and ready for the task ahead.

Ultimately, a well-healed horse is a powerful symbol of strength, speed, and dependability—an apt metaphor for a rebuilt, revitalized, and resurgent New Patriotic Party, ready to fulfill its mission with distinction, unity, and in Development in Freedom.

God bless the New Patriotic Party.
God bless us all.

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On this stand-off between GRNMA and the government, it was the thinking of the Minority not to take a partisan position until such a time that the rights of our hard-working nurses had been totally disregarded by the government.

In this instance, we decided to present an urgent statement on the floor, coming under Order 93(i).

This Order allows for all issues of urgent national importance to be admitted by the Speaker.

Nonetheless, and for fear of the unknown, our friends on the other side of the House thought we were going to stoke up the highly volatile situation by attacking the government and supporting the strike.

This was not our call. Indeed, the joint statement written by the Second Deputy Chief Whip, Jerry Ahmed, and me, as I read, was nothing more than asking the government to be sensitive to the rights of the GRNMA, while at the same time asking the GRNMA to be merciful to Ghanaians as they seek their rights.

Ultimately, the Minority’s posture — and for that matter, the NPP’s parliamentary party posturing — respectfully prevailed on the day the Health Committee met the stakeholders.

In attendance were the Minister of Health, Kwabena Mintah Akandoh and his team, Deputy Minister of Finance, Thomas Ampem Darko and his team, the Fair Wages Commission CEO, Dr. George Smith-Graham, representatives, and the powerful team of the GRNMA.

Thank God, the Minority’s position became the common position of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Health.

To all those who thought we were going to be an insensitive Minority by playing politics at first hand with this very delicate situation — arguably, you have been disappointed!

The statement I read, which also became another issue for admission in the House on that fateful Wednesday, June 11, 2025, speaks for itself.

Be it as it may, the Minority at the Committee sitting made it clear that if, in two weeks — that is, the 26th June meeting — the government does not reciprocate the gesture of goodwill in line with the proposals the Committee put forward, then the caucus will have no choice but to go all out with the GRNMA until their concerns are fully addressed.

Folks, we couldn’t have started off by being very political on this sensitive issue. In 2020, when the GRNMA went on a two-week strike, the NDC took advantage of it. We did not.

Nevertheless, if we are prevailed upon to do so come the 26th of June meeting, we will live up to expectations. Blessings to you!

These reflections are not drawn from abstract surveys but from real-life experiences shared by men in “brotherhood” circles and across various social media platforms — stories I have personally monitored and compiled over time.

From heartbreak to frustration, these men reveal a side of the fatherhood conversation that is rarely acknowledged. Here is a compelling look at ten kinds of women who, knowingly or unknowingly, contributed to this reality.

1. The “I’m Not in the Mood” Lady

This is one of the most common experiences men recount in relationships and marriages. These women are often emotionally unavailable or sexually withdrawn, consistently rejecting intimacy over prolonged periods. Despite being ready and willing to start a family, many men feel sidelined by partners who always seem “not in the mood.”
While some couples eventually overcame this through counselling, patience, or honest confrontation, others never got the opportunity to embrace fatherhood due to the emotional disconnect.

2. The “I’m Not Ready Now” Girl

Closely related to the above, these are women who conceive but claim they aren’t ready — emotionally, mentally, or financially. Regardless of the man’s willingness to father the child, the woman may choose to terminate the pregnancy. Many men describe feeling helpless and excluded from a decision that changed the course of their lives.

3. The Revered Church Girl

Often active in choir groups, ushering teams, or prayer departments, these women are deeply concerned about their public image. While they may engage in intimate relationships privately, some choose to terminate pregnancies to avoid “shame” or disappointing their church community.

4. The Professional High-Flier

Focused on career advancement, these women often see motherhood as a hindrance. Several men shared experiences of partners who kept postponing childbearing in pursuit of promotions, postgraduate studies, or international relocation, only to eventually opt out of motherhood entirely.

5. The Family Hope

Known as “the chosen one,” this woman carries the emotional, moral, and financial burden of her family. When she conceives unexpectedly — especially while unmarried — she often feels pressured to abort, fearing she may “disgrace” the family or compromise her responsibilities.

6. The Transactionalist

These women treat relationships and pregnancy as calculated investments. Before deciding to keep a child, they evaluate the man’s income, future prospects, and social status. If there’s no perceived “return on investment,” they often walk away — or terminate the pregnancy. According to some men, they ask bluntly, “What’s in it for me?”

7. The Peer-Pressured Socialite

Influenced by social trends and peer expectations, these women avoid motherhood to preserve their lifestyle. Focused on travel, fashion, nightlife, or social media appeal, they often delay settling down. When faced with pregnancy, many choose to terminate or avoid discussing it entirely, insisting there’s plenty of time ahead.

8. The Trauma-Scarred

Some women have endured past abuse, loss, or medical complications related to childbirth. These experiences leave lasting emotional scars, causing them to fear pregnancy or parenthood. Even in loving and supportive relationships, they may choose not to carry a pregnancy to term.

9. The “On My Terms” Feminist

These women are deeply rooted in autonomy and control. Even within committed relationships, they often insist on making reproductive decisions independently. Some men report being informed of a pregnancy only after it has been terminated. In brotherhood circles, such women are often referred to as “destiny delayers” — likened to the proverbial “Konongo Kaya.”

10. The “One That Got Away”

Finally, there are those who simply walked away — sometimes during pregnancy, or just before. Whether motivated by greener pastures, personal uncertainty, or external pressure, their sudden departure leaves men mourning not just the end of a relationship, but also the fatherhood that could have been.

In Conclusion

While many women have valid, complex, and deeply personal reasons behind their decisions, these stories reveal the often-overlooked emotional toll on men. As we honour fathers this weekend, let us also remember those who wanted to be fathers — but were never given the chance. For them, Father’s Day is a bittersweet reminder of what could have been.

About the Writer:
Freeman Kwade is a journalist, social educator, and Brand and Media Strategist. He is also an adjunct lecturer and a Senior Media Officer at the University of Professional Studies, Accra.

Were I to write a book on my investigative journalism career, I would dedicate a chapter to the role you have played in the success of that story.

I began my full-time career after winning the GJA Journalist of the Year award in 2011, a year after graduating from journalism school.

But, even then, I wasn’t an investigative journalist. During the studies for my first and second journalism degrees, I did not take a class in investigative journalism. In fact, investigative journalism was not part of the dreams I wanted to pursue after school.

It started in 2013, three months after I joined Joy FM, and a month after you were sworn into office. A man who said he could vouch for my integrity gave me a lead on an act of corruption at the Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development Agency (GYEEDA). I set out to ascertain the truth or otherwise of the allegation, and it became my first investigative story.

Mr. President, you constituted a committee to probe further, and the committee’s work corroborated my story and revealed even more. Two people went to jail as a result of the GYEEDA scandal. The Parliament of Ghana passed a law to regulate GYEEDA, which was subsequently renamed the Youth Employment Agency (YEA). That bill was initiated by the executive, on your orders.

All the GYEEDA contracts were cancelled except one. The cancellations saved Ghana at least $100 million. Monies were retrieved, and some corrupt officials lost their jobs.

The only contract that survived my GYEEDA investigations in 2013 is the Zoomlion contract, which you said would not be renewed. That obscene contract was signed in 2006 and will mark its 20th anniversary next year.

Those who have followed my work over the years need no reminder of how deeply invested I have been in that shady contract, which has cost Ghana billions of cedis but has left the nation poorer and filthier. I spoke to a 49-year-old widow while investigating the story in 2013, and the anger about the heartlessness of that contract has stayed with me forever.

That unconscionable Zoomlion contract with its dubious terms started during President John Agyekum Kufuor’s administration and has since survived every presidency.

Your decision to discontinue this contract has reinforced my long-held faith in not giving up on a just and noble cause, even if nobody else believes in it.

It’s been 12 years fighting, and your action is the most appropriate response to those who asked why I would not give up and move on, when nobody was prepared to discontinue the contract.

After the GYEEDA investigation, my family advised me against pursuing investigative journalism. As they said, it was too dangerous, especially considering the calibre of people and businesses I pursued without covering my face.

But the impact of my first story was enough proof that I could cause change in my own way, and that anchored me in the turbulent seas of investigative journalism. Mr. President, you spearheaded the impact, even though I felt you could have punished more culprits in the GYEEDA scandal.

Another significant way you aided my investigative journalism career was by providing me with the freedom and security to do my work, even when some of the stories directly affected you.

If the insecurity, treachery, and vindictiveness I endured in the Akufo-Addo era had hit me at the beginning of my investigative journalism, before I developed the resilience needed to endure, I might have succumbed to my family’s pressure and left the dangerous arena.

Your latest action on this dubious Zoomlion contract is the kind of fuel investigative journalists and activists need to keep fighting. I’ve reached the stage in my journalism career where awards and recognition no longer matter as much as they once did. And if I wanted money, looking the other way would have been more rewarding than hunting shady enterprises with enough ill-gotten money to seal the lips of their pursuers with millions of dollars without feeling the pinch.

What moves me is impact, and impact does not always emanate from the journalist. Journalists don’t have the power to prosecute or punish. Besides providing an atmosphere for free speech, a president who acts on investigations also oils the wheels of accountability journalism. And that’s what you’ve done for me, while inspiring others.

Mr. President, we cannot agree on everything, and I cannot promise that I won’t criticise your government, but you have relieved me of one of my heaviest burdens. It may be too early yet, but you have so far proven me right on my statement in Bola Ray’s interview last year that “comparing Akufo-Addo and John Mahama is like comparing day and night.” I sent this same issue to the bedroom of President Akufo-Addo, but he didn’t even acknowledge it. (It constitutes the chapter in my book titled “Why I met Akufo-Addo’s Wife with A Brown Envelope.”)

In my book, The President Ghana Never Got, I wrote a chapter titled “Why I Will Not Vote,” and my reason for not voting was because of that singular contract. I didn’t see the essence of a democracy that elects a few people to connive with corrupt entities to treat our people like animals. I once told someone that I hated coups, but if a coup maker would terminate that Zoomlion contract, I wouldn’t object to the usurper’s ascendency to political power. That’s how strongly I felt about this deal.

In a significant way, you have restored my faith in our democracy. If a civilian president could be relied on to act in the interest of the people, then Ghanaians would lose the appetite for populist military rulers and stop drooling over the antics of the young man across our northern border.

I will keep a keen eye on the promises you made in your letter. I will follow up and ask for timelines, when the assemblies will take over and manage the sweepers. The process of resetting the sanitation sector has just begun, and I will keep my part of the bargain as a citizen, not a spectator, especially now that being a citizen appears a worthwhile enterprise under your watch.

While I celebrate your boldness in taking this decision, I want to remind you about the promise you made on the scandalous SML contract. You said the NDC would not recognise the dubious contract. You are in your sixth month, but the contract is still running.

I will continue to play my role as a journalist and help your administration in bringing justice to Ghanaians. I will volunteer information, including evidence, that your administration may require to retrieve money from the YEA contract with Zoomlion and the fraudulent fumigation deals, as well as SML.

Many impressed sceptics of your administration I encounter these days ask whether what they’re seeing in your presidency is what the second coming of Mahama really brings, or if it will be a nine-day wonder.

Like them, I’m impressed, but I cannot assure them that what we are seeing won’t be a short-lived fairy tale. That assurance can only come from you. I pray that you succeed, for if you do, Ghana prospers.

I wish you well, Mr. President.

Yours sincerely,

Manasseh Azure Awuni.

From one vantage point, the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP )’s insistence on in-person appearance represents the uncompromising pursuit of procedural integrity; from another, it strikes like an overzealous power grab that crushes the presumption of innocence.

At its heart, this is more than a clash between a high-profile suspect and a determined anti-corruption agency—it is a test of whether Ghana’s rule of law can accommodate both rigorous investigation and the bedrock rights guaranteed under Article 19 of the 1992 Constitution which provides for fair trial of a person charged with a criminal offence. But, is Ken Ofori-Atta charged with a criminal offence? The OSP says, “No”.

Mr. Ofori-Atta’s journey from the rank of finance minister to “wanted” figure began in January 2025, when the OSP first notified him of five separate corruption inquiries and asked for his appearance on February 10.

His legal team responded with medical documentation of treatment abroad, offering remote cooperation but withholding a firm return date.

As successive deadlines passed—despite the appearance of biopsy reports and assurances of surgery—the OSP publicly framed each delay as calculated evasion.

By June 2, with no physical appearance and no unwavering travel plan, the OSP triggered an INTERPOL Red Notice, elevating the local standoff into an international theatre.

Legal experts, including Kofi Bentil, IMANI’s Vice President and the Director of Research Strategy and Communication at the OSP, Appiah Darko, clashed on JoyNews’ NewsFile June 7, 2025 edition.

Kofi Bentil immediately seized on this escalation as a constitutional crisis. He cautioned that treating a suspect as a fugitive for declining to attend an investigatory session dents Ghana’s guarantee of “innocent until proven guilty” (see clause 2c), risks trial by media, and sets a dangerous precedent for unfettered investigatory power.

Kofi Bentil insists that once evidence meets a threshold, the OSP should file formal charges in court and allow the accused to deploy every safeguard of a fair hearing—whether in person or, if necessary, in absentia.

In his view, due process serves as both shield and sword, protecting individuals from arbitrary state action while empowering the judiciary to adjudicate contested facts.

Samuel Appiah Darko offers a counterpoint grounded in procedural law and institutional mandate. He stresses that Ghanaian statutes forbid trial in absentia until a suspect has been formally arrested and charged (see clause 3). Absent that arrest, the OSP argues, there is no legal basis for proceeding in any forum—virtual or otherwise.

From this perspective, Ofori-Atta’s medical correspondence, arriving piecemeal and without a definitive travel schedule, did not satisfy the requirement of personal engagement with investigators.

To waive that requirement, Appiah Darko contends, would be to allow suspects to dictate the scope and timing of investigations, thereby eroding the OSP’s capacity to enforce anti-corruption statutes.

Put side by side, Bentil’s constitutional fervour and Darko’s procedural rigour reveal a deeper tension at the core of democratic governance. Kofi Bentil warns that the spectacle of a “wanted” man, known to be abroad and undergoing serious illness, risks turning legal instruments into political theatre.

Appiah Darko counters that rules without teeth invite endless delays and expose anti-corruption bodies to strategic manipulation.

Each stance carries merit: safeguarding fundamental liberties demands vigilance against prosecutorial overreach, yet empowering law enforcement to pursue complex financial crimes requires unwavering adherence to formal processes

Beyond this tug-of-war lies a wider reckoning for Ghana’s political and legal order. If the OSP prevails in narrowly demanding physical appearance before filing charges, suspects with the means to travel, or to secure staggered medical affidavits, could evade scrutiny indefinitely.

Conversely, if suspects can trigger in-absentia trials or binding remote interviews at will, investigative agencies may lose the authority to compel testimony and preserve vital evidence.

The balance struck here will ripple through future corruption probes, influence investors’ perception of Ghana’s governance, and shape citizens’ faith in impartial justice.

Regardless, the curtains are yet to be drawn on this drama. Will Ken Ofori-Atta return, risking immediate arrest and trial, or will the OSP’s Red Notice prove a hollow threat?

Might the interpretive jurisdiction of the apex court be invoked to clarify the interplay between Article 19’s fair-trial protections and the OSP Act’s investigative prerogatives? And could this saga prompt legislative reform—perhaps a Mutual Legal Assistance framework that marries remote cooperation with robust enforcement?

What began as a dispute over one man’s obligations has become a landmark moment for the rule of law. The next act of this legal drama will determine whether Ghana’s system emerges fortified or fractured under the glare of its own highest ideals.

Credit- IMANI’s Criticality Analysis of Governance Issues-June 1-7, 2025

He asserted that candidate Kufuor in 1996 had only a short three to four months to campaign, and that was why Kufuor was given a second chance in 1998.

This is false. In 1996, candidate Kufuor was elected flagbearer in April—a clear eight months before the general elections.

Everyone who was a delegate in 1998 knows Kufuor was re-elected due to his hard work in the 1996 campaign.

If the NPP considered the length of the campaign period, then Prof. Adu Boahen, who had only two months (September to October 1992) to campaign, would have been re-elected flagbearer in 1996.

Kennedy Agyapong also claims that Ghanaians say they will vote for the NPP if he, Ken, is flagbearer.

Which Ghanaians told him that?

He insinuated that the NPP lost the 2024 elections because Bawumia is a Muslim.

This insinuation is false. How come Bawumia performed better than over 50 NPP Christian parliamentary candidates, some of whom were pastors?

The Professor Oquaye committee also did not find religion to be a key factor in the NPP’s loss.

Adu Boahen lost in 1992, Kufuor in 1996, Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012, Professor Mills in 2000 and 2004, and John Mahama in 2016.

None of them was said to have lost because of their religion. But Bawumia’s loss, according to Ken Agyapong, is due to religion? How absurd and warped.

If NPP Christian leaders did not want a Muslim, how come they selected Bawumia in the 2024 super delegates’ contest against nine Christian contenders, including Kennedy Agyapong, and again in the main primary against five Christian contenders, including Kennedy Agyapong?

Or perhaps NPP delegates were predominantly Muslims?

Kennedy Agyapong even contradicts himself. In the same address at Mampong, he attributed the NPP’s loss to Akufo-Addo not appointing enough NPP members. Kennedy needs to resolve this confusion in his mind.

He has, in the recent past, described NPP members as foolish. Why does he want to lead a party he considers full of fools?

At Berekum, he wondered how poor people in the NPP want to speak. Does he expect poor people to elect him as their leader?

He called for unity at Mampong. But how do you unite a party by telling lies about it and maligning other party leaders?

They say, “Let Ken be Ken.” But Mampong was a poor reflection of who Kennedy Agyapong is.

Authored by:

1. Nana Akomea

2. Dr. Gideon Boako

3. Dennis Miracles Aboagye

4. Kofi Tontoh

5. Lawyer Kwasi Botchway

6. Dr. Akua Amoako

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• Kennedy Agyapong’s withdrawal from the ‘Thank you tour’ is a good sign for NPP…

Who are those strutting their stuff in the hot sun, attempting to annex a seat that does not belong to them?

Amid the tantrums, where is the voice of the arbiter?

Where is the bell of the institution mandated to deal fairly with all sides and bring an end to the seeming stalemate?

Where is the voice of decision-making?

We all watch from the sidelines, not wanting to be accused of interfering with the constitutional mandate of the referee—wishing to be perceived as bastions of democracy who do not interfere with the authority of an EC Chairperson who dances kpanlogo to the sound of the fontomfrom drums.

But the voice of the people must be heard on the soil of Ablekuma North. The cry of her constituents must be regarded by the matriarchs and patriarchs of the land.

The whip must be cracked by the spirit of the nation. The scales of Lady Justice must stand balanced, even as her blindfold signifies the absence of bias.

So let us all speak. Let us tell the EC that enough is enough. Let us tell Jean Mensa to declare a re-run in the sixty-two (62) polling stations of the Ablekuma North Constituency for peace to prevail.

REWIND

On December 7 and 8, 2024, violence at the Ablekuma North collation centre led to the destruction of a number of carbonated pink sheets.

Subsequently, carbonated pink sheets were used to collate results from 219 out of the 281 polling stations in the Ablekuma North Constituency.

At that point, there were no more carbonated pink sheets—neither from the EC, the NDC, nor the NPP—to continue the collation exercise.

The NPP then attempted to present scanned pink sheets to proceed with the collation.

Dr. Benjamin Bannor Bio, EC Director of Elections, declared that scanned pink sheets would not be accepted.

However, on January 5, 2025, Dr. Serebour Quaicoe, EC Director for Training, changed the directive and instructed the Returning Officer to accept the NPP’s scanned pink sheets.

On what authority does a Director for Training overturn the decision of the Director of Elections at this critical stage of the electoral process?

Subsequently, 42 scanned pink sheets were wrongfully accepted by the EC for collation—despite serious opposition from the NDC.

Then, in a swift change of tactics, on January 6, 2025, thirteen (13) Ablekuma North Presiding Officers who oversaw some of the remaining polling stations during the December 7 election were brought by the EC to the collation centre to validate the NPP’s scanned pink sheets.

On January 8, four (4) more presiding officers were brought in.

Yet, some of these 17 Presiding Officers were unable to validate the results on the scanned pink sheets for their respective polling stations.

UNANSWERED QUESTIONS

1. Is it lawful—or part of EC training—to use scanned pink sheets from one political party to collate election results, when both the EC and the other party have no carbonated pink sheets to validate those figures?

2. In such a situation, is it fair for the EC to declare the election in favour of the political party that provided the scanned pink sheets?

3. What kind of audacity makes this acceptable?

4. How can the EC claim, in a bold-faced lie, that the decision to accept the scanned pink sheets was unanimously agreed upon by all parties?

The swashbuckling display led by the EC Chairperson and her two deputies is not acceptable.

No ground stomping, no walk from Timbuktu to Accra, no swimming through shark-filled oceans, no unpalatable grunting from a wounded elephant and its associates, will ever make what is wrong… right.

Adukwei, order a re-run in the sixty-two (62) polling stations of Ablekuma North where NPP scanned pink sheets were used for collation… and stop wasting our time with diabolic drama.

I am for peace.

Shalom.

In a world drawn to spectacle, that quiet honesty made the Assembly truly historic.

The message was clear: the era of ever-expanding global health budgets is over. Even the WHO trimmed evening sessions to cut costs. But this wasn’t an Assembly of despair — it was one of reinvention.

Attending my second Assembly in 25 years, I came with conviction: Africa is not too poor to deliver healthcare. What it needs are deep roots — ownership, inclusion, and trust.

By ownership, I mean strong leadership and political commitment. Inclusion ensures no one is left behind. And trust is built through credible partnerships that deliver on promises. This belief resonated throughout the sessions.

There was criticism — some expected, others profound. The U.S. Health Secretary, in a recorded message, described the WHO as outdated and called for a new framework. The U.S. even abstained from supporting the first pandemic agreement, backed by 124 nations.

Yet, the loudest calls for change came from within. Questions were raised: Do we need so many global health agencies? Can the WHO become smaller and more agile, as Thailand’s Suwit Wibulpolprasert asked? Former New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark called it a moment for reinvention.

And reinvention began. China pledged $500 million, becoming the WHO’s top state donor. Angola committed $8 million — a bold signal that Africa is stepping up. The Novo Nordisk Foundation, CIFF, Nippon Foundation, Switzerland, Sweden, Qatar, and others contributed more than $170 million combined.

The tone had shifted: less performance, more pragmatism.

Innovation and data are no longer buzzwords — they’re vital tools to guide investment, improve care, and rebuild trust across both rich and poor nations.

Countries like Ghana, Egypt, and Rwanda showcased health insurance models rooted in sovereignty, not dependency.

Pharmaceutical giants and major firms participated in smaller, previously overlooked forums — not to market products, but to engage on sustainability and trust.

Non-communicable diseases — responsible for 74% of global deaths — finally got the spotlight they deserve. HIV pooled procurement slashed ARV prices from $10,400 to just $40. Can we do the same for insulin and hypertension medicines?

Discussions on malaria, TB, maternal health, and neglected diseases echoed a common truth: our problem isn’t ignorance — it’s failure to deliver on what we already know.

The global health workforce crisis was reframed. It’s not only about migration — it’s about systems failing to absorb and empower talent. Wasted capacity is a policy failure.

The cracks in global health are visible — but now, they are also seen as openings for real reform.

I left Geneva with hope, not hype.

Money is tight. But the resolve for meaningful impact feels stronger than ever.

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Your demands for fair pay, improved working conditions, and relief from burnout are not only legitimate but urgent. No one should have to endure the daily struggles you face in our health facilities.

Your fight for justice is valid, and the government must accelerate its efforts to genuinely honour its commitments and bring about a swift resolution.

Yet, as you stand firm in your protest, I ask you to pause for a moment and consider the profound impact of your absence—not as a critique, but as a reminder of the sacred responsibility you carry. In this country, nursing is more than a profession; it is a calling deeply woven into our cultural fabric—a symbol of care, compassion, and community.

It is a trust placed in you by every mother who brings her newborn to your care, every elderly father hoping for comfort in his twilight years, and every expectant woman praying for a safe delivery.

Right now, those prayers are echoing in hospitals and clinics left dangerously understaffed. The vulnerable children, the elderly, and pregnant women are the ones bearing the heaviest burden. Lives that could be saved, suffering that could be eased, and hope that could be restored are slipping through the cracks.

It is heartbreaking to witness, even from a distance, the avoidable loss of life unfolding in the absence of those who know best how to heal.

I do not blame you. The health sector’s challenges are real and complex, and the government must respond with urgency and empathy to your demands. But I ask you to weigh those systemic failings against the immediate human cost.

Every day without nurses on the frontlines is a day our people face heightened risks—a fragile child with pneumonia left to struggle without care, a mother laboring alone, an elderly patient deteriorating without comfort or timely attention.

Our nurses are the backbone of Ghana’s healthcare system. When you walk out, the system falters, and it is the most defenseless among us who pay the price. In Ghanaian society, where the value of “Obra pa ne Nyame” (a good life is from God) holds deep meaning, the nurse’s role is sacred—a guardian of life entrusted with the well-being of the community.

This is not just a job; it is a moral covenant to preserve life and dignity.

I ask you, in the spirit of that covenant, to consider returning to work even as negotiations continue. Your presence in hospitals can mean the difference between life and death for thousands.

It can restore a measure of peace to families anxiously waiting in wards, fearing the worst. It can reaffirm to the nation the enduring power of compassion and selflessness.

Your sacrifices are acknowledged and honoured. Burnout is real, and it is cruel to expect superheroes to work without respite or reward. But your role is irreplaceable, and your compassion unmatched. We need you back—not just as nurses, but as pillars of hope in this moment of crisis.

Let us not allow the necessary fight for better conditions to overshadow our shared humanity. The true victory lies in unity between you, the government, and the people you serve. We must engage in open, honest dialogue that respects your rights and safeguards the lives entrusted to your care.

Together, we can demand systemic reforms and advocate for fair treatment without forsaking the vulnerable lives that depend on your expertise and kindness every day. The road ahead is challenging, but it is not impassable. It calls for courage, empathy, and, above all, unity.

To the nurses of Ghana, I say this: your work saves lives. Your compassion heals wounds unseen. Your presence restores hope. Please come back to the wards. Ghana needs you now more than ever.

To the government and stakeholders, I urge immediate and sincere engagement with the concerns of our nurses. Let this be a moment not of division, but of solidarity, where every Ghanaian’s right to quality healthcare is upheld.

In the spirit of care, courage, and collective responsibility, let us walk this path together.

Your immediate return is not a surrender of your rightful demands; it is an act of extraordinary humanity. It demonstrates that even amidst your struggle, the sanctity of life remains paramount.

Please, return to your posts. Go back to the wards, to the bedsides, to the operating theatres. Look into the eyes of the mother whose child struggles to breathe, the elderly patient weakening without care, or the accident victim desperately awaiting your life-saving touch. These are our families, our neighbours, and vulnerable Ghanaians whose very survival depends on your skill and dedication.

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Many don’t realise this yet: China’s illegal involvement in gold mining in Ghana may be tied to a broader geopolitical strategy — the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 100-year plan for global dominance.

As far back as 1999, China’s military strategists in the book, Unrestricted Warfare, laid out how economic manipulation, resource control, and environmental disruption could be used to weaken other nations without firing a bullet.

What’s more powerful than controlling your gold? Controlling your water.

From river bodies to ruin: the real cost of Chinese galamsey

The Ghana Water Company Limited (GWCL) has repeatedly warned that rivers like the Pra, Ankobra, and Offin are becoming “unwholesome for treatment” (Source: Graphic Online, 2023).

The culprit? Mercury pollution, destruction of river beds, and toxic runoff from illegal mining.

Investigative journalist Anas Aremeyaw Anas, in his 2020 exposé (“Galamsey Fraud”), showed how Chinese nationals — often in partnership with corrupt local officials — were openly engaging in illegal small-scale mining, flouting Ghanaian law and devastating the environment.

In one shocking 2021 report by Al Jazeera’s Africa Eye, Chinese galamseyers were shown deploying military-grade equipment and financing frontmen with Ghanaian licenses.

These are not “struggling immigrants.” These are state-backed agents, backed by deep pockets.

If you own the rivers, you own the people

Ask yourself this: If Ghana’s major water bodies become untreatable in 10–15 years, who will we rely on for clean water?

China already exports bottled water to over 35 African countries, and companies like Nongfu Spring (China’s largest water brand) are expanding their footprint in Africa.

Is it too far-fetched to imagine a future where Ghana, once rich in rivers, is importing barrels of water from Shanghai because we traded rivers for quick gold?

The Chinese don’t just extract — they calculate. Resource control is strategy.

In their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has already locked down strategic infrastructure in Kenya, Zambia, Ethiopia, and Sri Lanka.

Ghana, with its gold, cocoa, oil, and crumbling environmental policy, is next on the list.

The silence of our leaders is louder than the machines

Where is Parliament? Where are the chiefs? Why are soldiers still protecting foreign illegal miners while our journalists are assaulted and water boards are ignored?

Recently, former Lands Minister Prof. Frimpong-Boateng exposed that powerful officials were shielding Chinese galamsey operators, even after President Akufo-Addo declared a war on illegal mining. That war was lost. But the environmental war is still raging — only we’re not fighting it.

This is not a conspiracy — It’s a strategy

To be clear: not every Chinese national is complicit, and Ghanaian collaborators are just as guilty. But the pattern is undeniable.

A toxic mix of weak governance, foreign exploitation, and short-term greed is setting us up for a long-term dependency.

The next war won’t be fought over gold or oil. It will be over water. And if we allow our rivers to be stolen under our noses — poisoned in exchange for a quick cedi — we’ll wake up one day importing life from the same people who buried our future in mercury and mud.

This piece was written by Samuel Kwame Boadu, Founder, SamBoad
Media and Strategy Consultant – Editorial Contributor & Editor In Chief — Accra Street Journal

The public service plays a central role in supporting national development.

It is the operational mechanism through which government policies are designed, implemented, and evaluated.

As a professional institution, it provides continuity across political transitions and ensures that public administration remains consistent, responsive, and aligned with national priorities.

In recent times, however, the public service has faced growing pressures. Across ministries, departments, agencies, state-owned enterprises, and local government structures, there have been observable challenges relating to technical capacity, staff retention, and overall performance. These are often linked to the broader influence of partisanship, gaps in institutional oversight, and evolving expectations of service delivery.

Given the strategic importance of the public service in translating national vision into results, these challenges warrant careful consideration and a coordinated approach to renewal.

The Importance of Technical Capacity

Technical capacity refers to the collective ability of public institutions and professionals to plan, execute, and monitor government programs effectively. This includes policy analysis, budget management, project delivery, and the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. A technically capable public service contributes directly to efficiency, accountability, and improved development outcomes.

Where technical capacity is strong:
• Public servants are able to provide sound, evidence-informed advice.
• Projects and services are delivered on time and within budget.
• Institutions can identify challenges early and adapt accordingly.

Conversely, a lack of technical depth can lead to delays, inefficiencies, and a diminished public perception of state institutions.

Understanding the Impact of Partisanship

Partisanship within the public service can affect institutional neutrality and performance. When appointments or promotions are influenced more by political affiliation than by merit, there is a risk of weakening the professional standards that underpin public administration.

Common manifestations of partisanship may include:
• Leadership positions being filled without due regard to experience or qualifications.
• Staff hesitating to provide frank or critical input for fear of political consequences.
• Disruption in institutional continuity due to changes in political leadership.
• Difficulty attracting and retaining skilled professionals who seek environments governed by fairness and transparency.

These trends, when sustained, may lead to operational instability and affect public confidence in the service.

A System-Wide Perspective

The implications of diminished technical capacity and partisanship are not confined to a single tier of government. They are reflected across the broader public sector—from national ministries to subnational authorities and service entities. For this reason, solutions that aim to reinforce the integrity and performance of the public service must adopt a system-wide approach.

One key institution in this effort is the Public Services Commission (PSC). As provided under the Constitution, the PSC is mandated to guide recruitment, promotions, and disciplinary procedures across the public service. Strengthening its role offers an opportunity to reinforce a culture of professionalism and consistency throughout the system.

Reviewing the Role of the Public Services Commission

A review of the Public Services Commission’s constitutional functions may offer valuable insights into how the institution can more effectively fulfill its mandate. Areas worth consideration could include:
• Clarifying its authority in relation to senior appointments and human resource oversight across ministries, departments, and state-owned enterprises.
• Strengthening its capacity to monitor, audit, and support fair and transparent recruitment and performance systems.
• Reinforcing its independence, enabling it to act without external influence and to uphold the integrity of the public service.

Such a review, if pursued, would ideally be guided by a broad consultative process and aligned with broader governance reforms.

Pathways Toward Institutional Strengthening

In parallel with enhancing the PSC’s role, several areas may be considered to support the overall strengthening of the public service:

1. Merit-Based Recruitment and Promotion
   • Independent recruitment processes supported by clear criteria and transparent procedures can help maintain professional standards.

2. Skills Development and Talent Retention
   • Ongoing investment in training, leadership development, and career progression can help build capacity and institutional resilience.

3. Modernizing Public Sector Governance
   • Updating regulations and introducing performance-based systems may contribute to a more responsive and accountable workforce.

4. Fostering a Results-Oriented Culture
   • Encouraging innovation, continuous learning, and recognition of excellence can reinforce a service culture that values delivery and impact.

5. Promoting Public Engagement and Transparency
   • Open access to government performance data and citizen feedback mechanisms can strengthen public trust and responsiveness.

6. Leadership and Stewardship
   • Senior officials and political leaders play an important role in modelling ethical behavior and reinforcing the importance of professionalism in public service.

Conclusion: Supporting Effective Governance Through Professional Public Service

The performance of the public service is closely tied to the strength and credibility of the state. As governments seek to meet development goals, enhance public trust, and respond to emerging challenges, a technically competent, professional, and non-partisan public service remains one of the most valuable assets available.

Efforts to review institutional mandates, improve human resource practices, and build internal capacity should be seen as part of a broader strategy to enhance public sector performance and national development.

This is an imperative that we cannot ignore.

Former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo championed its creation with great fanfare, claiming it would serve as an independent watchdog to hold the powerful accountable.

But time has exposed what many suspected all along: the OSP was a political project cloaked in the rhetoric of justice.

Let’s be clear: this office was flawed from the start. It was not born out of a genuine commitment to uproot corruption but rather as a tool of political theater, designed to appease public outcry and target opposition figures under the guise of impartiality.

The appointment of Mr. Martin Amidu as the first Special Prosecutor was hailed as a masterstroke.

A known critic of his own party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Amidu’s selection was calculated to signal neutrality. But that appearance quickly faded.

Once in office, Amidu’s mandate seemed to focus heavily on pursuing alleged wrongdoing within the NDC.

The moment he shifted his lens toward the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP), the temperature changed.

The administration’s enthusiasm for “independent prosecution” cooled, and Amidu’s efforts were met with resistance.

His eventual resignation confirmed what many feared: that the office was never meant to be truly independent — it was tolerated only as long as it didn’t touch the ruling elite.

And what do we have to show for all this political drama and public expense? After spending close to GHS 300 million, the OSP has little to boast in terms of concrete convictions or meaningful accountability.

It has become another bloated bureaucracy, overlapping with the Attorney General’s office and offering no significant added value except perhaps as a PR tool during election seasons.

Ghana doesn’t need another flashy institution to prove its commitment to fighting corruption. What it needs desperately is an Attorney General with a spine — one who acts without political fear or favour.

One who applies the law equally, whether it implicates a member of the ruling party or the opposition. A truly independent-minded Attorney General would serve this country far better than a Special Prosecutor shackled by political calculation.

Until we embrace that uncomfortable truth, we will continue to pour scarce public funds into institutions that serve appearances rather than justice. The OSP, as it stands, is not a beacon of accountability. It is a monument to political convenience, and the people of Ghana deserve far better.

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The said lady had projected herself as having studied at the prestigious John’s Hopkins University School of Medicine in the United States, and purportedly practiced as a medical officer in internal medicine.

In that capacity, she had practiced and worked as a global health crusader, high-level conference speaker on medical issues, as well as being a presenter on a major television channel in Accra offering health education on key issues.

It is on record that a petition was filed at the Medical and Dental Council (MDC) in March 2025 requesting it to confirm or deny the professional status of the supposed medical officer.

The Council subsequently issued a statement categorically indicating that she was not qualified to practice medical science in Ghana.

That statement signed by Dr. Alex Peasah-Koduah indicated among others that, “the Medical and Dental Council (MDC) has conducted preliminary investigations into the matter.

Our records indicate that Dr Anne Daly is not registered with the Council and, therefore, does not hold a valid license to practice medicine or dentistry in Ghana, as stipulated in Sections 29(1), 30, and 48(b) and (d) of the Health Professions Regulatory Bodies Act, 2013 (Act 857).”

Further checks with the American Board of Family Medicine also revealed that contrary to her claim, Anne Sansa Daly, is not a diplomate of the Board and can therefore not, hold herself as such.

The US Board’s response stated as, “The information provided does not match our records. We are unable to identify a physician matching the information you have provided… We have reviewed the certificate provided.

There are notable discrepancies between the certificate provided in comparison to certificates issued by ABFM. The certificate provided was not issued by ABFM.

For whatever it is worth, it does not appear that anything much did take place thereafter until these last couple of days when the said lady was nominated as member of the Governing Board of a health authority.

Public agitation was further ignited against her leading to the government revoking the nomination with a replacement candidate.

As I reflected on the entire episode regarding this lady, I kept wondering how come the entire country could have allowed itself to be ‘publicly swindled’ by this lady for many months.

Interestingly, in spite of the preponderance of evidence, a rebuttal was issued in May 2025 by the counsel of the supposed medical officer.

He literally rubbished the report and indicated that, the notice from the MDC was “subterfuge to perpetuate mischief, odium and ridicule” and that “while Dr. Daly is not registered with the Medical and Dental Council (MDC), she is fully certified to practise internal medicine in the United States”.

He further added, “My client is excessively qualified to hold herself as a Medical Doctor anywhere in the world and does not need certification from the Ghana Medical and Dental Council to do so.

Your publication, which seeks to create the impression that once someone is not on the Roll of the Medical and Dental Council, they are therefore not a doctor, is, with all due respect, a proposition of fuliginous obscurity… its foundations lie on mechanical reasoning devoid of logic.”

It is this line of reasoning by the learned counsel to the supposed medical officer, that I am deeply troubled by.

As one who himself belongs to the legal profession whose Ghana Legal Council has very strict standards for entering qualified practitioners on the roll of lawyers in Ghana.

It also has very strict ethical standards that all practicing lawyers are expected to abide by.

How this counsel now expects that a person who has supposedly received medical training abroad could simply walk into Ghana and begin practicing her trade is as baffling and troubling as that of the lady in question.

It must be stated in no uncertain terms that our country in much the same way as all civilized ones, regulates the practice of all known professional practices.

Indeed, the woes of the regulatory industry in Ghana is not limited to medical science alone.

The list has included medicine, law, engineering, pharmacy, teaching, architecture, nursing, accounting, etc.

To enable the regulation of these to be effectively undertaken, the State has enacted various legislations with established councils to oversee and undertake the practice of regulation.

These Councils have all been clothed with Secretariats, Governing Boards and staff to facilitate the registration of and practice of the respective professions, educational training for those professions, trade practices, etc.

It is therefore strange to find a lawyer whose job it is to uphold the law, opening rubbishing same.

It may be recalled that sometime in May 2014, a certain Fauster Atta Mensah managed to obtain inserted access to places of high corridors across the country including the nation’s broadcasting house.

He paraded himself as a NASA Scientist and Nobel Prize laureate and took all of us on a wild goose chase. Other instances have popped up at various times.

All of these have tended to create the unfortunate situation as though our regulatory councils are ineffective.

The sad reality however is that quite a number of not most of these Councils tend to be hindered in their operations.

These have included lack of the required staff, deliberate sabotage by practitioners who resist change, inadequate funding and support from collaborative state agencies among others.

The purpose of setting up these regulatory councils are generally to protect and safeguard the health, safety, property, and overall interests of the general public.

In most cases, this involves establishing regulations, enforcement of regulations, and publicizing licensing requirements, sensitizing the public on quality standards, as well as ensure the safeguarding of rules across the specific industry.

Regulation defines standards for performance, and assigns consequences for that performance.

It is importance to indicate that the common purpose of all regulation is performance. Effective regulation therefore aims to align private behaviour of the citizenry with the public interest.

Going into the future, it is therefore imperative for all stakeholders in our country to join forces and help our professional regulatory councils to pick up the axe and ensure that our country is rid of persons who parade as professional practitioners but who do not possess the wherewithal to do same within the jurisdiction.

It is only when we have stricter regulatory frameworks guiding our professional training, practice, service delivery, etc that the average citizen can obtain the quality service required from our practitioners, firms and educational units.

Again, by adhering to the legislations and standards set by regulatory councils, firms are able to safeguard their operations, protect stakeholder interests, and foster a culture of ethical conduct.

Ultimately, lives are saved, citizens are protected and the environment is safeguarded. It is to be noted that the absence of a well-regulated professional space is enormous costs (actual and lives).

Until we get to that point, the strings of the aprons of our professional practice space may remain loosely tied together and largely ineffective in ensuring compliance to the legislations on our books.

The onus is on all of us Ghanaians to help make this happen. God bless us all!.

Source: Engr Eric Atta-Sonno

While some people continue to support this worrying trend for political reasons, I abhor it. I will explain why.

First off, in the Ghanaian cultural setting, names do not only convey a sense of physical identity; they also give spiritual importance.

For universities, names are highly significant because they carry institutional visions, shape reputation, and stimulate alumni pride. It is for these reasons that the incessant trend of renaming public universities after political figures must be shunned.

Under the erstwhile Akufo-Addo administration, several public universities were renamed.
Prominent among them were:

• The University of Development Studies, Wa, which was renamed Simon Diedong Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies.

• University of Mines and Technology, renamed George Grant University of Mines and Technology.

• University of Education, Kumasi Campus, renamed Akenten Appiah-Menka University of Skills Training and Entrepreneurial Development.

In opposition, the NDC vowed to revert all universities renamed by Akufo-Addo back to their original names.

In sharp contrast, I am learning that the Ministry of Education under the leadership of the venerable Haruna Iddrisu has renamed the University of Health and Allied Sciences (UHAS) after the late President Mills.

Do not get me wrong. President Mills was a great statesman and his contribution towards the establishment of UHAS cannot be underestimated.

In spite of this fact, it’s chuckling seeing the very people/party who vilified Akufo-Addo for renaming some public universities after pro-NPP figures perpetuate what they once considered a peccatum or sin.

I am not against the idea of naming a newly built university after a political figure, especially when the figure is widely appreciated for his heroics.

My issue is with renaming existing universities after political/partisan figures. In Ghana, a good number of our politicians are not nationalistic but partisan, and they sometimes make policy decisions to reflect their partisan orientation.

You do not need a soothsayer to tell you that most of the agitation that followed the renaming of UMAT and UDS, Wa, after S.D. Dombo and George Grant, respectively, were made from a place of extreme partisanship.

Some people felt that these closely highlighted individuals are pro-NPP/UP/UGCC figures and that by renaming the aforementioned universities, President Akufo-Addo was blazingly honouring the memory of figures associated with his political tradition.

Now, UHAS has been renamed after the late Prof. Mills, and people from the opposing divide have started waging spirited opposition to the decision by the Ministry of Education.

Just as the NDC has promised to revert institutions renamed by Akufo-Addo to their original names, I wouldn’t be surprised if a future NPP administration decides to strike out Prof. Mills’ name and revert back to UHAS or even name the university after a pro-NPP figure. Then, this vicious cycle continues.

What saddens my heart is that, in situations where the names of these longstanding universities are renamed after political figures, the government of the day does not build consensus with relevant stakeholders and seldom gives plausible reasons or justifications for the renaming.

Like me, many students, alumni bodies, and CSOs are yet to grasp the identities designated to these public universities whose names have been altered.

While renaming public universities may give some level of esteem to political/partisan figures, it undermines institutional stability and may shrink public trust.

The truth is, universities are glocal institutions — regionally impactful and globally relevant — and for that reason, their names should not be treated like panties, which can be changed anytime one wishes.

Whether it is George Grant University of Mines and Technology, Simon Diedong Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies, Wa, or Professor John Evans Atta Mills University of Health and Allied Sciences, the ambit remains the same.

The renaming of these public universities appears to only give partisan capital, consequently affecting the universities’ strategic positioning, branding, and reputation.

If our political class has forgotten, then they must be reminded that renaming public universities after political figures comes with a huge financial burden.

In situations where a public university is renamed, changes are made to the institution’s signage, website, letterheads, and relevant documents. All of these rebranding and strategic positioning come at a huge cost.

At a time when the Government of Ghana’s funding towards tertiary education is stagnant, must monies go into renaming at the expense of augmenting infrastructure and resourcing students?

Our political class must understand that their penchant for renaming public universities after their political figures can even confuse international partners and universities. A university that constantly changes its name may not be taken seriously in the comity of universities.

We must also not lose sight of the fact that these renaming of public universities have the propensity of creating confusion in the minds of alumni and current students who want to study abroad.

For instance, a person who graduated from UHAS and intends to apply to study abroad this year may battle with the difficulty of identifying as a former UHAS student or Prof. John Evans Atta Mills University of Health and Allied Sciences student.

Additionally, if a final-year student at UHAS has already applied to study abroad by submitting a UHAS-inscripted transcript, and upon graduation, he is given a Prof. J.E.A. Mills UHAS certificate, that might lead to some discrepancies in the application process.

If the foreign university does not ask for an attestation to clear off doubts, that could affect the student’s chances.

This is the opportune time for this country to have a policy that regulates when and how universities can be renamed.

This must encompass the participation of university administrators, alumni, students, governing councils, and other relevant stakeholders in the Ghanaian educational ecosystem.

In conclusion, this troubling trend of renaming state universities after political figures must cease. If indeed the political class wants to honour their political figures, they can exploit other areas, such as setting up scholarship schemes in their names, or building halls and auditoriums and naming them after the political figures.

I do not think anyone would have made a fuss if Akufo-Addo had built an auditorium at UMAT and named it after George Grant or if Mahama had built a block at UHAS and named it after Prof. Mills.

May God bless our homeland Ghana and make our political class think beyond partisanship.

Source: Opare Philip (Mighty Power)

Although the road is currently under construction, the pace of work is alarmingly slow and must be significantly accelerated.

The onset of the rainy season has only worsened the situation. Sections of the road are now barely motorable. Potholes have expanded into craters, and stretches are frequently waterlogged—turning travel into a gamble and forcing drivers to endure long delays and dangerous diversions. What should be a quick commute is now a source of daily frustration, stress, and danger.

This persistent deterioration is having severe economic consequences. Vehicles are sustaining considerable damage, leading to frequent breakdowns and costly repairs. Despite the Ghanaian cedi appreciating by about 24% since January, the prices of spare parts remain unstable and high. Mechanics are overwhelmed, and vehicle owners are struggling under the financial burden.

Commercial drivers, bearing the brunt of these rising costs, have increased transport fares. While this may seem like profiteering to some commuters, it reflects a genuine effort by drivers to offset the relentless damage to their vehicles. Unfortunately, it also means many passengers—especially low-income earners—are being priced out of reliable transport on this key route.

We acknowledge that construction is ongoing. The resident engineer has assured the public that completion is expected within the next sixteen months. However, the pace of work does not reflect the urgency required for a road of such national importance. Ghanaians cannot wait indefinitely. Timelines must be respected and, where possible, accelerated. Proper signage, alternative safe routes, and periodic updates must also be provided to ease public anxiety and confusion.

The Pokuase–Nsawam stretch is not a minor backroad. It is a strategic national asset that supports trade, access to healthcare and education, and economic productivity. Its neglect over the years is inexcusable. Its delayed rehabilitation, though underway, is deeply concerning.

We call on the Ministry of Roads and Highways, the Ghana Highway Authority, and all stakeholders to ensure that this project is treated as a top priority. Speed, efficiency, and transparency must define the remaining construction period. The people have waited long enough.

Ghanaians deserve safe, reliable infrastructure. The Pokuase–Nsawam road must be completed—and it must be completed swiftly.

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Yet, a troubling pattern persists. Each time a new administration takes office, public discourse—and political messaging—tends to focus almost exclusively on the burdens left behind: debt, stalled projects, or alleged mismanagement.

Rarely do we hear about the progress made, the infrastructure completed, or the institutional reforms initiated by previous governments.

This one-sided narrative does a disservice—not only to former leaders but also to the citizens. Politicians have a responsibility to present the full picture: not just what went wrong, but also what went right.

Acknowledging inherited assets promotes continuity, builds national pride, and prevents the needless abandonment of worthy initiatives.

But is the blame solely the burden of the political class? Not entirely.

We, the citizens, must also take a hard look at ourselves. Many of us have developed a tendency to focus on the negative. Bad news spreads faster. Scandals trend. Outrage sells. As a result, positive developments often go unnoticed or underappreciated.

If we truly desire better governance, we must demand more than just accountability for failures—we must also insist on the protection and advancement of success.

It’s time to shift the national conversation from blame to balance, from constant criticism to constructive continuity.

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This has provoked party stalwarts and prominent sympathizers to raise serious concerns. The use of spiteful language and violent clashes between supporters of perceived factions have been roundly condemned, leading to increasing calls for a suspension of the exercise to ease tensions, restore calm, and safeguard party unity.

Some have even questioned the relevance of a Thank You Tour, given the disastrous defeat the party suffered in the recent elections.

While these opinions merit some justification, it is my humble and sincere conviction that the Thank You Tour remains a very positive, valuable, and necessary initiative that must be sustained.

The Bible instructs us that in all things, we should give thanks to God. Therefore, losing an election cannot be a reason to renege on our duty to render gratitude to God—especially for a political party that once had, and still holds onto, the mantra, “The battle is the Lord’s.”

Additionally, our electoral defeat does not erase the hard work and sacrifice of our numerous party faithful and supporters who poured their sweat, tears, and blood into a difficult campaign. Many chiefs and opinion leaders across the breadth and length of this country also stood firmly with us, risking much. The Thank You Tour is the appropriate vehicle to convey our earnest appreciation for their support and continued loyalty, as well as to apologize honestly for any disappointments.

No political party worth its salt retreats into slumber forever just because it has lost an election. While a cooling-off period is necessary to come to terms with the painful setback, our destiny as a political party in Ghana’s competitive multi-party democracy hinges on how fast we uplift ourselves, bounce back stronger and more resilient, and revamp the party to engage meaningfully in national discourse. The Thank You Tour, which mobilizes and interacts with the party base, offers a credible and convenient opportunity to begin this crucial process of boosting grassroots morale and initiating the political renewal necessary for restoring public trust and confidence in the New Patriotic Party.

Yet, the Thank You Tour can also quickly become a double-edged sword, as recent unpleasant events within the party have shown.

From the onset, in a commendable attempt to project internal unity and oneness of purpose, the 2024 flagbearer, Dr. Mahamadu Bawumia, graciously invited his previous co-contenders for the party’s presidential candidacy to accompany him on the exercise. Regrettably, unguarded remarks from some speakers on the trail undermined this noble objective and rather flared up latent internal conflicts and grievances. In the resulting confusion and scandalous trading of insults on social media, some candidates have pulled out of the tour. Admittedly, this development has marred the event terribly, but it has not so conclusively damaged it that we should throw out the baby with the bathwater. By all means, the Thank You Tour deserves continuation—and continue it must.

However, serious lessons must be learned, and the purpose and scope of the exercise must be strictly established. Without a clear and unambiguous definition of objectives, there is a temptation to go overboard and engage in all sorts of extraneous activities and conduct which are not only counterproductive but can dangerously sway us into aimless distraction. This can only serve to fuel confusion and will obviously come back to haunt us.

Some pundits have hastily dismissed the current turmoil raging within the party as nothing more than normal venting of anger and suppressed frustration that typically characterize every occasion of a heavy electoral defeat. The claim is that, in good time, the pain will subside, and things will normalize. I respectfully disagree. As a political party, we cannot afford to just sit down, hoping against hope for this happy outcome. Usually, in matters of bitter disagreements where relationships are severely strained, delay or procrastination in setting up a constructive reconciliation mechanism only serves to deepen resentment and escalate the rifts.

In conflict, time alone heals nothing; it only causes neglected grievances to fester. We must rise with all urgency to subdue the bitter bickering and rancor choking our party and refocus our energies on the greater mission of rebuilding a stronger, more resilient, and vibrant NPP positioned to play its crucial role in Ghana’s quest for prosperity and development.

As part of this rebuilding effort—of which the Thank You Tour is a first step—more voices within the party are calling for the release of at least the recommendations from Professor Aaron Michael Oquaye’s report, which the party commissioned to investigate and assess the factors contributing to our poor performance in the 2024 general elections. While I appreciate and identify with party leadership’s position on confidentiality—recognizing that a wholesale release of the full document into the public domain could cause more harm than good—I strongly believe that sharing at least a summary of the recommendations with a wider community of party stakeholders will serve a useful purpose, rather than restricting the report to just a few individuals in the hierarchy.

Besides enhancing transparency and accountability, this will deepen engagement and ownership of the broad issues raised in the report and form a concrete basis for any constitutional amendments.

At the end of the day, whichever route we decide to take as a party, our avowed aim should be to close ranks and come together despite our differences, in a spirit of cooperation and reconciliation. We must begin the honest conversations necessary for forgiveness and healing—without which any efforts at rebuilding the party will be futile. This must also be one of the definite tasks the Thank You Tour should vigorously pursue.

With all the initial fallouts and bad publicity, the Thank You Tour may have begun on a discordant note; however, this does not mean it cannot conclude positively on a harmonious tone, where members of all perceived factions and persuasions within the party align together in unity, to speak with one loud voice.

As hostile and aggressive as the current atmosphere within the party may seem, there also exists a healthy force of empathy, loyalty, and solidarity, which is not as frequently trumpeted as it should be—but without which the New Patriotic Party would never have survived all the great perils that have threatened its very existence throughout our remarkable history.

These are the powerful values that must once again pull us together with a common purpose and determination to rise to the challenge of fostering party unity. Our great party, the NPP, deserves and demands this of us as leaders and members. So does our beloved country, Ghana.

Long live the New Patriotic Party. Long live Ghana.

— Kwabena Abankwah-Yeboah
Immediate Past National Treasurer, NPP
By the Grace of God

As Ghana embarks on a bold and comprehensive reset agenda, there is one fundamental truth that must be confronted: no national transformation can succeed without reforming the institutions that shape leadership—our political parties.

These parties are not merely electoral machines; they are the breeding grounds for leadership development and governance culture. If these institutions are weak, corrupt, or compromised, the quality of national governance will inevitably reflect those same flaws.

The Root of the Problem Lies Within the Political Parties

The persistent national issues of corruption, mismanagement, patronage, impunity, division, and exclusivity do not begin in public office. They are cultivated and normalized within the internal structures of political parties. Ghana’s political parties have, over time, transformed into closed, hierarchical systems where loyalty, ethnic or religious connections, and financial muscle often override competence, vision, and integrity.

This dysfunction is not only dangerous for party credibility—it is dangerous for democracy. Parties that do not uphold democratic values internally cannot be expected to defend them in government.

The Threat of Hate Speech and Identity Politics

A particularly dangerous dimension of this internal rot is the increasing normalization of hate speech and identity-based political rhetoric. Political actors in Ghana have increasingly resorted to divisive language—targeting ethnic, regional, or religious identities for short-term political gain. These actions undermine national unity and erode public trust in democratic institutions, especially when left unchecked.

Worryingly, there is often no internal party accountability or sanctions for such conduct. This silence emboldens others and sets a dangerous precedent.

Contrast this with more mature democracies:
In the UK, for instance, former London Mayor Ken Livingstone was suspended by the Labour Party and investigated by the Committee on Standards in Public Life over comments deemed anti-Semitic. Similar disciplinary actions have occurred in Germany, the United States, and South Africa, where political parties enforce internal codes of conduct to maintain public integrity and cohesion.

Ghana’s parties must urgently adopt clear codes of conduct against hate speech and apply enforceable disciplinary measures. No one should be above accountability—not even flagbearers or founding members.

What Must Be Done – The Reset Within Parties

1. Internal Democracy

• Ensure that leadership selection is transparent, participatory, and merit-based.

• Prevent the imposition of candidates through top-down appointments or manipulated primaries.

2. Accountability

• Enforce disciplinary structures that punish misconduct—be it financial impropriety, abuse of office, or inflammatory rhetoric.

• Hold party officials to standards equal to or higher than those they demand of public officeholders.

3. Transparency

• Publish financial reports detailing party income and expenditure, especially around campaign financing.

• Open up decision-making structures to allow for meaningful member engagement and scrutiny.

4. Zero Tolerance for Hate Speech

• Codify hate speech as a disciplinary offence in party constitutions.

• Establish oversight bodies within parties to investigate and sanction divisive rhetoric, regardless of rank.

Why This Reset Is Urgent

• Rebuild Public Trust: Citizens are disillusioned with the political class. Restoring credibility begins with integrity and openness within party structures.

• Foster Meritocracy: When competence and character are rewarded over tribal affiliation or personal loyalty, leadership quality improves across the board.

• Preserve National Unity: Curtailing hate speech and divisive politics is essential to maintain peace, inclusion, and a sense of shared national identity.

• Set an Example: Parties must demonstrate the values they expect from society—respect, discipline, fairness, and accountability.

The Ripple Effect of a Party Reset

• Institutional Reform: Political parties feed into every branch of government. Clean parties produce clean institutions.

• Improved Governance: Leaders who emerge from credible processes are more responsive, visionary, and ethical.

• Sustainable Democracy: When political competition is based on ideas rather than tribal or sectarian lines, democracy thrives.

• Conclusion: The Reset Must Begin Where Leadership Begins

Ghana cannot reset its economy, restore confidence in public institutions, or safeguard its democracy until its political parties reform themselves. That reform must go beyond slogans and manifestos—it must be structural, cultural, and value-driven.

Political parties must evolve into democratic institutions of integrity, where leaders are developed—not selected by the highest bidder or the loudest agitator. They must be spaces of inclusion, competence, and ethical leadership. Only then can they rightfully claim the mandate to govern a diverse, aspirational, and forward-looking Ghana.

The current managers of the economy, led by the capable Finance Minister, Hon. Cassiel Ato Forson, and the Governor of the Bank of Ghana, have demonstrated strong commitment to restoring macroeconomic stability. Their approach to fiscal management and monetary policy has been instrumental in steering the country toward economic recovery and revitalization.

This progress is evident in various economic indicators. Since assuming office, the Ghanaian cedi has shown significant signs of appreciation against major trading currencies such as the US dollar, British pound, and the Euro.

As of April 2025, inflation stands at 21.2%, with a medium-term target of 8%, plus or minus 2%. The current monetary policy rate is 28%, with positive signals of further reduction—providing relief to both the business community and individual borrowers as the cost of capital gradually declines.

One of the most notable achievements has been the sharp decline in the 91-day treasury bill rate, which has dropped from 27.73% to 14.5% in just four months of the new administration’s tenure. This is an impressive feat, and the Finance Minister deserves commendation for the work done so far.

The 2025 budget prioritizes currency stabilization and reducing the cost of living for Ghanaians.

The introduction of the Gold for Reserves (GoldBoD) program addresses critical challenges in foreign exchange flows, helping meet forex demand. This is a commendable innovation.

The Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP) introduced by the previous Akufo-Addo administration negatively affected investor confidence, both local and foreign. The new government’s decision to discontinue the program and begin repayments has helped restore faith in the economy.

Investor and public confidence in Ghana’s economic prospects is growing. The population is beginning to show renewed belief in the country’s potential for sustainable growth.

The 24-hour economy policy is a potential game-changer. Businesses and investors must seize this opportunity to scale up operations, train workers in specialized skills, expand market reach, and create more jobs.

There is also an accelerated program to boost exports, which will open up further economic opportunities for Ghanaians.

In the energy sector, the government’s decision to build additional gas processing plants is expected to enhance domestic energy supply, drive industrial growth, and reduce dependence on expensive fuel imports.

Additionally, the plan to secure 200,000 hectares of land for cocoa cultivation aims to boost production and help Ghana achieve a target of one million metric tonnes annually.

These initiatives represent a bold and strategic roadmap to prosperity. They offer hope, particularly for the Ghanaian youth, by creating jobs and economic opportunities.

Now is the time for every Ghanaian to contribute to this emerging success story—so we can make Ghana great among the community of nations.

This is why former President John Dramani Mahama’s proposed “Big Push” agenda—an ambitious $10 billion infrastructure investment plan—is not only welcome, but absolutely essential. As an analyst who has monitored Ghana’s infrastructure trajectory over the years, I firmly believe this initiative represents one of the most comprehensive blueprints for tackling the country’s deep-rooted structural challenges. It must not be allowed to remain a campaign promise—it must be implemented.

Ghana’s Infrastructure Deficit: A Barrier to Development

The numbers are staggering. Ghana has an estimated housing deficit of over 2 million units, and the shortfall continues to grow due to rapid urbanisation, population pressure, and lack of affordable housing finance. In the transport sector, road quality has deteriorated significantly: over 57% of urban roads are classified as poor, and an estimated GH₵20 billion in unpaid road contractor debts has stalled hundreds of projects.

These infrastructure deficits are more than technical failings—they are bottlenecks to productivity, regional equity, and social cohesion. Poor roads limit market access for farmers. Inadequate housing fuels urban slums. Patchy transport systems choke business efficiency. Simply put: we cannot develop without fixing our infrastructure base.

The Big Push: A Holistic, Strategic Framework

What sets the Big Push apart is not just its scale, but its strategic focus on five core pillars:

1. Housing:
   Investment in affordable housing, especially for low- and middle-income Ghanaians, will not only reduce the housing deficit but create jobs and expand local industry supply chains—from cement to fittings and home décor.
2. Road Infrastructure:
   Dualisation of critical highways such as Accra-Kumasi, Accra-Aflao, and Accra-Takoradi, coupled with the construction of bridges and rural feeder roads, would significantly ease transport costs, facilitate trade, and enhance regional integration.
3. Rail and Urban Transit:
   Revitalising the Eastern and Western rail corridors and introducing light rail systems in Accra, Kumasi, and Takoradi will modernise Ghana’s mobility and help decongest cities—something Accra, in particular, urgently needs.
4. Water and Sanitation:
   Expanding safe water access in underserved regions, including Ho, Tamale, and Yendi, is not just a matter of development—it’s a matter of dignity and public health.
5. Youth Employment:
   Infrastructure projects, if well-structured, are labour-intensive. This plan offers an opportunity to engage thousands of unemployed youth in productive work while building national capacity in engineering and project management.

Implementation Is the Litmus Test

Ideas are not in short supply in Ghana. Implementation is. The real test of the Big Push will be in how it is executed—how resources are mobilised, how priorities are set, how transparency is maintained, and how efficiently projects are delivered.

To ensure success, government must:

• Strengthen the Ghana Infrastructure Investment Fund (GIIF) to manage and disburse funds efficiently.
• Leverage private sector partnerships through well-structured public-private arrangements.
• Depoliticise project selection so that infrastructure benefits are equitably distributed across regions.
• Ensure accountability by subjecting projects to regular audits and public reporting.

A National Imperative

We are at a crossroads. Ghana’s infrastructure crisis can no longer be treated as a long-term aspiration—it must be a top-tier national priority. The Big Push offers a ready-made, well-articulated plan to respond to this urgency. It is strategic, inclusive, and economically sound.

Whether or not one supports the politics behind it, there is no denying that the policy logic of the Big Push is strong. It is now up to the government—current or future—to take this plan seriously and commit to its implementation.

As an analyst and concerned citizen, I urge policymakers to act. Ghana cannot wait any longer.

The country stands at a critical juncture where bold and inclusive economic reforms are essential—not just for short-term recovery, but for long-term sustainability and equity.

In this context, the establishment of a statutory Economic Advisory Council (EAC) must be seen not as an option, but as a necessity.

Ghana’s past is littered with economic conferences, policy dialogues, and high-level summits that generated reports, communiqués, and headlines—but yielded little in terms of lasting outcomes.

The time has come to break this cycle. What is needed is a permanent, institutionalized platform that ensures continuity, inclusivity, and accountability in shaping the nation’s economic destiny. An EAC, properly constituted and empowered, would provide that platform.

The core value of an Economic Advisory Council lies in its capacity to democratize economic policymaking. It would serve as a conduit for citizen engagement—bringing the voices of farmers, traders, entrepreneurs, youth, women, traditional authorities, academia, labour unions, consumer advocates, and civil society organizations into the heart of economic governance.

Such a council would reflect the reality that economic development is not the sole preserve of technocrats or political elites; it is a shared enterprise that must be informed by the lived experiences of all Ghanaians.

Moreover, the EAC would act as a real-time sounding board for government policy. By monitoring economic trends, evaluating the effectiveness of fiscal and monetary decisions, and proposing timely policy adjustments, the Council would help the government remain agile and responsive in a volatile global environment.

This kind of feedback mechanism is crucial to avoid costly policy missteps and to restore public confidence in economic management.

Incorporating a broad spectrum of expertise and perspectives, the Council would help balance competing priorities—growth with equity, investment with regulation, innovation with stability.

In doing so, it would promote a more holistic and sustainable approach to development. Crucially, this would also deepen transparency. A statutory EAC, operating with a clear mandate and public accountability, would diminish the risk of economic policy being hijacked by narrow, vested interests.

Ghana’s economic challenges—from rising youth unemployment and inflationary pressures to debt sustainability and industrial underperformance—require more than political will. They demand inclusive governance structures that are grounded in trust, participation, and evidence-based decision-making. An Economic Advisory Council, properly constituted by law and insulated from political manipulation, would be a bold step toward building such a structure.

As the nation begins this new chapter under the reset agenda, the government must seize the opportunity to institutionalize an Economic Advisory Council as a cornerstone of economic transformation. It is only through inclusive, transparent, and responsive governance that Ghana can chart a path to prosperity that truly leaves no one behind.

The time for rhetoric is over. The time for structural innovation is now.

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The mass rollout of chip-embedded passports, which began on April 28, 2025, is designed to modernize passport acquisition, enhance security, and provide citizens with a better experience.

The long journey of 15 years of striving for modernity and efficiency has been given a real definition.

Many past Foreign Ministers of Ghana attempted to make this dream a reality. Some efforts were made, but it has taken the youngest Ghana’s Foreign Affairs Minister to actualize this dream.

Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, who can be best described as a workaholic, has achieved this goal and urged him on in just a few months in the ministry.

Paying huge tributes to his predecessors, Hanna Serwa Tetteh and Ayorkor Botchwey, shows that he understands governance as a continuum.

At the launch and rollout of the long-awaited e-passport, partners and government officials narrated the role the Minister played in making the day a reality. He personally joined the technical team in their test runs and made sure it worked, demonstrating his seriousness as a minister.

Ghana, per the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) requirement, has until 2030 to fully transition to the chip-embedded passport. For Ghana to be part of the less than 200 countries (as of December 2024) issuing chip-embedded passports deserves commendation. This is to facilitate the travel of citizens and enhance their business opportunities.

Benefits to Ghanaians:

• Enhanced Security: The chip-embedded passports feature superior security measures, making them almost impossible to forge.

• Faster Turnaround Time: Regular applications will be processed within 15 working days, while expedited services will take only 5 working days.

• Convenience: The Passport Head Office will operate 24/7, and applicants can track the status of their applications through an e-tracking system.

• Reduced Application Fees: Cabinet has approved a reduction in application fees from GHS500 to GHS350, pending parliamentary approval.

• Courier Delivery: Ghana Post and Troskit will deliver passports to Ghanaians everywhere.

Meeting International Standards:

The new passports meet the International Civil Aviation Organization’s (ICAO) requirements, and Ghana is now part of the growing list of countries issuing ePassports. According to the ICAO, current passports will become outdated by 2030.

What to Expect:

• Citizens are advised to keep their chip-embedded passports away from heat and liquids.

• Store them properly to prevent bending or damage.

• Avoid inserting other chip-enabled cards into the passport.

• Do not keep it in back pockets, where it could be bent or damaged.

• 

A New Era for Passport Services:

The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, emphasized that the introduction of chip-embedded passports symbolizes a reset and ushers in a new era of modernization, convenience, and respect for Ghanaian citizens. With the rollout of chip-embedded passports, Ghana is poised to enhance the security and efficiency of its passport administration, making it easier for citizens to travel and conduct international business.

Conclusion:

I see no reason why Ghana’s new passport should cost more than the existing one. In fact, the Minister has insisted on the reduction of passport fees by GHS150, which is very beneficial and essential to Ghanaians.

Ghanaians abroad have long faced difficulty acquiring passports without having to travel back home. With the Minister’s assurance that Ghanaians abroad will receive their passports without needing to return to Ghana, this is a refreshing change.

Research has shown that some people urgently needing passports for business and transactions have failed to acquire them within the limited time, losing valuable opportunities. The Minister’s assurance that passports will be processed in no more than 15 working days, if all documents are correct, will provide relief to many. Business professionals, athletes, footballers, women, and others will now be able to receive their passports promptly.

As we keep our eye on the successes at the ministry, we expect technocrats to continue to push the 24-hour passport agenda—not for any political party, but for Ghana and its citizens.

NOTE: Citizens can call the 24-hour hotline at 0302 75 4200 for information on the chip-embedded passport, irrespective of their location.

]]> https://www.adomonline.com/africas-creative-industries-could-generate-over-10-billion-annually/ Wed, 07 May 2025 19:56:06 +0000 https://www.adomonline.com/?p=2532712 Africa is home to a dazzling mosaic of sound, color, and story—a continent where culture doesn’t just live, it dances. With its vibrant rhythms, rich storytelling traditions, and visually stunning artistry, the creative spirit of Africa is not only centuries-old but also incredibly future-ready.

From the hypnotic pulse of Afrobeats to the cinematic spectacle of Nollywood, Africa’s cultural export is already commanding global attention.

But here’s the twist in the tale: while the world grooves to Africa’s beat and binges on its screen stories, the continent itself is still only scratching the surface of a colossal economic opportunity. Welcome to the untold story of Africa’s creative economy—a $10 billion goldmine that’s waiting (not so patiently) to be unlocked.

The Numbers Don’t Lie

According to the African Union and other leading bodies, Africa’s creative industries could generate over $10 billion annually and create millions of jobs—if only the right infrastructure, policy, and investment were in place.

Let’s break it down:

• In Nigeria alone, the music industry is valued at over $1 billion, with megastars like Wizkid, Burna Boy, Davido, and Tiwa Savage consistently dominating global charts, selling out concerts from Lagos to London.
• Nollywood, Nigeria’s prolific film industry, releases over 2,500 films annually, making it the second-largest in the world by volume.
• South Africa’s music sector contributes more than $500 million to its economy, driven by genres like Amapiano and Afro-house, with stars like Black Coffee headlining global festivals.
• East African powerhouses like Kenya and Tanzania are producing digital creatives, filmmakers, and musicians who are scaling global platforms, racking up millions of views, streams, and fans.

Clearly, Africa isn’t short on talent. What it lacks is the enabling environment to turn this cultural currency into hard currency.

A Paradox of Popularity: What’s Holding Us Back?

Despite the buzz, Africa’s creative economy faces a laundry list of challenges:

1. Piracy: The Silent Killer

Let’s call it what it is: theft. Piracy costs Africa’s music industry over $100 million annually. In Nigeria, the problem is so rampant that many artists skip physical releases altogether, relying solely on streaming platforms that, ironically, still don’t offer great returns. Imagine building a hit, only to have your revenue siphoned off by illegal downloads and bootleg DVDs.

2. Infrastructure: Or the Lack Thereof

You can’t build a billion-dollar industry with a broken toolbox. Across the continent, creatives struggle with limited access to modern recording studios, film equipment, post-production facilities, and digital distribution platforms. In many cases, projects are born in passion but die in logistics.

3. Capacity Gaps: Talent Without Training

Talent is abundant, but opportunity isn’t. Many African creatives lack access to high-quality training, mentorship, and career pathways. The result? Incredible ideas that can’t compete on a global scale—not for lack of creativity, but because the technical execution isn’t there yet.

4. Weak Intellectual Property Protections

Without strong IP laws, the creative economy is a house of cards. Artists need legal systems that protect their work, support royalties, and penalize infringement. Without these safeguards, innovation becomes risky, and investment dries up.

The Unlock Code: Strategies to Awaken the Giant

If the potential is real—and the numbers say it is—how do we turn Africa’s creative goldmine into a functioning economic engine?

1. Invest in Infrastructure

This isn’t optional. Governments and private investors must prioritize world-class studios, film cities, sound stages, theaters, and content distribution networks. Think less “makeshift microphone” and more “multi-million-dollar creative campus.”

Case in point: Nigeria’s Creative Industry Finance Initiative (CIFI), backed by the Central Bank, is helping fund film and music projects with real structure. It’s a model worth scaling continent-wide.

2. Build the Builders: Capacity Development

Training programs, scholarships, creative academies, and mentorship networks must be established—urgently. African creatives need the skills to not just produce content but manage, monetize, and market it on a global scale. Programs like Multichoice Talent Factory, AFRIFF’s training camps, and local incubators are lighting the way—but they need fuel.

3. Tackle Piracy Head-On

Combating piracy requires more than police raids and angry tweets. Governments must enact and enforce IP laws that actually deter infringement. But it also requires public education: consumers must understand that paying for art is not a luxury—it’s a necessity.

Digital rights management tools, blockchain-based royalty systems, and secure content platforms can help track and protect creative work in real time.

4. Leverage Technology and the Internet

The internet is a game-changer, but Africa must play to win. Streaming services like Boomplay, Audiomack Africa, and Mdundo have shown that localized platforms can thrive. Add social media, YouTube monetization, and direct-to-fan models, and you’ve got a digital economy waiting to erupt.

But again—connectivity matters. Investing in broadband access, digital literacy, and tech entrepreneurship is just as critical as studio space.

5. Build Ecosystems, Not Silos

Africa’s creative growth cannot happen in a vacuum. Governments, creatives, private investors, and NGOs must collaborate on long-term strategies that go beyond hype. We need continent-wide creative summits, regional licensing deals, export frameworks, and policies that treat culture like the billion-dollar industry it is.

The Youth Are Not the Future. They’re the Now

With a median age of just 19.7 years, Africa is literally the youngest continent on Earth. That’s not just a demographic stat—it’s a creative superpower. Gen Z and Gen Alpha Africans are digital natives who think globally, remix locally, and hustle endlessly. They’re coding by day, recording at night, and uploading from everywhere in between.

The job of today’s leaders—government officials, investors, industry veterans—is to ensure they have the tools, networks, and systems they need to build empires.

The Curtain Call: Africa, the World is Listening

The stage is set. The cameras are rolling. The music is playing.

Africa’s creative economy is not a “potential” anymore. It’s an imminent explosion. It’s the beat in your AirPods, the drama on your Netflix queue, the dress on the runway. What it needs now is investment, infrastructure, and intentionality.

The rewards? Massive. A thriving creative economy can create millions of jobs, increase GDP, reduce youth unemployment, and position Africa not just as a cultural powerhouse—but as an economic one.

So let’s stop treating creativity as a side hustle, and start treating it as the engine of Africa’s next economic leap. Because the sleeping giant is waking up.

And when it roars?

The world won’t just listen—it’ll dance.

The public may find a copy of the petition here: https://imaniafrica.org/2024/05/petition-to-investigate-the-electoral-commissions-conduct-in-the-retirement-and-disposal-of-elections-related-equipment/

My colleagues and I at IMANI have been gravely concerned by the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana’s handling of the nation’s scarce resources in the discharge of its duties, which conduct we believe amounts to “misappropriation”, “wastage”, and “misuse” of said resources.

At a time when the nation cannot service its debts and is in the midst of a tight IMF-supervised fiscal regime, such egregious conduct cannot be tolerated.

In our petition, we lamented that the EC’s conduct in the premature retirement and eventual disposal of tens of thousands of laptops, digital cameras, printers, scanners, and fingerprint verifiers, has been motivated by a conflict between its duties under various laws to judiciously apply the resources of this country for the good of the citizenry, on the one hand, and its tendency to take decisions favourable to various commercial vendors and transactors, on the other hand.

Furthermore, we stated our belief that the EC’s most recent conduct has been necessitated by a need to curtail transparency and accountability, and thus was motivated by a collective conflict of interest and potential corruption.

By its actions, it is attempting to erase inventory records and physical evidence of the blatant falsehoods it has told over the last four years regarding the purchase history of expensive electoral equipment.

We asserted our longstanding claim that the EC’s electoral equipment is a portfolio of multiple items, bought and refurbished at different intervals between 2011 and 2019.

That portfolio does not uniformly date to 2011 or 2012 as the EC has falsely and persistently claimed, and could thus not be so uniformly obsolete as to warrant a firesale to mysterious bidders, who have kept the prime portions for themselves and discarded the rest to be used as scrap. Ghana cannot continue to be milked in this fashion.

Some of these devices cost more than $3000 each, and together are worth tens of millions of dollars. At worst, they should have been donated to other government agencies that routinely buy similar machines at great cost to the state or transparently sold through a properly regulated public tender under the strict rules of the Public Procurement Act to ensure strict value for money.
Furthermore, the equipment in question contain sensitive voter information, including polling records and biometric data, that could be reassembled for nefarious purposes by devious actors to harm citizens and/or undermine Ghana’s public elections in some shape or fashion.

We do not believe that the EC and its commercial counterparties in these transactions complied with the highest standards of data handling and protection required in the transfer and/or disposal of such sensitive equipment. At any rate, none of them had the requisite certifications to be trusted with such a task.

I have also directed a possible referral of the matter to the Office of the Special Prosecutor for a specialised corruption risk assessment suited to the unique capabilities of that agency.

Should this be done, IMANI will update the public, as it would if any additional actions are contemplated, or information received.

We hope that the institutions we are investing our hopes in shall not fail Ghanaians.

Franklin Cudjoe
Executive Director, IMANI Center for Policy & Education

Context

In 2020, the EC embarked on a process to procure a brand-new set of equipment, software, ancillaries, and other items to replace the country’s extant technological infrastructure for public elections, particularly various biometric devices, computer gadgets, datacenters, and communications systems.

For ease of reference, we shall list the principal elements of the biometric and computing components of this technological infrastructure and adopt the EC’s term for referring to them collectively as the BVMS (Biometric Voter Management System) in the rest of this document. The most relevant components of the BVMS are:

• Biometric Verification Devices (BVDs): handheld equipment for authenticating the biometric credentials of a human voter (usually at a polling station, during voting, or at an exhibition center, following a registration exercise).
• Biometric Voter Registration kits (BVRs): a set of equipment usually including laptops or notebooks, high-resolution cameras, scanners, and (sometimes) printers.
• ABIS Software: a set of algorithms for maintaining the integrity of biometric data by preventing duplicate entries and ensuring unique identification of voters.
• Databases and datacenters: Physical locations and computer servers for hosting various software systems and voter records and data.

This petitioner – IMANI Center for Policy & Education (IMANI) – opposed this procurement action after carefully examining the claims of the EC contained in various public statements. In particular, the EC claimed that the existing BVMS was obsolete because it was procured and/or has been in use since 2011.

IMANI rejected the “obsolescence” claim because it had come by information to show that the EC had, until 2020, operated a policy of buying new devices to replace faulty or degraded ones, and thus the portfolio of BVMS components dated from different points of time. Most critically, there were many BVDs and BVRs that had been bought after 2011, some as late as 2018 and 2019. The entire EC’s portfolio of BVDs and BVRs could not be truthfully said to date from 2011, and therefore obsolete.

Even in a single BVR, for instance, one component (such as a digital camera) could be old or faulty, whilst within the same set another component (such as a fingerprint scanner or laptop) could be brand new and in perfect working order. In such instances, the EC’s customary practice had, until 2020, been to replace the old or faulty component in the set without tampering with the other components. And, certainly, without discarding the entire BVR set.

Supported by the government of the day, the EC in 2020 proceeded to procure a new BVMS, including tens of thousands of BVDs and thousands of BVRs, at great cost to the nation, instead of replacing components of the BVRs that may be faulty beyond repair, or genuinely unserviceable, and BVDs that were faulty beyond repair or genuinely unserviceable, as the Electoral Commission has done in times past.

The procurement process for the BVRs and BVDs was marked by controversy, attracting additional criticism from IMANI, including allegations of bid-rigging, manipulation, and the “engineering” of preferred outcomes. The Chair of one procurement cycle even saw the need to resign from his role.

The procurement process for the ABIS software was shrouded in considerable secrecy, and thus attracted similar criticism from IMANI for a seeming inflation of costs.

This was the context when in 2024, IMANI’s vigilant monitoring of the EC led to the discovery that thousands of BVMS components have been found in a recycling plant in Accra owned or operated by a company called Electro Recycling Ghana.

Following IMANI’s public reactions, the EC has issued a stream of responses that have served to heighten our suspicions that the EC’s actions amount to a breach of the Code of Conduct of Public Officers.

We posit that the EC’s approach to disposing of these electoral items was partly dictated by a need to suppress inventory records and to evade accountability, in light of the spirited campaign by civil society activists in 2020 to debunk the EC’s claims that the equipment in question all date from 2011, and are therefore obsolete, and partly by a need to facilitate undue commercial profiteering by the beneficiaries of the EC’s disposal methods.

The abuse of public resources and power for private gain is the universally acknowledged definition of corruption.

Ultimately, the EC’s conduct in this affair breaches the high standards expected of such a major constitutional body, and constitutes other infractions of laws, regulations, and standard protocols relating to the management of electoral systems, data protection, and public financial management.

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This initiative is both timely and commendable, addressing a critical barrier that has long hindered girls’ access to education in Ghana.

For many girls—especially those in rural areas—the lack of access to sanitary pads has resulted in missed school days, negatively impacting their academic performance and overall well-being.

In some distressing cases, girls have been exploited, with reports of men offering to buy sanitary pads in exchange for sexual favors, leading to unwanted pregnancies and further disrupting their education.

The introduction of free sanitary pads in schools is a much-needed intervention that promises to safeguard girls’ health, dignity, and right to education.

However, as we celebrate this important milestone, GNECC urges that robust monitoring mechanisms be put in place to ensure the effective and transparent implementation of the policy.

It is crucial that the pads reach the girls who need them most and that the initiative does not fall prey to mismanagement or abuse, such as the unauthorized sale of pads meant to be distributed freely.

We must also ask: Is this policy sustainable in the long term? Will the girls who are most vulnerable truly benefit from it?

GNECC commends the government for this progressive step and calls for ongoing evaluation and accountability to ensure that the Free Sanitary Pads initiative achieves its intended impact—empowering every girl to stay in school and reach her full potential.

‘I am no longer at the Ministries. I have been Reset, and currently at home.’ The word Reset, originally well intended has acquired such a bad odor, people take to their heels hearing reset drums in the neighborhood.

Labor Day greetings are tricky; you never know whether your neighbor is grinning to celebrate his new job; or on a Labor Day, groaning to cope with labor pains.

While scanning various cases countrywide I came across the biggest reset this Labor week: the nation’s Chief Justice who should normally be settling labor disputes, has herself been reset to idle at a Departure Lounge. School children have been told Justice Gertrude is only under suspension.

Among adults, it is known she is at the Departure Lounge. A successor has already been named, nicknamed as ‘Acting.’

But he was last seen dancing in church and thanking the good Lord for kind mercies. For those who knew the youthful days of His Lordship Baffoe-Bonnie, his recent ‘dance moves’ betray his past as an Okpo mate of Mensah Sarbah Hall.

For security reasons, however let me say the good old Justice was well behaved in his student days. Our worry being that if appointed, his date of birth entitles him to only a one-and-half-year tenure as Chief Justice, and those ready with welcome greetings should be prepared to add, ‘Farewell, brand new Chief Justice.’

It is notable however that Getty’s suspension and planned sendoff, has brought several concerned groups to their feet, looking desperately for any grave sins she committed. For once a public opinion poll hurriedly concocted by a mercenary pollster reports a 70% public approval of Her Lordship’s dismissal. That was perhaps inspired by an imaginary mandate in the Constitution such as: ‘The Chief Justice shall be removed by a swift opinion poll across the nation;’ clearly an irrational attempt to trivialize the fourth highest position of the Land.

Unpersuaded, civil society groups are up in arms this week to save the neck of Justice Gertrude Torkonoo, and preserve the dignity of the judiciary: the almighty Trade Union Congress, the Minority in Parliament, the Ghana Bar Association, and others. These are flying protest flags ready to hit the streets to avert a national disgrace. Together with one dissenting voice on the Council of State, the clarion call is ‘JM, Touch not the Anointed.’

The reasons are not hard to find. Justice Gertrude is on record as Ghana’s third Female CJ since independence. Should the axe fall, she would be the first dismissed CJ since 1963, when Nkrumah booted out His Lordship Justice Ako Korsah for acquitting suspects in a major murder trial.

The Second and Third Republics saw no such dismissal; and here comes this setback as Ghana’s democracy deepens and the 4th Republic hits the 33rd milestone.

The planned ousting amounts to terrorism on womanhood, the vulnerable, the judiciary, and a stain on that vision that has gifted Ghana the first female Vice President.

Since independence in 1957, Ghana has produced only 12 females out of a total of 89 justices of the Supreme Court, a dismal 13.5% female participation; and here comes this fresh wound meant to humiliate a 62-year old Chief Justice, and mother.

My own lay experience of a judicial disaster that would have triggered a dismissal was 1995: the historic drama on the appointment of Justice I. K. Abban as Chief Justice. The renowned Abban, earlier reputed as a stubborn Electoral Commissioner, received a baptism of fire when as CJ he erroneously jailed a newspaper columnist inserting a new page in his judgment, to balance the equation. The GBA was up in arms challenging Abban’s appointment due to a proven lack of integrity. Happily, my ubiquitous pen chronicled the event those days. Listen to my write hand, February 1995.

‘At the time of departure, the Ghana Bar Association was feverishly looking for red bands with which to bury Justice Abban as Chief Justice. They were going on a sympathy strike in support of the jailed columnist, Mensa Bonsu, and to boycott the courts.

If Abban is watching, he must have realized that he has mounted a throne which may turn out to be more problematic than the Veep’s. The real drama, however, will start if the GBA decides to take the Chief Justice to court.’

Yes the GBA took the matter to court, but failed to have the CJ removed.

The current attempt based on more trivial allegations should fall on deaf ears if Ghana seeks a respectable judiciary. Our President Mahama currently treads on slippery grounds and will not be spared by posterity should he opt to humiliate womanhood to consolidate power. There is every good reason guidelines in the formation of public committees are carefully worded. The golden clause, ‘at least one of whom must be a woman,’ is not a mere cliché. But Justice Torkonoo an astute Judge with formidable credentials is not simply ‘one of whom.’

Listening to a public lecture she gave at a Central University event last year, was breath of fresh air. As child of a teacher she experienced elementary education on various turfs: Tema, Suhum, Winneba, Ajumako, and being a whiz kid, skipped P5. To seal it all, Gertrude attended Motown.

Ask the sages, how many homes ever survived that flippantly sold off the Mother Hen?

Hands off Gertrude.

JM, Touch not the Anointed!

The individuals we bring into our organizations significantly influence our capacity to innovate, adapt, and thrive. In my experience leading a recruitment agency in Ghana, I have observed that mastering the art of hiring is pivotal for organizational success.

Here are key considerations and best practices tailored to the Ghanaian and African context to ensure effective recruitment.

1. Understanding the Local Talent Landscape

Ghana boasts a youthful and vibrant workforce, presenting both opportunities and challenges for employers. While the abundance of young talent is promising, a notable skills gap exists between industry requirements and job seekers’ competencies. This disparity underscores the need for employers to invest in comprehensive training and development programs to cultivate a workforce equipped for contemporary challenges.

Understanding the Skills Gap

Recent studies have illuminated the extent of this skills mismatch. According to the Ghana Youth Barometer 2024 Report, only 40.3% of youth believe that the education system adequately prepares them for the future. The report highlights deficiencies in practical skills such as critical thinking, creativity, and entrepreneurship.

Additionally, research by the African Center for Economic Transformation (ACET) underscores a significant gap between the knowledge and skills provided by the education system and those demanded by the labor market. This misalignment contributes to high rates of underemployment and unemployment among Ghanaian youth.

To address these challenges, employers can adopt the following strategies:

• Collaborative Training Programs: Partnering with educational institutions to design curricula that reflect current industry needs ensures that graduates possess relevant skills upon entering the workforce.

• Internships and Apprenticeships: These programs offer hands-on learning opportunities, bridging the gap between theoretical knowledge and real-world application.

• Continuous Professional Development: Implementing ongoing training initiatives helps employees stay updated with evolving industry trends and technologies.

• Mentorship Schemes: Establishing mentorship programs connects less experienced employees with seasoned professionals, facilitating knowledge transfer and skill enhancement.

2. Cultural Fit: Aligning Values and Vision

In Ghanaian corporate culture, communal values and respect for hierarchy are emphasized. Ensuring that potential hires resonate with the organization’s core values and cultural nuances is essential. A candidate’s ability to integrate seamlessly into the company culture can significantly impact team cohesion and productivity.

The Significance of Cultural Fit

Cultural fit refers to the alignment between an individual’s values, beliefs, and behaviors and those of the organization. Assessing this fit ensures new employees can adapt easily and work effectively within the team.

To ensure alignment between candidates and organizational culture:

• Clearly Define Organizational Values: Articulate your company’s mission, vision, and values to attract candidates who naturally align with your ethos.

• Incorporate Behavioral Interview Techniques: Use questions that explore how candidates handle situations reflecting your organization’s core values, such as collaboration and respect.

• Provide Realistic Job Previews: Give candidates insights into your work environment and expectations to help them assess their cultural fit.

3. Leveraging Data-Driven Recruitment Strategies

The advent of technology has revolutionized recruitment globally. In Ghana, adopting data-driven strategies enables organizations to make informed hiring decisions. Analytics can be used to assess competencies, predict performance, and identify retention risks.

To effectively leverage data:

• Invest in Technology: Use Applicant Tracking Systems (ATS) and recruitment software that collect and analyze data throughout the hiring process.

• Define Key Metrics: Establish recruitment metrics such as time-to-fill, cost-per-hire, and quality-of-hire.

• Train HR Personnel: Equip your HR teams to interpret data and apply insights to improve hiring outcomes.

4. Collaborating with Specialized Recruitment Partners

Navigating the complexities of talent acquisition in Ghana can be daunting. Partnering with specialized recruitment agencies offers access to broader networks and expert insights. These agencies can identify and attract candidates who not only have the right skills but also align with your long-term goals.

Advantages of Specialized Recruitment Agencies

• Access to a Broad Talent Pool: Agencies like Jobberman maintain databases of qualified professionals across sectors.

• Industry-Specific Expertise: They understand sector-specific requirements and can match candidates accordingly.

• Efficient Recruitment Processes: Their resources and experience streamline hiring, saving your team time.

• Enhanced Candidate Screening: Agencies use rigorous methods to ensure only the best-matched candidates are presented.

• Cost-Effective Solutions: By minimizing bad hires, they help reduce long-term costs and improve retention.

5. Emphasizing Employer Branding

In a competitive job market, a strong employer brand attracts top talent. Organizations must actively showcase their values, workplace culture, and employee value propositions.

Key Employer Branding Strategies

• Showcase Company Culture and Values: Communicate your mission and what makes your workplace unique through your website, social media, and job postings.

• Highlight Employee Success Stories: Share testimonials from employees who have thrived within your organization to attract like-minded candidates.

• Maintain a Positive Candidate Experience: Ensure that recruitment processes are transparent, respectful, and engaging to leave a lasting impression.

Conclusion

Securing the right hire in Ghana requires a comprehensive approach that includes understanding the local talent landscape, prioritizing cultural alignment, leveraging data and technology, collaborating with recruitment experts, and strengthening employer branding.

By integrating these strategies, organizations can build high-performing teams capable of driving sustainable growth in Ghana and across the African continent.

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You return to the people — the polling station executives, the tireless campaigners, the young student organisers who believed in something greater than themselves — and you say, “Thank you for standing with me.”

Following the 2024 election, many expected Dr Mahamudu Bawumia to follow that tradition immediately.

But he chose a different path. He paused. He reflected. He asked a simple yet powerful question: “What went wrong?”

Rather than rushing into applause and optics, he gave room to the Professor Mike Oquaye Committee — a group tasked with undertaking the hard but necessary work of examining the reasons behind our defeat.

That committee has now delivered. Its report is complete.

And Dr Bawumia, ever the student of reason, ever the believer in data and deliberation, is now doing what all leaders in our party have done before: embarking on a thank-you tour.

But here’s the twist.

For the first time in our history, he said: “Let’s do this together.” He invited not only his allies. He invited his opponents.

He invited the national executives. He invited those who had challenged him — fiercely and openly — in the primaries.

He extended his hand. Not out of weakness, but out of strength. Because he knows that politics is not about nursing old wounds; it is about building something new — together.

And for that — for trying to unite a divided house, for choosing reconciliation over resentment — he has been criticised. That was his only sin.

Now, the media spin, the whispers, the cynicism have followed. Suddenly, the headlines are louder than the handshakes. The message of unity is drowned out by noise. Mr Kennedy Agyapong, a man who opposed him strongly in the primaries, has withdrawn from the tour. And for some, that is the story.

But I believe the real story is this:

At a time when it would have been easier to go it alone, Dr Bawumia chose to carry the party with him. In a moment when bitterness could have taken centre stage, he chose to lead with grace.

That is the kind of leadership Ghana needs. The kind that doesn’t merely look forward, but brings others along. The kind that doesn’t bury the past, but learns from it. The kind that understands that gratitude and humility are not signs of defeat — they are the marks of a man still committed to service.

So let us not lose the plot here. This thank-you tour is not about one man’s ambition. It is about honouring our people. It is about showing every single party faithful that their sacrifices were seen. That their energy still matters. That we are still in this together.

Dr Bawumia’s only sin — if it can be called that — was believing that unity is still possible in our politics.

And perhaps, just perhaps, that is exactly the kind of “sin” we need more of.

Let us finish this tour with strength. Let us show the country that the NPP can heal. That we can grow. That we can rise again.

But let history show that his only sin — was trying to bring us together.

From stolen phones and wallets to scams involving fake electronic goods, the area, once intended as a symbol of modern transport infrastructure and economic centre, has now become a hotspot for criminal activity.

And it’s not just anecdotal; countless Ghanaians have shared similar stories of being duped, robbed, or harassed at Circle.

What is particularly alarming is that many of these crimes are committed by young people—teenagers and youth in their early twenties—some of whom have turned to theft, fraud, and extortion as a means of survival.

Without intervention, an entire generation is at risk of being lost to a life of petty and organised crime.

I, too, have not been spared.

Back in 2014, I visited Circle with a friend to purchase a phone. After what seemed like a successful transaction, the seller asked to remove his SIM card from the device—an innocent request, I thought. But the moment I handed the phone back, he bolted, disappearing into the crowd with both phone and cash in hand. We were left stunned.

Years later, on Wednesday, 30th April 2025, I found myself once again at Circle. I had alighted from a trotro, Accra’s popular public transport system, at the Fire Service area and began my usual walk towards the Lapaz stretch.

The area was already bustling with early-morning commuters and trotro conductors loudly calling out destinations.

This route is my daily commute to JoyNews at Kokomlemle, and I know the risks. I always hold my bag carefully, especially when navigating the crowd.

Yet on this day, despite my caution, I felt a familiar pang of loss. My bag had been unzipped. My Apple phone and a sum of money were gone. I was stunned, again.

What made it more disheartening was the fact that I had been walking right beside a uniformed police officer. Perhaps that gave me a false sense of security.

Ironically, she held her bag at her side, not on her back, which is the usual way your bag can be safe while walking through circle. Who knows? Perhaps she, too, was unaware she could be a target.

My frustration goes far beyond the stolen items. As a journalist, I carry sensitive information, contacts, and documents on my devices. My biggest concern now is the possibility of my privacy being violated and confidential data falling into the wrong hands.

But I am not alone. I am one of thousands of Ghanaians who use Circle each day. It is a vital transport and commercial hub, pulsing with life, opportunity, and chaos.

The economic significance of this location cannot be overstated. And yet, authorities seem to have abandoned it to criminals who operate with disturbing confidence.

What can be done?

Circle does not need to be a crime haven. With political will and coordinated action, it can be transformed into a safer, more functional space for all. Here are a few policy and enforcement suggestions:

• Increased police visibility: There must be a strong and constant presence of uniformed officers at key points. In addition, plain-clothes national security operatives should be deployed to monitor criminal behaviour discreetly and intervene where necessary.
• Decongestion and youth empowerment: Many of the individuals perpetrating crimes at Circle are young and economically disenfranchised. Government programmes like Adwumawura should be expanded to provide skills training, startup support, and apprenticeships. Investing in youth empowerment is not just a social responsibility—it is a security necessity.
• Remove illegal structures: The interchange is not a residential zone. Authorities should dismantle all unauthorised structures that have been turned into makeshift homes or criminal hideouts. The space should serve only its intended commercial and transit purposes.
• Targeted crackdowns on hideouts: Frequent police operations targeting known ghettos and gang-controlled zones should be instituted. Law enforcement must work to identify criminal ringleaders—often young men leading organised theft rings—and dismantle their networks.
• Mobile police units: Establish a rapid response unit stationed within the Circle area to attend to emergencies immediately. This would restore public confidence and reduce the window of criminal activity.
• Community partnerships: Collaboration between local traders, transport operators, and law enforcement could give rise to a community watch network. With proper training and support, locals could act as the first line of alert for suspicious behaviour.
• Better lighting and sanitation: Criminals thrive in darkness and disorder. Improving lighting in poorly lit areas, particularly at night, and implementing regular clean-up exercises would enhance security and make the environment more welcoming.

A call to action

Kwame Nkrumah Circle is more than just a busy hub, it is the beating heart of Accra’s public transport system and a hub of economic activity for thousands.

To allow it to fall deeper into lawlessness is to jeopardise the safety, dignity, and livelihoods of the very citizens who depend on it.

What’s worse is that the young people committing these crimes are not beyond redemption. With targeted support, they could become the very entrepreneurs, artisans, and leaders who will help transform the city.

The time for urgent action is now. Authorities must recognise that crime at Circle is not just a law enforcement issue; I don’t want to say it is a governance failure, maybe government officials are not aware of this.

It demands immediate, strategic, and sustained intervention; the people of Accra deserve better. And so does Circle.

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The launch of the Ghana Medical Trust Fund (Mahama Cares Initiative) is sensitive and responsive to emerging health trends over the years.

Over time, the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) has focused on primary healthcare and universal health coverage, including the provision of essential drugs for the treatment of common illnesses, disease prevention, maternal and child health, family planning, health education, and health promotion.

The NHIS has primarily addressed common illnesses like malaria and common respiratory diseases.

However, our current healthcare financing has not significantly addressed recent health trends, which include non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as hypertension, diabetes, complex respiratory illnesses, cancers, and terminal cardiovascular and renal diseases.

These trends are largely the result of lifestyle changes. Currently, 43% of mortalities (deaths) are attributed to these illnesses. While the need for education on lifestyle changes cannot be overstated, it is equally important to put financing measures in place to support our compatriots afflicted by these diseases, as they are closer to us than we may realize.

It is estimated that an average of GHS 53,000 is needed annually to fund the treatment of NCDs, which is a financial burden that could be a death sentence for many.

Hypertension and diabetes alone can lead to organ failure, and their treatment and management are not covered by NHIS, even though they are the precursors to major terminal illnesses like stroke, kidney failure, and heart failure.

The treatment of cancers through surgery, radiotherapy, and chemotherapy is not funded by NHIS. The Mahama Cares Initiative has come in handy to provide the necessary support in this regard.

As a professional, I have seen first-hand how well-to-do individuals can become paupers within just a few years after having to fund the treatment of renal and cardiovascular illnesses.

The need for funding support has come at the right time, and I commend President Mahama for this initiative. Posterity will be kind to him.

The Ghana Medical Trust Fund has come to stay. It is here to fund the longevity of Ghanaians!!!

Thank you to President Mahama.

The GBA claims that the Chief Justice’s suspension is unconstitutional due to the lack of published regulations governing the President’s discretion under Article 296(c). Here’s why that claim fails:

1. Supreme Court Already Decided This: In Ransford France v. Electoral Commission (2012), the Supreme Court unanimously held that not every discretionary act requires prior published regulations.

2. Literal Reading Rejected: Justice Date-Bah warned that a literal interpretation of Article 296(c) could lead to a “nuclear meltdown” of government, crippling normal administration.

3. Targeted Scope of Article 296(c): The Court ruled that Article 296(c) applies only to quasi-judicial situations, not to administrative acts such as suspending an official pending investigation. The Court clarified that “quasi-judicial” refers to adjudication.

4. Living Constitution Approach: Justice Atuguba emphasized that the Constitution must be interpreted dynamically to promote governance, not obstruct it with technicalities.

5. Absence of Regulations ≠ Automatic Unconstitutionality: The absence of regulations does not invalidate a discretionary act unless the act itself is arbitrary, biased, or violates due process (Articles 296(a) and (b)).

6. GBA Offers No Evidence of Bias or Unfairness: The GBA merely points to the absence of regulations without proving that the suspension was unfair, arbitrary, or prejudiced.

7. Ignoring Precedent is Dangerous: The GBA’s position ignores the Ransford France precedent and risks spreading legal confusion, rather than defending the rule of law.

8. Legal Certainty Matters: Following the GBA’s logic, thousands of lawful discretionary acts since 1969 would collapse. That is not the rule of law—it is chaos.

9. GOGO Supports Scrutiny—But It Must Be Grounded in Law: Criticism of executive action must be rooted in binding precedent, not political expediency or selective readings of the Constitution.

10. Conclusion: The Chief Justice’s suspension remains constitutional. The GBA’s call for revocation lacks legal merit and risks politicizing the judiciary.

B. GBA Calls for an End to Prejudicial Commentary

1. The GBA’s Self-Contradiction: In calling for an end to prejudicial commentary, the GBA has issued one of the most prejudicial declarations yet.

2. Premature Judgment: By declaring the Chief Justice’s suspension unconstitutional—without legal basis, reference to binding precedent, or waiting for the completion of the Article 146 process—the GBA has done exactly what it warns others against: passing judgment prematurely.

3. Practice What It Preaches: If the GBA wants to defend due process, it must first practice it. It cannot condemn prejudgment with one hand while dispensing it with the other.

4. Let the GBA Heed Its Own Message: Da Yie!

Despite decades of independence and national growth, Ghana’s approach to education is still heavily influenced by colonial legacies and entrenched traditions of instruction that prioritise knowledge acquisition and sheer recall over practical thinking and practical skills, as well as the application of knowledge and skills in meaning-making.

In most cases, the outlook of teaching and learning focuses on the present instead of emerging issues.

Given this, a serious disconnect occurs between what students are taught and the demands of emerging job markets, which are greatly determined by the rapidly evolving technologies and their emerging trends.

To curb the increasing problems of youth unemployment and unemployability, there is a need for a critical look and a paradigm shift from the existing systems of teaching and learning and by extension, methods of assessment, to a more pragmatic system that looks into the future.

Enduring Legacy in Colonial Foundations
The foundations of the formal education system in Ghana can be traced back to the colonial era, particularly the era of British domination. Education was designed primarily to produce a small educated elite who could support the colonial administration.

Although the focus seemed to be on rote memorisation, rigid curricula, and the propagation of British values, with little regard for local context or the practical needs of the broader population, the primary aim was to train a section of Ghanaians to fill the needs of the job market per the description of the British coloniser as well as helping to maintain colonial control over the local populace.

After Ghana’s independence in 1957, several attempts have been made at reforms in the education system to reflect the needs of the nation.

Mention can be made of the Free Universal Primary Education (FUPE), The Junior Secondary School system that is aimed at introducing practical subjects and activities that allow students to acquire occupational skills, which after an apprenticeship might lead to the qualification for self-employment, the Free Compulsory Universal, Basic Education (FCUBE) programs well as more recently, the Standard Base Curriculum (SBC).

There is also been some credible attempts at integrating the study and use of ICT into the educational system at all levels.

However, despite all these reforms, the system largely retained the structural and philosophical underpinnings of the colonial era. This lingering legacy continues to influence the content, teaching and assessment of the reviewed curriculum.

It still hinges on knowledge acquisition and writing of non-differentiated standardised examinations, rather than fostering practical skills, critical thinking, and innovation necessary to succeed in the modern world.

The Emphasis on Mere Knowledge Acquisition
Perhaps a distinct flaw in Ghana’s educational system is its disproportionate emphasis on overly knowledge acquisition, which rewards the ability to recollect information as they are with very little attempt at practical thinking or application.

This academic-centric approach has its roots in a deeply ingrained belief that success is measured by academic qualifications determined through a standardised examination that does not give room for a differentiated set of questions.

Although examinations and certificates may be important indicators of knowledge, they are not enough to prepare students for the increasingly complex and dynamic demands of the job market, which is hinged on emerging trends and deep reasoning that can generate well-meaning results.

Learners are often required to memorise vast amounts of information without necessarily understanding its practical applications. This becomes a form of passive learning that stifles creativity, critical thinking, problem identification and the generation of workable solutions.

It further militates the learner’s ability to generate essential skills such as digital literacy, technical proficiency, and entrepreneurial skills, which are vital for making meaning in an interconnected technology-driven world.

This rigid nature of the educational system contributes to a decline in the fostering of the entrepreneurial mindset necessary to drive economic growth.

It could also be realised that the structure of courses and subjects taken at almost every level of the education system is usually not in configuration with the realities of entrepreneurship, innovation, and practical skills in real-world situations.

Given this, many young people become unemployable and unprepared to harness opportunities in the growing sectors of the job market.

Infrastructural and Resource Challenges
Another serious shortcoming in Ghana’s education system is the significant infrastructural and resource-related challenges.

It should be reiterated that over the years, some progress has been made in expanding access to education, particularly through the implementation of policies like free basic education and the construction and equipping of school buildings across the country, there remains a glaring discrepancy in the quality of education across the country.

Urban schools, although better resourced, are often overcrowded, while rural schools continue to grapple with inadequate facilities and a shortage of qualified teachers.

These infrastructural deficiencies further worsen the quality gap between students in different regions.

In rural areas, where resources are even scarcer, learners often attend schools with poor facilities, insufficient teaching and learning materials, and inadequate teacher training. As a result, many children do not achieve the educational outcomes and it perceived employable skills required for the job market or even self-employment.

Investing in teacher training is crucial to bridging the gap between urban and rural education. This involves providing regular professional development programs, such as workshops, seminars, and courses, to enhance teachers’ subject matter expertise and pedagogical skills.

Additionally, mentorship initiatives need to be improved to pair experienced teachers with newer educators, offering guidance and support to help them navigate the challenges of the profession.

Furthermore, technology integration training is essential in today’s digital age. Teachers should be equipped with the skills to effectively incorporate technology into their teaching practices, making learning more engaging and relevant to students’ lives.

Context-specific training is also vital, as it allows teachers to address the unique needs of their students and communities.

Moreover, continuous assessment and feedback are critical components of effective teacher training. Regular evaluation of teacher performance, accompanied by constructive feedback, supports ongoing improvement and helps teachers refine their craft.

These comprehensive investments in teacher training programs will help improve the quality of education, enhance learners’ outcomes, and better prepare them for the demands of the modern world.

The Paradigm Shift and the Way Forward
Considering the mitigating issues discussed earlier, it is undeniable that there should be a serious paradigm shift in our educational system. Recent initiatives, such as the “Free Senior High School” policy, have made significant strides in increasing access to education.

There is also a gradual review of the curriculum to suit international standards. However, the system is still grappling with the issue of just acquiring certificates through standardised education rather than acquiring knowledge and skills through practical thinking.

To stay competitive globally, Ghana must prioritise education reform, focusing on practical skills development, critical thinking, and problem-solving. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in providing resources and expertise to support education reform.

By working together, we can create an education system that truly prepares students for the demands of the modern world.

Conclusion
Ghana’s educational system, despite its progress in increasing access to schooling, remains largely attached to the educational principles of the past.

To secure a future where Ghanaian youth can compete on the global stage and contribute meaningfully to the nation’s development, the education system must evolve.

This evolution requires a fundamental shift from just the acquisition of knowledge and reproducing them through standardised examination to one of practical thinking, where students can readily identify and apply such knowledge in solving simple to complex problems of real-world challenges.

It is time Ghana’s educational system moves beyond vain knowledge and certificate acquisition to a system that aims at truly preparing its children for the future through a comprehensive, forward-thinking approach that hinges on using innovation and creativity to solve complex global problems.

Anything short of that will be preparing its growing population for the past that no longer exists.

Authors:

Mantey Jectey-Nyarko (Ph.D)
Faculty of Art
KNUST-Kumasi

Obenfo Nana Kwasi Gyetuah
GNACOPS-NED

Together, these institutions play critical roles in shaping the lives of individuals, who, in turn, owe allegiance to both systems.

In everyday life, an individual seeking conflict resolution may choose to turn to either the traditional system or the formal legal framework.

Historically, the unity, peace, and security of kingdoms, chieftaincies, and communities were sustained by the leadership and protection provided by chiefs, sub-chiefs, and family or community leaders within the chieftaincy hierarchy.

Traditional governance revolved around these leaders, with customary arbitration, conducted by chiefs and their elders, serving as the primary means of conflict resolution from the village to the state level.

Strong institutions are vital for political stability and democratic governance. They facilitate political participation, uphold the rule of law, and promote national cohesion.

Conversely, weak or defective institutions expose a country to violence, instability, and the breakdown of democratic systems.

Despite the historically significant role of the chieftaincy institution, it is currently beset by numerous challenges, particularly conflicts.

These disputes are neither new nor confined to a single traditional area. While some administrations have engaged the chieftaincy institution constructively, others have mishandled the relationship.

The Rawlings administration maintained a balanced engagement with chiefs, setting clear boundaries.

The Kufuor and Mills administrations also managed these relationships with relative success.

However, under President Nana Akufo-Addo, the situation deteriorated as chiefs were allowed unchecked influence, resulting in impunity, increased lawlessness, and conflict.

I urge President John Mahama to avoid the path taken by his immediate predecessor—a path that stifled business and worsened the country’s economic challenges.

Today, some Ghanaians view the chieftaincy institution as having outlived its usefulness.

Although some conflicts have been peacefully resolved through both customary and legal arbitration, many others remain protracted and destructive.

One of the most persistent issues is land disputes, often caused by unscrupulous chiefs involved in the sale and resale of lands.

These actions have led to violence, civil conflict, and long-standing bitterness among families.

Additionally, the galamsey (illegal mining) menace is impossible to sustain without the complicity or endorsement of some traditional rulers.

To address the issues undermining the chieftaincy institution, I propose the following recommendations:

Amend the Chieftaincy Act and Establish Specialized Courts: The law should be revised to reflect modern realities. Specialised courts should be established in all sixteen regions of Ghana to quickly and fairly adjudicate cases involving traditional rulers who use their position to perpetuate conflict and division. I firmly believe that political parties like the NPP and NDC are not the primary threats to national peace—it is rather some deviant traditional rulers, especially those involved in land matters, who pose a greater risk to democratic progress.

Focus on Empowering Entrepreneurs Over Traditional Rulers: The government should prioritise the development of local entrepreneurs instead of investing heavily in traditional rulers. Only a small fraction—around 10 percent—of Ghanaian chiefs are truly industrious and committed to community development. For instance, the New Juaben Omanhene has established one of the largest oil palm plantations in Ghana, while many of his peers remain entangled in land disputes.

Curb Excessive Political Patronage of Chiefs: Politicians must refrain from giving undue prominence to chiefs or lavishing them with state resources such as luxury vehicles. This practice is detrimental to national economic development. The government should be honest with traditional rulers and hold them accountable, especially regarding land-related misconduct.

In conclusion, chieftaincy succession, land ownership, and party politics are widely perceived as the leading causes of violent conflict in Ghana.

The recurring and often intractable nature of these conflicts poses serious risks to democratic development and national cohesion.

Monetisation of politics has entrenched itself so deeply in our political culture that it now threatens the very foundation of democratic governance.

From internal party contests to national elections, money has become the primary currency of political power—not ideas, not competence, not public service.

Delegates, in many instances, demand financial and material incentives as a matter of routine. This expectation has trickled down to the general electorate, where voters increasingly see financial inducements as a condition for exercising their civic right to vote. What was once considered electoral malpractice is now seen by many as the political norm.

Meanwhile, the real cost of this corrosive system is paid by ordinary citizens. Hospitals lack modern equipment and essential supplies.

For the vulnerable, these facilities often serve not as places of healing but as transit points to the next world. In parts of the country, children still learn under trees—despite the unprecedented inflow of financial resources under the previous administration—resources that could have transformed lives if spent wisely.

A Clear Example: The Akonta Mining Saga

The Akonta Mining scandal is a glaring example of how monetised politics leads to leadership failure, dysfunctional governance, and the collapse of institutional integrity. Despite operating illegally in a protected forest reserve, the company received public defence from high-ranking political figures, sending a clear message: political connections can override the rule of law.

This case typifies the state capture syndrome—where power is used not to enforce laws but to protect vested interests. Regulatory bodies were either silent or complicit. Law enforcement took no decisive action. Institutions meant to uphold environmental standards crumbled under political pressure. It revealed, in plain sight, the dangerous intersection of business, politics, and impunity.

Regulating Political Financing

There is an urgent need to ban vote buying and all forms of inducement. But that’s only one part of the solution. What’s needed is a comprehensive overhaul of how political financing is regulated in this country. This includes:

• Transparent campaign financing laws with strict disclosure requirements.

• Spending limits for candidates and parties to level the playing field.

• Independent enforcement bodies with the power to investigate and sanction violations.

• Public education to challenge and change the mindset that sees inducement as entitlement.

A Clear Mandate to Reset

President John Dramani Mahama has been given a resounding mandate to reset the nation—to clean up governance, restore accountability, and redirect national resources toward meaningful development.

That mission will be impossible if the monetisation of politics remains unchecked. The stakes are clear: either we confront this threat head-on, or we allow it to permanently undermine our democracy and development.

The urgency to act has never been greater. To succeed in the reset agenda, we must dismantle the structures and culture that allow money to dominate politics. That means real reform—not talk, not tokenism. The future of our democracy depends on it.

Not long after came his colleague Eric, hanky in hand and nose oddly splashed with powder. Eric politely asked if I would mind being served with Coke while waiting.

Coke, of course, was welcome. With my long experience with Coca-Cola back in Ghana why not a Coke hospitality while waiting, better still if it came with biscuits. But I quickly checked myself and reversed my nod, when I noticed two guys following in tow, their noses dripping with a white stuff.

There was more beyond: every individual stepping out of a side room came sniffing and sniffing and sniffing a powdery substance. Was this talcum powder, my Ghanaian instincts, but I was wrong! The Coke on offer was Cocaine. Not a facial enhancement, not my Ghana Coke served from bullet-proof bottles. Soon after, a brief self-introduction in progress got more and more animated, and I found myself in the ‘high’ company of faces I had just met. I was a young man of 30.

If I had agreed for my nose to be anointed that day, I would have graduated long ago and been appointed Ambassador Emeritus for Cocaine Ghana. Cocaine Ghana? That would be unfair for Africa’s finest: originally called the Gold Coast. In our anniversary month of March, a name change to the ‘Coke Coast’ would have tainted our good image beyond repair. But we were almost there: it was the same month the nation was invaded by a mystery virus: serial discovery of huge quantities of gold bars, plus the seizure of large caches of foreign currency on wheels; then came the saga of loaded port containers mysteriously diminishing by the day.

Plus this: twin mysterious planes suspiciously lurking on our tarmac, including an air ambulance alleged to have collapsed at our Kotoka airport. The suspicion was that Ghana’s lost treasures were probably in transit to safer destinations. Or had the former Gold Coast been given away as a hub for illicit gold and Coke trade on our blind side? All this happening during a transition from one government to another, the optics were scary.

Even more dreadful were the loud silences following each treasure find. In a country where pure gold today could be declared as fake gold tomorrow; and ‘gold bars’ become ‘chop bars’ the next day, loud silences the day after were worrying. Good manners forbid talking while eating, I soon learned! April 1, while all attention was riveted on April Fools, a respected legislator refused to be fooled.

In compliance with the security advisory, ‘if you see something, say something,’ he blew a loud whistle: two mysterious flights relaxing on our air tarmac for days, had headed to a known drug Paradise in Spain. One plane had indeed been labelled as an ‘ambulance,’ but tweakai! observers would not be fooled. Our nation has gotten used to siren-blaring ambulances speeding through traffic, past 37 Military Hospital, only to unload farm produce at the Malata market.

Critically ill cassava on board! But the whistleblower was not a mere legislator; he was a ranking member on defense and interior in whose remit suspicious flights squarely fall. Above all, Rev Fordjour is one of two certified men of God in parliament. Going public with his suspicion merely meant: ‘In God We Trust, Not Ambulances.’

Hearing the whistle, JDM, our dear President, takes a bold step and orders relevant state agencies to `immediately and fully collaborate with the honorable MP so he provides all necessary info to investigate the allegations and expose any drug dealing.’ The President emphasised Ghana’s zero tolerance for drug trafficking and would not allow the country to be used as a transit point or final destination for illicit drugs.

Reset the agenda in bold. That was a master stroke that set all hearts at ease, but not for long. The next day, a Govt spokesman dramatically reverses JDM’s directive. To the spokesman, JM’s call was not for investigation, but to raise eyebrows on the whistleblower himself. `Prosecute him; arrest the liar,’ became the new mantra echoed by pro-Govt agencies. The plaintiff was now a suspect.

Apart from the minority caucus that rose to his support, Ghana largely stood and stared as the reverend minister was booed, jeered, taunted, shamed, and abused. Things came to a head on Wednesday, 9th April. Dozens of armed men stormed the Spintex residence of Reverend Fordjour. The mission was unclear, but armed men wielding AK-47 rifles with hooded faces could either be lawless bandits or true law enforcement, in these days of a peculiar democracy.

One thing was certain: those armed men were not prayer warriors. The scene soon turned into a war zone with curious onlookers, plus a visiting minority caucus virtually stunned, while traumatized kids of the legislator sobbed and wondered what was going to happen to Daddy. Call it a looming battle between armed men and a Minister of the Gospel brandishing St James Bible and a Cross.

Towards the day of Crucifixion, issues still remain unresolved, even while faith in a public inquiry fades, and evidence from a crime scene melts away in high altitudes.

Is Ghana a hub for drug trafficking? Hopefully not. Let a reset Ghana stand firm and collectively resolve to protect our good Name. In God we trust. Not in Coke!

Nonetheless, while there might be some efforts or initiatives to address the issue of dysfunctional streetlights in Accra, the problem persists, and it is uncertain whether these efforts will lead to lasting issues. I doubt!

In the build up, I took a stroll through town from Shiashie to Madina (Zongo Junction), where I counted numerous non-functioning streetlights on Tuesday night (7:45pm – 9pm), April 15 2025. This happened after I took note of these streetlights malfunctioning for the past 3 weeks, especially that of the Okponglo to PRESEC legon stretch.

Starting between the Shiashie bus stop and the Okponglo traffic light stretch, I realized that almost all the streetlights are not working.

However, the dark spot area itself is worrying and disturbing as it shoots some threat warnings to drivers and students. The Okponglo to PRESEC legon stretch has been a frequent zone of faulty lighting.

I was able to count some 200 streetlights between this very dark spots. This number may be more than that, as some of these lighting infrastructures (poles) come with double lights. It may interest you to know that on a pole of two lights, not even one is working.

Also as part of my efforts to report on this infrastructure challenge, the streetlights on the Atomic overpass (from Madina to Accra) has 25 faulty lightings. None of the lights on that side of the road is functioning currently.

The Atomic Junction – Haatso stretch is also very worrying as most of the streetlights are not functioning.

Another dark spot is the Fire Stone – Madina (Zongo Junction) stretch. All 39 installed streetlights are currently dysfunctional. This has caused streetlight outage for the past 3 weeks, creating a potential hazard.

It must however be noted that, all 39 poles has 2 lights on them, making a total of 78 non-functional lights. Among these 78, 2 lights have broken and are hanging on the pole awaiting its final downfall (somewhere around the masalakyi).

Furthermore, all streetlights from Madina (Zongo junction) to Adenta barrier are dysfunctional and unfit for purpose.

Meanwhile, on March 25 2025, as part of her promise to restore streetlights across all Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in the Greater Accra region (MMDAs) in her first 50 days in office, the Greater Accra Regional Minister, Linda Ocloo disclosed that maintenance works are ongoing on the above streets (Shiashie to Oyibi).

According to her, “there is a maintenance works on streetlights on portions on the N1 (Tetteh Quarshie to Kasoa), N6 (Achimota to Amasaman) and N4 (Shiashie to Oyibi) by the Ghana Highways Authority and the contractor is on site with works ongoing.”

However, this claim does not look feasible as I have been monitoring these roads for some time now. If a contractor is really on site, they should have been dealt with by now. The broken and hanging lights at Madina (masalakyi) should have been replaced by now.

I want to urge the Honorable Minister, to please be up to her game and be swift about prioritizing the streetlights on these major highways. Concentrate on the major roads!

For the past 3 weeks, I have witnessed how these dark spots reduced visibility, obscuring important visual cues, and making it difficult to see road markings, potential hazards, and even traffic signs.

Also, I have noticed that these faulty streetlights have created low lighting, which impairs driver’s ability to assess speed and distance, increasing the likelihood of accidents.

You see, when drivers are exposed to low lighting for a long time, it increases fatigue and stress, leading to poor judgment and accidents. And very soon, some of these dark spots (which are mostly bus stops), will increase criminal activities such as theft, assault, among others.

I do not want to hit more on the dangers these non-functional streetlights are likely to pose, as we all may be well abreast with them.

I am therefore using this medium to call on the regional minister, Linda Akweley Ocloo, the Ghana Highways Authority, and all stakeholders to act swiftly in replacing all dysfunctional streetlights, and above all, find a lasting solution to the frequent black outs of the streetlights.

The writer, Bright T. Terkpernor, is a Journalist with the Daily Dispatch and a Columnist.

To: His Excellency,
President of the United Nations Security Council
United Nations Headquarters
New York, NY, USA

Subject: Urgent Appeal for Intervention in the Ongoing Conflict in Bawku, Ghana

Dear Your Excellency,

I write to you as a concerned Ghanaian-born American citizen and a graduate student at the University of Massachusetts, United States of America, where I am pursuing a degree in Information Technology with a concentration in Cybersecurity.

It is with a heavy heart and a deep sense of urgency that I bring to your attention the violent conflict currently escalating in Bawku, a border town in Ghana’s Upper East Region, particularly affecting the community of Pusiga.

Bawku is home to approximately 125,000 people, the majority of whom are vulnerable women and children living under conditions of poverty and underdevelopment.

Just yesterday, a close friend of mine — whom I helped join the Ghana Police Service two years ago — contacted me to share firsthand accounts of the situation. Having known him for over a decade, I trust his integrity and judgment.

He described the conflict as warlike in its scale and intensity, revealing that over the past three weeks, deadly clashes between two factions have become frequent, with weapons as advanced and lethal as those used by the Ghanaian security forces.

He narrowly escaped death when a bullet missed him by inches. Sadly, three of his colleagues were struck — two died instantly, while the third had to be airlifted to Accra for urgent medical care.

According to reliable sources, more than 300 lives have been lost so far. The weapons involved suggest that the conflict has escalated far beyond localized skirmishes, posing a serious threat to the stability of the region. Despite the gravity of this crisis, the government’s response has been slow and, at times, seemingly influenced by political considerations rather than an urgent desire to restore peace.

I know Bawku and its people well. Many families survive on less than $5 a day, and countless children are either out of school or living under the constant threat of violence. This region cannot endure the loss of yet another generation to war and instability.

Your Excellency, I humbly appeal for your urgent intervention. I urge you to use your esteemed office to initiate dialogue with the government of Ghana, especially His Excellency President John Mahama, whose leadership could play a pivotal role in mediating and calming tensions. I also call upon the Security Council to bring global attention to the need for humanitarian assistance in this region.

I have been informed this morning, April 15, 2025, that the Asantehene, His Majesty Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, is scheduled to mediate between the warring factions — a promising step toward peace. However, international support and pressure are critical to ensure a lasting resolution and the immediate cessation of hostilities.

The killings must stop. I submit this appeal in good faith, with the hope that swift and decisive action from your office can help save lives and restore peace in Bawku.

With deep respect and hope,

Victor Hayibor
Graduate Student, University of Massachusetts
Naturalized U.S. Citizen
Ghanaian by Birth

Amidst the world today undergoing major changes unseen in a century and transformative shifts in the global economic governance system, China continues to deepen the principle of sincerity, real results, amity and good faith.

For China’s Africa policy and the principle of pursuing the greater good and shared interests, and advances institutional opening-up to jointly forge an all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for the new era.

At the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held on 5^th September 2024, President Xi Jinping announced that China would voluntarily and unilaterally open its market wider, and decided to give all LDCs (Least Developed Countries) having diplomatic relations with China, including 33 countries in Africa, zero-tariff treatment for 100% tariff lines.

This move marks China becoming the first G20 member to fully cover zero-tariff treatment for LDCs.

Previously, China has maintained zero-tariff on 98% products with tariff lines originating from 27 African LDCs, signed Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) with 34 African countries, and signed the Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) with 21 African countries.

China has built up a multi-dimensional institutional framework covering market access, investment protection and tax coordination, thereby helping China-Africa economic and trade cooperation to improve quality and upgrade.

In 2024, the total trade volume between China and Africa reached 295.5 billion US dollars, a year-on-year increase of 6.1%. Export of electric vehicles has grown substantially, reflecting China’s emphasis on cooperation with African countries in the areas of green energy.

It is expected that China-Africa trade volume will steadily increase to over 300 billion US dollars in 2025, and China-Africa economic and trade cooperation still has endless potential and bright prospects.

China has created favourable conditions for African countries’ high-quality products to enter the Chinese market more conveniently and quickly, further boosting Africa’s industrial development, promoting job growth and poverty reduction.

China has also established and expanded “green channels” for African agricultural products to be exported to China, facilitated the participation of African enterprises in large-scale exhibitions such as China’s Canton Fair, the International Import Expo and the International Supply Chain Expo.

Also, China will construct digital silk roads for African specialty products to connect to the world market.

Recently, certain country used tariff as a weapon to exert maximum pressure for its own selfish gains, which severely hurts the legitimate rights and interests of all countries, violates the WTO rules, sabotages the rules-based multilateral trading regime, and destabilizes the global economic order.

As a member of the Global South, China has always insisted on “joining hands” with each other instead of “letting go” of each other’s hands, “tearing down walls”, not to “erecting walls”, and firmly helping each other with African brothers including Ghana, to promote win-win cooperation with practical actions.

On 3^rd April, the Association of China (Ghana) Mining LBG was established in the presence of Minister for Lands and Natural Resources, Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah and other senior officials, which is an important milestone in China-Ghana mining cooperation.

It will strongly support Ghana’s economic development and improve people’s livelihood. As the co-chair of the Official Creditor Committee for Ghana, China played an active coordinating role and worked constructively to facilitate the proper settlement of Ghana’s debt issue.

In the process of universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, China will work with Ghana to share the fruits of development for the benefit of both peoples.

The 4^th China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo will be held in Changsha, Hunan Province, from 12^th to 15^th June.

By then, China will provide more cooperation opportunities for African state-owned and private sectors in areas including clean energy, energy conservation and environmental protection, traditional medicine, cross-border e-commerce, modern agricultural machinery and construction machinery.

I believe China will continue to promote the implementation of pragmatic initiatives such as tariff reduction and exemption, trade facilitation arrangements and trade exhibitions, proving with facts that China will always be Africa’s good friend, good partner and good brother.

Are we truly representing all parts of our great party especially those beyond our borders, fairly and effectively?

Having served as a member of the three-person committee that developed the Diaspora Strategy Plan for Election 2024, and through years of active involvement in NPP UK and diaspora activities, I have witnessed firsthand the enormous contributions that our external branches bring to the table.

These insights, grounded in extensive research and practical experience, form the basis of a call for urgent and bold constitutional reforms, reforms that I respectfully urge the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Council (NC) to consider with the seriousness they deserve.

The Reality on the Ground: A Case for Structural Recognition

Branches like NPP UK, NPP USA, NPP Germany and other external branches are not mere overseas support groups.

They are highly organised, politically active regions in their own right. With over 20 functioning chapters, each equivalent to a constituency in Ghana, they mobilise voters, shape policy debates, host fundraising events, and maintain a strong grassroots presence. These chapters mirror the operational scale of our constituencies back home.

To put this into perspective:

• Ashanti Region has 47 constituencies, the highest in Ghana followed by Greater Accra, Eastern and Central Regions with 34, 33 and 23 constituencies respectively with the other regions having less than 20 constituencies.
• Ahafo, North East, Savannah, Oti, Western North, Bono East, Upper West, Bono Regions range between 6 to 12 constituencies.
• NPP UK, USA, Germany and others external branches operate over 20 chapters each, with strategic outreach and mobilisation spanning across their respective countries.

Yet, despite their comparable numbers and influence, external branches are allocated only 12 delegates each in party elections, while every Ghanaian constituency commands 17 delegates.

This numerical disparity leaves a yawning gap in representation that undermines the foundational principle of democracy within our party.

The Missing Voices: Youth, Women, and NASARA

The issue of underrepresentation is even more pronounced when we look at how our party wings are involved in selecting national leadership:

• Only the Branch Youth Organiser and a deputy are included as voting delegates for the National Youth Organiser.
• The same applies for the Women’s Wing and NASARA, with no voting power given to Chapter Organisers.

This marginalisation of grassroots leaders, those doing the everyday work of the party is a missed opportunity for real, ground-up participation. It’s time to fix that.

Proposals for Change: Building a More Inclusive and Democratic NPP

1. Formal Recognition of External Branches as Regional Equivalents:
   The party constitution must formally acknowledge external branches as full regional bodies. This includes their right to contribute to policy development, strategic planning, and voting in all internal elections.
2. Recognition of Chapters as Constituencies:
   Each chapter within a branch should be treated as a constituency, with corresponding privileges and responsibilities including training, resources, and voting rights.
3. Recalibrate Delegate Allocation:

• All Branch Executives should be given voting rights.
• All Chapter Executives under the branch should be delegates.
• A proposed 9-member Council of Elders per external branch should be allowed delegate status.

4. Expand Delegate Participation for Party Wings:

• All Branch Youth Wing Executives and Chapter Youth Organisers should vote in the election of the National Youth Organiser.
• The same principle should apply to the Women’s Wing and NASARA Wing, ensuring that all organisers regardless of their level have a seat at the decision-making table. 

Strategic Justification: Why This Matters Now

In 2023, remittances from the Ghanaian diaspora hit $4.7 billion, according to the Bank of Ghana.

A significant proportion of this came from patriotic Ghanaians many of them NPP members, who not only support families back home but also fund party campaigns, donate to welfare initiatives, and invest in policy-driven causes.

During the 2020 and 2024 elections, external branches mobilised hundreds of thousands of cedis to directly support campaigns across Ghana.

In NPP UK alone, I was part of several initiatives that linked fundraising with constituency-level support on the ground.

We also contributed to the party’s policy platform through white papers, diaspora engagement plans, and digital voter outreach.

The truth is: our external branches are already operating as full partners in the party’s success. The constitution just needs to catch up.

Conclusion: Time for Action

The NPP has always stood for progress, inclusivity, and visionary leadership. These values must now be reflected in how we govern ourselves internally.

We are not asking for privilege; we are asking for fairness. For representation that reflects responsibility. For a constitution that recognises that the party lives and thrives not only in Accra, Kumasi, and Tamale but also in London, Washington, Hamburg, and Toronto.

I urge the NEC and the NC to consider these proposals as more than constitutional tweaks. They are strategic recalibrations to build a more resilient, inclusive, and globally united NPP.

Let us lead by example. Let us include everyone. Let us rise together.

Thank you.

About author:

Dr. Kingsley Ahenkora-Duodu

Branch Deputy Youth Organiser, NPP UK
Former Youth Organiser – Leeds Chapter
Former PRO – TESCON UK
Former TESCON President – Universities in Leeds
Member – NPP 2024 Manifesto Committee for Youth and Sports

The Alavanyo-Nkonya conflict in the Volta Region dates back to the early 1900s, rooted in a land dispute between the two neighbouring ethnic communities.

The situation escalated in the 1990s and 2000s, resulting in repeated clashes and loss of lives.

In contrast, the Bawku conflict in the Upper East Region is driven by both chieftaincy and ethnic tensions, mainly between the Kusasis and Mamprusis.

This conflict has seen multiple flare-ups, often accompanied by violence, displacement, and instability — and the media has played very different roles.

In Alavanyo-Nkonya, state-owned newspapers such as the Daily Graphic and Ghanaian Times were instrumental in promoting peace.

They provided accurate information, published peace messages, collaborated with local leaders, and highlighted early warnings to prevent violence. Their efforts elevated the conflict to national attention and encouraged collective action.

However, in Bawku, local radio stations have come under fire for spreading hate speech and inflaming tensions. The National Media Commission (NMC) has issued warnings to media outlets accused of inciting violence rather than promoting unity.

Unlike Alavanyo-Nkonya, there has been limited focus on using the media as a peacebuilding tool in Bawku.

Community action made a significant difference in Alavanyo-Nkonya. Traditional rulers, elders, and youth groups formed peace committees, participated in peace education programs, and launched initiatives — sometimes supported by citizens abroad — to mediate tensions and build trust.

In Bawku, however, the path forward still depends on what the people choose to do. Community members, youth leaders, chiefs, and influencers must actively promote dialogue over violence.

They need to challenge false narratives, reject incitement, and push for peace initiatives within their communities.

The Alavanyo-Nkonya experience provides a blueprint for Bawku:

• Media Use: Train and encourage the media to focus on accurate, peace-centered reporting.

• Community Involvement: Establish peace committees involving youth, women, chiefs, and elders.

• Dialogue: Create consistent opportunities for community-level peace talks.

• Youth Engagement: Empower young people to reject violence and lead peace campaigns.

• Traditional Leadership: Ensure chiefs remain neutral and serve as facilitators of peace, not partisans in conflict.

It must be noted that the role of the media in conflict can be double-edged — it can either ignite tensions or heal divisions.

In Alavanyo-Nkonya, responsible journalism contributed significantly to calming tensions and building national awareness.

In Bawku, the media must shift toward peace journalism — reporting that unites rather than divides. This includes rejecting inflammatory language, correcting misinformation, and prioritizing sensitivity in conflict reporting.

But the media cannot do it alone. Peace must begin with the people. Citizens must take ownership of the situation by promoting interethnic dialogue, rejecting violence, supporting peace campaigns, and working with institutions to ensure safety and stability.

As the Alavanyo-Nkonya story shows, peace is possible — but only when both the media and the community work together with a shared commitment to reconciliation and healing.

Bawku’s future depends on this choice.

Author:
Dr. Sadiq Adu-Twum
Lecturer, Pentecost University (Department of Communication Studies) and Research Fellow, West Africa Centre for Counter-Extremism.

Promising special recruitment into the Ghana Police Service for the youth of Bawku, conditional upon them laying down their arms is not only short-sighted, but also potentially dangerous to national cohesion and equity.

Is the current Inspector General of Police suggesting that recruiting warlords and armed individuals is the best way forward for improving the Ghana Police Service? Has the situation within the Service deteriorated to the point where such individuals are being considered for recruitment?

The current police administration must not compromise the future of our nation by allowing the enlistment of such dangerous elements. This development is deeply concerning, and we will actively oppose it by closely scrutinizing the upcoming police recruitment process.

This strategy sets a troubling precedent. It sends the wrong message to other youth across the country: that violence can be a pathway to opportunities.

If care is not taken, this move could incite similar acts of unrest in other regions, with the hope of receiving preferential treatment. Ghanaians deserve equal opportunity, not rewards for violent behavior.

While the situation in Bawku is dire and demands urgent attention, we must be strategic and fair in our approach. Security measures should focus on justice, reconciliation, and development not short-term appeasement. Sustainable peace cannot be built on promises that could undermine national unity and fairness.

It is crucial that we explore holistic and inclusive measures to address the root causes of the Bawku conflict. Engagement with traditional leaders, youth empowerment programs, mental health support, job creation, and long-term investment in education and infrastructure are all more sustainable paths toward peace.

I urge fellow citizens to rise and respectfully challenge this move by the Police. We must hold our leaders accountable to ensure that decisions made in the name of peace do not come at the cost of justice and equality for all.

Bosompem Richmond
Madina
Accra

With a Bachelor of Science degree in Logistics and Supply Chain and an extensive background in political service, Badu brings a unique combination of leadership, dedication, and grassroots experience that positions him well for the role.

Badu’s political career began in 2010 when he was elected Assembly Member for the Mempedwee-Anafuo Electoral Area in Akim Ofoase. Since then, he has steadily risen through the ranks of local political leadership, holding significant positions such as the Constituency Chairman of Ofoase-Ayirebi from 2014 to 2022 and serving as Campaign Coordinator for the 2020 general elections.

His contributions to the party’s development have been both significant and personal. He has offered his guest house for Executive Committee meetings, fully financed constituency programs, and rented and furnished a party office. His selfless efforts have been essential to the party’s grassroots operations.

During election years, Badu consistently provided campaign materials, snacks for agents, and financial support to keep the party’s machinery running smoothly.

Having contested parliamentary primaries twice, Badu’s commitment to his party remains steadfast. Most recently, he was part of the Regional Monitoring Team during the 2024 limited registration exercise.

Badu’s bid for the DCE position is not just a political ambition but a commitment to driving development in Akyemansa through visionary leadership and a deep understanding of local governance.

Those familiar with his record believe Badu is not only a capable choice but an extraordinary one, poised to transform Akyemansa with results-oriented leadership.

Reports of violence, brutality, and even murder in senior high schools are deeply concerning and raise serious questions about the direction in which our educational institutions are headed.

Schools, which should be places for nurturing knowledge, character, and safety, are increasingly becoming environments of fear and unrest.

We must ask: What has gone wrong? Is it the erosion of values, the weakening of disciplinary structures, or the breakdown in the school-home-community relationship?

Whatever the root cause, the consequences are far-reaching and demand urgent attention. Parents are left questioning the safety and well-being of their children in schools that are entrusted with their growth and development.

To address this crisis, a multifaceted approach involving all stakeholders is required.

Regular guidance and counseling services should be implemented in schools to help address the psychological and emotional issues faced by students.

Monthly counseling sessions can provide a structured platform for students to express their concerns and receive necessary support.

Strengthening the parent-teacher relationship is equally crucial, as it will enable teachers to monitor and address student behavior effectively.

Additionally, mandatory searches upon entry and surprise inspections of students’ personal belongings can help deter the introduction of unwanted items in schools.

Mental health awareness programs should also be prioritized to address the growing psychological needs of students.

Moreover, historical practices like Saturday inspections, which have proven effective in curbing indiscipline, should be reintroduced.

A collaborative management approach, where the central government works alongside religious bodies that run faith-based schools, could further enhance the effectiveness of oversight.

Religious bodies can focus on qualitative aspects such as school inspections, teaching standards, and moral guidance, while the government handles quantitative concerns like teacher salaries, infrastructure development, and resource provision.

This division of labor has the potential to yield positive outcomes in creating a safer and more productive learning environment.

GNECC strongly condemns the increasing violence in our schools and calls for immediate and sustained action to safeguard the future of our children and the development of our nation.

Decentralisation ensures District Assemblies with Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) as administrative heads and the Executive’s representation at the District level.

With the nomination, vetting and appointment of his Ministers and formation of Cabinet done within the time frame he promised, all that remains for the completion of President Mahama’s governance structure at all levels is the appointment of MMDCEs.

The appointment process of the MMDCEs has been going on for some time now. After interviewing and shortlisting, the candidates selected are in the final stretch of being appointed.

A cursory look at the candidates in the almost all the regions reveals a heavy representation of indigenes from the respective regions. Candidates in the northern regions being almost exclusively of northern extraction, likewise for the Volta, Ashanti and other regions.

However, looking at the list of nominees for MMDCE positions in the Greater Accra Region, it occurs that there’s prevalence of non-indigenes in some of the Metropolitan, Municipal and Districts Assemblies.

This trend is worsened by potential MMDCEs who aren’t indigenes having MPs in those areas who are also non-indigenes.

This situation takes the political administration of such MMDAs and Constituencies totally out of the hands of indigenes where at least one of political authorities in such areas can be an indigenes to ensure balance.

Some argue that this trend is so because Accra and the Greater Accra Region for that matter is the most cosmopolitan city and region of Ghana.

A similar argument of cosmopolitan nature can be made for the Ashanti Region; however, in that region, the MMDCEs billed for appointment are all indigenes to the best of my knowledge.

It is true that the 1992 Constitution and Ghana’s political culture frowns on politics that suggest tribalism.

Appointments based on merit are what are expected. If that is the case, the same situation must cut across all regions and not just one. What is good for the goose is good for the gander.

In this regard, the appointing authorities must be mindful of the fact that indigenes, in this case, those of the Greater Accra Region, contributed in no mean manner to the overwhelming electoral victory of the NDC in the region.

It is imperative that in the appointment of MMDCEs in the Greater Accra Region, Ga-Dangmes who are meritorious be considered for the position in those various MMDAs to ensure balance.

All we can say if this worthy suggestion is not heeded to is that, four years is a short time in political cycles and the Ga-Dangmes are watching!