Each disaster brings its own pain, yet the lesson remains the same; Ghana’s preparedness for such events is still far from where it should be.

Preparedness is not merely about reacting faster; it’s about anticipating risks, planning smartly, and building systems that can withstand shocks.

Unfortunately, the country’s approach remains largely reactive, with efforts intensifying only after disasters strike. As floods, fires, and epidemics grow more frequent and complex, Ghana cannot afford to wait for the next crisis before acting.

Disaster preparedness is the heartbeat of resilience as it saves lives, reduces losses, and lays the foundation for faster recovery.

But in Ghana, the path to true preparedness remains riddled with challenges that continue to test the country’s ability to withstand crises.

Some of the challenges are outlined below:

Inadequate coordination and institutional fragmentation

Ghana’s disaster management structure involves multiple agencies including NADMO, district assemblies, the Ghana Meteorological Agency, the Ghana Health Service, Ghana National Fire Service, among other service providers. Each has a specific mandate, but too often, their efforts exist in silos. Ineffective planning and role duplication are frequently the result of conflicting mandates and inadequate collaboration. This hinders disaster response and erodes collaborative contingency planning.

Despite decades of policy efforts by the National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO) and its partners, Ghana’s disaster response often swings between heroic improvisation and systemic breakdown. The problem is not a lack of will, but a lack of coordination, resources and foresight.

From floods in Accra and Kumasi to fire outbreaks in markets and industrial sites, the country’s preparedness measures remain largely reactive. Institutions tend to mobilize only after tragedy strikes; a pattern that perpetuates loss and erodes public trust.

Unreliable and scarce funding

One of the most persistent obstacles to preparedness is unreliable funding. Preparedness efforts receive less funding than emergency response and recovery activities. Long-term planning is challenging since training, equipment, and community education budgets are inadequate and frequently reliant on donor financing. While emergency response often attracts political attention and donor support, proactive investment in preparedness  remains underfunded.

Lack of skills and low local capacity

There are major capacity shortages at local NADMO offices and district assemblies. The efficiency of many employees during emergencies is diminished by their lack of proper training in incident command systems, logistics, and hazard assessment. District NADMO offices frequently struggle to operate with limited logistics and outdated tools. The result is predictable; communities remain vulnerable, contingency plans remain untested, and local response capacity remains weak.

Inadequate risk information systems and missing data

Many communities lack accurate exposure assessments, vulnerability data, and hazard maps. At the community level, meteorological forecasts are not always converted into easily understood, actionable warnings. Preparedness thrives on information, but accurate disaster data in Ghana is scarce. Many vulnerable areas lack risk maps, hazard profiles, or reliable meteorological forecasts. Early warning messages, when available, often fail to reach communities in formats they can understand or act upon.

Weaknesses in the infrastructure

There is an unequal distribution of medical facilities, emergency shelters, and transportation infrastructure. Some essential facilities are even built in high-risk zones, exposing both responders and victims to greater danger when disasters occur.

Rapid urban expansion, weak enforcement of land-use regulations, and the proliferation of informal settlements continue to heighten vulnerability. Floodplains are being converted into residential areas, and building codes are frequently ignored or enforced only after disaster strikes.

Land use concerns, informal settlements, and urbanization

Widespread building in floodplains and on unstable slopes is the result of rapid urban growth and lax implementation of planning laws. Particularly at risk are informal settlements, which frequently lack essential services

Perceptions in the community and sociocultural barriers

Fatalism, poor risk perception, and mistrust of authorities can all be obstacles to disaster preparedness efforts. Planning processes frequently omit vulnerable groups, such as women, children, the elderly, and those with disabilities.

Short-term incentives and political economy

Political goals that prioritize short-term, conspicuous projects frequently eclipse preparedness measures. This jeopardizes long-term risk reduction expenditures like building code enforcement and robust infrastructure.

Inadequate implementation of building and planning codes

Vulnerability is increased when zoning and building codes are broken, especially in urban areas. Instead of being a preventative approach, enforcement is frequently reactive, taking place after disasters.

Supply chain and logistics issues

Emergency logistics, such as distributing, storing, and stockpiling aid supplies, are still insufficient. During disasters, access to remote and rural areas is especially challenging, which delays aid.

Inadequate integration of health readiness and multi – hazard

Plans for preparedness typically concentrate on particular risks rather than using a multi-hazard approach. There is also a lack of integration between public health emergency planning and disaster preparedness.

Changing climate and an increase in the frequency of hazards

Extreme weather events, such as high rainfall and sea level rise, are becoming more intense due to climate change. Climate projections are frequently not incorporated into risk assessments and planned in preparation plans.

The Way Forward: Turning Awareness into Action

Building a culture of preparedness in Ghana requires more than technical fixes; it demands systemic change.
The following steps are essential:

1. Strengthen institutional collaboration through clear mandates and regular inter-agency coordination.
2. Guarantee dedicated funding for preparedness initiatives at national and district levels.
3. Invest in capacity building for local authorities, emphasizing professional training and continuous drills.
4. Enhance risk data systems and community-based early warning networks.
5. Promote inclusive participation, ensuring that vulnerable groups are involved in planning and decision-making.
6. Integrate climate adaptation and health preparedness into national disaster management frameworks.

Disasters will always test the resilience of nations, but the outcome depends on what is done long before the sirens sound. Ghana’s current preparedness challenges; from weak coordination to funding gaps, are not insurmountable. They are calls to action. By investing in preparedness today, Ghana can save countless lives tomorrow.

Sources: 
David Attah, Raymond Kudjo Blewusi, Augustine Kojo Anquandah, John Kobena Quansah & Patricia Abrokwah

Once rooted in community survival and cultural heritage, it’s an unbridled monster today, breeding chaos, corruption, and ecological ruin. The line between survival and sabotage has long been crossed. How did we get here?

The term ‘galamsey,’ a portmanteau of words meaning ‘gather them (gold) and sell,’ has historically described artisanal mining practices in Ghana since the days of the Gold Coast.

Therefore, ‘galamsey’ has previously been associated with small-scale, community-based gold prospecting and mining in Ghana. While it’s important to recognise that artisanal mining has a rich history dating back over 2,000 years to around the 6th century A.D. in this country, the modern challenges we face stem from significant regulatory missteps.

Traditionally, gold extraction in Ghana involved labour-intensive methods, with workers digging shallow pits using rudimentary tools to sift through the soil.

While these operations typically involved manual digging using simple tools like shovels, head pans, and sluices, workmen relied on the luck of ‘trial and error’ due to the inadequate technical knowledge about the geology of mining areas.

The work was labour-intensive and shallow, targeting surface deposits that were far less complex to access than those mined by commercial companies.

Although informal and technically illegal, particularly when conducted on lands legally granted to licensed mining companies, ‘galamsey’ was once a lifeline for many rural Ghanaians seeking income from the land.

However, the landscape of informal mining in Ghana has changed dramatically. What was once the preserve of manual labourers has transformed into something far larger and more industrialized.

Today, many so-called ‘galamsey’ operations deploy heavy equipment such as excavators and mechanized dredging machines, drastically increasing their scale and environmental footprint. In fact, much of what is currently referred to as ‘galamsey’ no longer fits the original definition.

These operations, some of which even hold government-issued licenses, now constitute a form of irresponsible mining that poses far greater risks to communities and ecosystems than the traditional small-scale methods that we were hitherto accustomed to.

It is important to distinguish between the traditional form of ‘galamsey’ and what is happening today. The original model was community-based and small-scale, relying on human labour and rudimentary tools.

Today’s operations, despite being labelled as ‘galamsey,’ are often driven by commercial interests with access to advanced machinery. Some of these actors operate under the guise of legality, having obtained mining licenses, yet engaging in practices that are highly destructive to the environment and local communities.

This evolution demands a new vocabulary and a more nuanced understanding of mining in Ghana, one that separates illegal small-scale mining from licensed but irresponsible mining.

Unfortunately, instead of creating an ethical and sustainable mining environment, PNDC Law 218, which was intended to legitimize small-scale mining, did the opposite. It unleashed a torrent of licenses that only served to legitimize reckless practices. Between 1989 and 2006, a mere 40 small-scale licenses were granted.

However, data obtained from the Ghana Mining Repository reveal that a revision of the law under the Minerals Act of 2006, meant to streamline licensing, has ironically led to an explosion in license issuance—with over 1,800 licenses granted to date and more than 11,000 applicants still in limbo.

An analysis of mining license issuance underscores this shift. Between 1988 and 2008, under the administrations of Presidents Jerry John Rawlings and John Agyekum Kufuor, only 40 mining licenses were issued. This number rose modestly to 59 during the tenure of Presidents John Atta Mills and President John Mahama between 2009 and 2016. However, from 2017 to 2025, under President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, the number of licenses skyrocketed to a staggering 2,151, a more than 3,000% increase. This explosion raises critical questions about regulatory oversight, environmental governance, and the motivations behind such rapid approvals.

The number of people involved in these mining activities has ballooned over the years. Early estimates suggested between 20,000 and 50,000 ‘galamseyers,’ including many foreign nationals, particularly from China.

By 2017, reports indicated that approximately 200,000 individuals were directly engaged in informal mining, with as many as 3 million people indirectly dependent on the sector. These activities are concentrated primarily in southern Ghana, near major commercial gold concessions.

Settlements around ‘galamsey’ sites tend to be poorer than nearby farming villages and often lack basic services, while workers, including women and children, face hazardous conditions such as frequent accidents and mercury poisoning from unsafe ore-processing methods.

Despite recent amendments to the Mining Act enhancing penalties in 2015 and strengthening regulatory powers in 2019, real change remains elusive.

The 2023 Minerals and Mining Policy Framework attempted to engage communities and promote environmental sustainability, yet broader systemic issues persist.

The recent President Mahama-led administration has made commendable progress in transforming mining into a sustainable industry, notably through the establishment of the GOLDBOD for gold trading regulation and the digitization of licenses to enhance transparency.

Still, the fight against environmental devastation faces gigantic challenges. The solution is not just adjusting regulations; it’s about reframing our understanding. Mining should be classified as either legal or illegal, with legality derived purely from the bureaucratic process of obtaining a license from the Minerals Commission.

There is ‘NO’ ‘galamsey’ in Ghana, mining is legal or illegal! Either way, it is the method of mining that makes it ethical and sustainable or otherwise.

In Ghana, all minerals are held in trust by the President, yet the current land ownership system has created a dual licensing structure: formal licenses for compliant companies and informal agreements through local chiefs and allodial title holders, often leading to unlicensed operations.

The rampant involvement of foreign actors alongside local collaborators in illegal small-scale mining, contrary to statutory provisions, is not merely a function of state capacity but a reflection of political leniency and corruption.

The discourse suggesting that ‘galamsey’ is merely artisanal is misguided. These operations now involve significant capital investments from both locals and foreign partners alike.

The failure to safeguard communities and the environment stems from a lack of political will. Chiefs, local governments, MPs, and even ministers often benefit from the status quo, making ‘galamsey’ more of a political rivalry than a matter of public welfare or legal enforcement.

We must evolve our understanding of this issue. Society often blames politicians, yet regulators and security officials also share responsibility and are frequently entangled in the complicity. The road to meaningful change must acknowledge these intersections and demand accountability from all stakeholders.

Only then can Ghana forge a path toward sustainable mining practices that truly protect the environment and the well-being of our communities.

Source: Ebenezer Amponsah Lartey and Evans Mawunyo Tsikata

He had called for price reductions, threatened licence suspensions, rejected what he labelled “illogical” proposals from MultiChoice, and pressed for more value.

But as with many hot-button political fights, the question arises: has his rhetoric matched the outcomes? Or is there a gap between what he promises and what is delivered?

“My goal wasn’t to destroy DStv, but to deliver value for Ghanaians.”

Good slogans, noble intentions. But let’s dig into the timeline and consequences, the points where the double standard charges stick.

Initial Demand vs Final Outcome
• In July 2025, George demanded 30% price reductions, citing improvements in the cedi and widespread dissatisfaction.
• Later, after weeks of regulatory pressure, a value upgrade offer was negotiated: customers would be moved to higher value bouquets. Some users would see “33 50% increased value” depending on their package.

The issue: “Increased value” is not the same as “lower cost.” Many expect lower monthly fees. What George initially framed as a demand for price cuts has morphed into upgrades, which may feel like more channels or features but might not reduce actual cash outflows for the consumer in all cases.
Threats vs Enforcement

• George publicly threatened to suspend DSTV’s broadcasting licence if price reductions were not applied by certain dates — August 7 was such a deadline. Then, in later statements (by late September), the offer from MultiChoice was accepted, and upgrades will begin from October 1.

The issue: Were these licences ever in real danger? Or were the threats largely leverage for negotiation? If so, is it fair to label the earlier stance as “firm enforcement” when what ensued was a compromise rather than a direct price cut?

Comparisons with Other Countries
• One of George’s arguments is that Ghanaian consumers are paying far more than customers in other countries (Nigeria is often cited) for the same Premium bouquet. Yet, while invoking those comparisons, the final measure does not seem to have fully aligned Ghana’s pricing with those benchmarked countries — rather, consumers are getting more “value” for the price. Which again begs the question: is the outcome meeting the original benchmark of fairness?

Promises about Local Content, Promotions, vs Sustainability

• The minister has argued that the pricing issue is not just about cost, but value, service quality, and content relevance.
• He’s also stressed the government’s regulatory role, public accountability, and that corporations should not be able to exploit cost differences.

The issue: For many consumers, what matters most is what comes off their bank balances. If the value upgrades require maintained or even increased payments in many bouquets, then “value” is a comforting word but may not relieve financial pressure. Some people see a difference between token “upgrades” and real price relief.

Some consumers indicated that “I’m happy I get more channels, but I still pay almost the same. Does that change much when bills rise?” While another said, “If they reduced the fees, I’d feel the relief. Getting more for the same doesn’t always help me save.”

So, is Sam George guilty of double standards? Maybe not entirely, but there are legitimate criticisms:
• When you promise a cut, people expect lower fees, not just fancier bouquets.
• When you threaten enforcement, people expect consequences if providers don’t comply, not just protracted negotiations.
• And when comparisons with other countries fuel expectations, outcomes that fall short risk eroding trust.

Conclusion:
1. The minister should clarify: for every bouquet, is the price dropping? Or are only features increasing?
2. Also, provide transparent comparisons of what people pay in Ghana vs Nigeria (or other markets) after the value upgrades.
3. Set clear enforcement and prevent non-achievement from being excused by “promotional offers.”

Until then, supporters will respect the drive, but critics will question whether it’s more showmanship than substance.

In the end, it’s not just about phrases like “fairness” and “value” — it’s about impact in people’s pockets. If Sam George’s mission truly is to deliver relief to Ghanaians, then the measure of his success will be seen in reduced burden, not just upgraded channels.

Source: Martha Crentsil Acquah

The country has still not heard the President of the Republic, H.E. John Dramani Mahama, giving a hint of any appointment with regard to a substantive Minister for Defence (MOD).

Although security agencies such as the National Security, National Intelligence Bureau, Ghana Police, and Ghana Armed Forces (GAF) are executing their mandate, it is essential to have a substantive MOD as soon as possible for some reasons enumerated.

1. The Defence sector is the top-most among every sector in any country, hence requires continuity by replacing officials as soon as possible to fill in the gap. This ensures continuity in dealing with threats and being abreast with the changing dynamics of threats.
2. The Ministry of Defence requires a substantive minister for direction and purpose. The Ministry of Defence is currently having an Acting MOD in the person of Dr. Cassiel Ato Baah Forson. In an acting capacity, one is temporarily ‘holding the forth’ until someone is appointed permanently. Dr. Cassiel is also Ghana’s Finance Minister and at the same time Chairman of the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development’s Board of Governors as at the time of this piece. This signals the quantum of workload he has. The Defence ministry is a very sensitive agency established to ensure Ghana’s territorial integrity and sovereignty through the formulation of essential policies and ideas aimed at combat readiness of the GAF.
3. A substantive Minister of Defence provides leadership with regard to the security space. Defence as a concept in itself is a very essential pillar when it comes to national security. A substantive minister would ensure clear and swift decision-making. Decision makers should not forget that, the Defence Minister is part of Cabinet hence a very important figure when it comes to decision making that bothers on not only security but also human rights, justice, and peace.
4. Reference to my article on January 10, 2025 regarding “Imminent changes within some key security agencies, state institutions, and its implications”, I stated that “… [t]he incoming Defense Minister must have the experience and knowledge not only on internal security issues and apparatus of the country but also the professionalism to collaborate with defence counterparts in neighboring states”. It is not a doubt that the late Defence Minister was very intelligent and abreast with security issues including having a very good rapport with the Service Chiefs. The new Defense Minister should be someone who commands respect from the various heads of the security agencies, Service Chiefs, and should be abreast with current security dynamics not only in Ghana but also within the sub-region.
5. Inter-agency coordination and collaboration is essential in the face of many threats we face. Leadership is paramount in this regard for the purposes of strategic policy planning and execution. The other most important aspect of coordination is in line with inter-state Defense collaborations in the sub-region and on the international front. A newly appointed Defence Minister will perform functions, which includes strengthening military ties with other states, sub-regional blocks and international institutions aimed at military collaboration, aid, joint training exercises, and capacity building. This gives the Armed Forces new dynamics to defence and security mechanisms. Effective collaboration also promotes coordination among the various arms of the Armed Forces. Lately, our men in uniform have come under severe criticism regarding their way of handling issues in the civilian space. When coordination is effective with state security agencies, it will result to an improved civil-military oversight. An appointed Minister of Defence will ensure an enhanced coordination between the President, various security agencies, service chiefs, and the civilian populace. What we have to know is that, any one acting in a capacity of Defence Minister may lack the authority and zeal to push for major defense agendas including the general welfare of the personnel’s in the sector.

What are some the threats in the country that warrants a substantive Minister of Defence?

Ghana faces rising threats such as terrorism & violent extremism close to our borders, illegal mining, communal clashes, inter-ethnic conflicts, and chieftaincy conflicts causing internally and externally displaced persons.

Furthermore, youth unrest, youth radicalization, political vigilantism, high unemployment, illicit drug usage, misinformation and disinformation, armed robbery, proliferation of small arms and light weapons, organized crime on the high seas and inland, and cybersecurity threats all add to the threats.

These are just some of the many threats that continue to test our security architecture, emergency preparedness, and operational capacity.

A substantive minister can mobilize resources and lead responses effectively, working closely with the Interior Minister and Service Chiefs.

Others may argue that these are for the Interior Minister to focus on or see them as internal security matters; hence, they do not necessarily call for the Defence Minister to be involved.

However, I am talking about the defense of the country in general (dealing with threats internal and external) and not one aspect of internal security. All these calls for the attention of a substantive Defence Minister, together with the Interior Minister to formulate ideas and address these pressing issues.

Let me just make a few points on what I consider essential areas to focus on regarding the threats the country faces. With regard to terrorism & violent extremism, the situation in Burkina Faso and Mali poses challenges, especially in the Northern part of Ghana, looking at the inter-ethnic conflicts and proliferation of weapons.

These conflicts notably the Bawku conflict, which I have reiterated before, could be a conduit for some armed and criminal elements to continue taking advantage.

On illegal mining, there are calls for the central government to declare a state of emergency to deal decisively with the menace. Instead, the government has rather opted for the declaration of security zones.

Declaring a geographical area a security zone in itself entails a lot; I may share insights regarding that in another write-up. I do not intend to sound pessimistic, but the fight against galamsey will be a lost cause if we do not implement the needful.

We have not seen anything yet; the real conflict has not started, and if it does, we may not be able to address it. The conflicts we are currently grappling with centers on chieftaincy and land-related factors.

The interior minister has attempted by setting up a committee to come up with a roadmap towards addressing the Gbenyiri conflict.

The Nkwanta conflict is also staring at us; this is just to name a few. Our approaches have been mostly direct prevention (curfews), which focuses on dealing with imminent threats without much attention to the structural approaches. Proliferation of weapons has been a challenge to not only security agencies but also the commission in charge of Small Arms and Light Weapons.

Do we have a way forward regarding the porous borders where these weapons come through? What is the state agency on weapons doing? How are we dealing with the politicization of conflicts? Have we identified stakeholders who profit from conflicts hence fund them?

The Council of State should call on the President to consider appointing a substantive Minister for Defence as a matter of urgency.

The Council of State should advise the president to appoint someone who will command respect from the Defence sector due to its sensitive nature.

The Parliamentary Select Committee on Defence and Interior should wade into this issue and call on the President to appoint someone. The defence sector is an essential one; hence, the need to have its Minister promptly.

Source: Doke Victor, PhD – Faculty of Academic Affairs – KAIPTC

The signing coincides with the rising demand for platform working, as companies of all sizes increasingly provide employees with access to a network of locations to maintain productivity and employee satisfaction

This opening follows a partnership agreement with the building owner, who has invested in the International Workplace Group platform to create a branded flexible workspace in their building.

The location comes on the heels of International Workplace Group signing 899 new locations globally in the first half of 2025, signing 496 centres & and achieving the highest ever revenue

International Workplace Group, the world’s largest platform for work with brands including Spaces and Regus, is opening a state-of-the-art flexible workspace in Accra.

With the long-term shift to more flexible ways of working, IWG is expanding its network to keep pace with rising demand across Ghana.

The addition of International Workplace Group’s latest location in Accra comes on the heels of the business posting its highest-ever revenue, cash flow and earnings growth in its history and achieving rapid network growth, with more new locations signed and opened in the first half of 2025 than in the entire first decade of its operations.

IWG’s network now comprises more than one million rooms in 121 countries.

Situated in the Airport Residential Area on the 3rd Floor of the Oil and Marine Agencies Ghana Limited (OMA) building, this new location is part of a drive by International Workplace Group to meet the sharply rising demand for top-class flexible working space in the area.

Opened on the 1st of October 2025, the 3-storey building will provide space for established firms and start-ups across a range of industries, including Aviation, Hospitality, Diplomatic services, Small businesses and Startups, while International Workplace Group’s Design Your Own Office service allows companies to tailor their space entirely to their requirements.

The new Regus location will include facilities such as private offices, meeting rooms, co-working and creative spaces.

The building owners decided to invest in the International Workplace Group platform to maximise the return on their real estate space by capitalising on the rapidly expanding demand for hybrid working.

Research by leading academics has found that greater flexibility over how and where employees work offers a multitude of benefits for workers, including enhanced work-life balance, financial savings, and health benefits.

Employers also reap the rewards of hybrid models through increased firm productivity, cost savings, and a more efficient, engaged workforce.

In fact, recent research by IWG and workplace consultancy Arup found that hybrid working can boost productivity by 11%. Facilitated by flexible workspaces, hybrid working could add up to $566 billion in GVA to the US economy annually by 2045 – the equivalent GVA of Austin, Texas[i].

With explosive market growth as companies of all sizes adopt more flexible and decentralised models for the long-term, it is predicted that 30% of all commercial real estate will be flexible workspace by 2030.

With International Workplace Group, partners are able to capitalise on this fast-growing sector while being supported by International Workplace Group’s unparalleled experience.

Hybrid working offers companies a significantly lower cost base with an average saving of $11,000 per employee [ii].

International Workplace Group is the leading global platform for work, featuring thousands of locations in more than 120 countries, with members able to access all of the locations and business services via the IWG app.

As the ongoing shift towards more flexible, decentralised and hybrid models of working accelerates, the potential for further growth is exponential, with an estimated 1.2 billion white collar workers globally and a total addressable market of more than $2 trillion.

In 2024, International Workplace Group welcomed 899 new partner locations and counts 83 per cent of Fortune 500 companies among its customer base.

Mark Dixon, CEO & Founder of International Workplace Group PLC, commented: “We are establishing a stronger and much-needed footprint in Accra with this latest opening. As an important business hub, the Airport Residential Area is a fantastic place for us to boost our expansion plans.

We are very pleased to work in partnership with Oil and Marine Agencies Ghana Limited to develop the Regus brand under a management agreement that will add a cutting-edge workspace to their building.

“Our opening in Accra comes at a time when more and more companies are discovering that flexible and platform working is incredibly popular with employees, improving their work-life balance and satisfaction, while also providing a multitude of benefits to companies.

“Our workplace model is proven to increase productivity and allows for a business to scale up or down at significantly reduced costs while providing access to thousands of locations.”

About International Workplace Group PLC

International Workplace Group (IWG) is the world’s leading platform for work, enabling companies of all sizes to work more productively and profitably.

We create personal, financial, and strategic value for the most exciting companies and well-known organizations on the planet, as well as individuals and the next generation of industry leaders. All of them harness the power of IWG’s platform to increase their productivity, efficiency, agility, and market proximity.

International Workplace Group’s unrivalled network coverage includes more than 4,000 locations across 120 countries, and 83% of Fortune 500 companies are amongst our growing customer base.

Our brands, including Regus, Spaces, HQ and Signature, serve millions of people, providing professional, inspiring and collaborative workspaces, and all our digital services are available via the IWG app.

Source: Melvin Tarlue

[i] Source: IWG Hybrid Working Productivity Report, June 2025 – https://media.iwgplc.com/IWG/MediaCentre/IWG_Hybrid_Working_Productivity_Report_June_2025.pdf
[ii] Source: Global Workplace Analytics – https://globalworkplaceanalytics.com/telecommuting-statistics

In just nine months from January to August 2025, 1,937 lives have been lost in road crashes across Ghana.

That’s more than eight people every day, ripped from their families and their futures.

But while the death toll is staggering, an even more alarming pattern is hiding in plain sight.

According to shocking new statistics from the National Road Safety Authority (NRSA), four out of every five people who die on Ghana’s roads are men. Yes, you read that right.

Men account for 79% of road fatalities. Women? 21%.

That’s a 4;1 gender death gap, and it’s no coincidence. It’s a brutal, recurring reality that’s been consistent year after year, but largely ignored.

The gender gap in the graveyard

Why are so many more men dying? According to road safety analysts, the reason lies not in biology but in behaviour and exposure.

Men make up the overwhelming majority of drivers, commercial transport operators, and motorcycle riders. They are more likely to speed, drive under stress, flout road traffic regulations, and take risks behind the wheel.

But the cost is evident: funerals instead of family dinners, coffins instead of commutes.

VEHICLES OF DEATH: WHAT’S KILLING US?
When it comes to the types of vehicles most involved in deadly crashes, the breakdown for the first half of 2025 is as follows:
• Private Vehicles: 41%
• Commercial Vehicles: 34%
• Motorcycles: 25%
But here’s the most chilling part: motorcycle-related crashes have surged by a jaw-dropping 21% compared to the same period in 2024.

Motorbikes, often used as a cheaper, faster alternative in congested cities and rural areas, have become deadly machines.

Riders are frequently untrained, unlicensed, or simply reckless. And the passengers? Often, without helmets, safety, or any chance of survival.

Regional hotspots: Where blood flows most

If Ghana’s roads were battlefields, these are the most dangerous war zones:
1. Ashanti region: The deadliest of them all 
• 3,710 crashes
• 479 deaths in nine months — 60 more deaths than 2024

2. Greater Accra – A city under siege 
• 3,004 crashes
• 264 deaths
• Crashes are up, though deaths are slightly down, but still high

3. Eastern region: Fewer crashes, more crashes

• 1,360 crashes
• 405 deaths

Compare that to Greater Accra’s 10 deaths per 100 crashes — and you begin to see a disturbing truth: crashes in the Eastern Region are far more lethal.

Voices from the road: Drivers speak out

Many drivers in the Asante Region — where the most lives are lost — point to poor road conditions, police negligence, lawless overtaking, and overloaded commercial vehicles.

In Greater Accra, drivers cite congestion, impatience, and lack of enforcement.

But all agree: the roads are chaotic, dangerous, and often deadly — not just due to infrastructure, but because of human error and indiscipline.

“THE CARNAGE MUST STOP” — AUTHORITIES SPEAK
Simbiat Wiredu, Corporate Affairs Manager at NRSA, attributed the crash surge to a mix of:
• Overspeeding
• Wrongful overtaking
• Distracted driving
• Lack of maintenance on vehicles
• Poor road-user attitudes

Meanwhile, Chief Superintendent Alexander Obeng, in charge of Research and Monitoring at the Ghana Police Service, told Adom News that enforcement alone isn’t enough.

“We need a national mindset change. Education, enforcement, engineering — they must all come together.”

ACT NOW — OR MORE WILL DIE
The writing is on the wall — and on the tarmac in blood.
Ghana’s roads have become death traps. Every crash is more than a number; it’s a life lost, a family destroyed, a future cut short.

This is not just a transportation issue. This is a national emergency.
Until there is urgent action, the deadly gender gap will persist. The fatalities will rise. And the silence of the morgues will keep growing louder than the horns on our highways.

Have you lost someone to a road crash?
Please share your story in the comments below or tag us on social media with #GhanaRoadTruth
QUICK FACTS:
• 1,937 deaths (Jan–August 2025)
• 79% male fatalities and Females 21%
• Motorcycle crashes up 21%
• Asante Region: 479 deaths — the highest in Ghana
• Eastern Region: Highest crash-to-death ratio (28 per 100)

Source: Akwasi Agyeman, Editor in Charge of Special Assignments

Think wars, floods, pandemics, or violent clashes.

For Gen Z, who live online 24/7, like to be “outside” and don’t like long grammar, outspoken, creative, and highly connected.

They thrive on social media, value freedom of expression, and are quick to mobilize online movements.

A generation that balances “soft life” vibes seeking comfort, self-expression, and opportunities with a deep concern for social justice, jobs, and their future, this matters because it could affect your movement, your social life, and even how businesses run.

It’s about knowing what happens to our freedoms, our businesses, and even our Friday night hangouts if the country suddenly switches into crisis mode.

Imagine your “outside” life coming to a halt, road trips, the Sunday fufu and trying new places seized due to some greedy folks who do not care about your peace and sanity and have decided to destroy the country’s forest and water bodies.

No concerts, no link-ups, no weekend flexing. Social media, their main playground, might face tighter monitoring, dimming their loud online voices.

Think of a state of emergency as Ghana’s “crisis mode button.” It is the government’s way of saying that normal systems aren’t enough to handle a serious threat like war, violent unrest, a pandemic, or a natural disaster.

It gives the state special powers to move faster, but the Constitution makes sure it is not a free-for-all. There are rules, checks, and time limits built in.

Now let’s bring it closer to home. Recently, there has been a loud chorus of voices calling for Ghana to declare a state of emergency over illegal mining, commonly known as galamsey.

Civil society groups, labour unions, and even the Ghana Journalists Association are saying galamsey isn’t just an environmental issue anymore; it’s a full-blown crisis.

Rivers are poisoned, forests destroyed, communities losing livelihoods, and water scarcity is looming.

If clean water is at risk, that’s literally life at risk. And under the Constitution, that could qualify as grounds for emergency powers.

But here’s the catch: Declaring a state of emergency in galamsey zones could mean tighter control curfews in mining areas, heavy military presence, shutting down illegal operations overnight. It might fast-track environmental cleanup and protect water bodies.

For Gen Z, that could mean safer drinking water in the future and less toxic land, but also restrictions on movement in affected communities and possible job losses for those who depend on small-scale mining.

The hustle and grind you put in to afford “the soft” life you want is pushed back, days, months or even a year. How would you survive?

In Ghana, only the President can declare a state of emergency. Even then, the President cannot just wake up and do it alone. He must first act on the advice of the Council of State, then issue an official proclamation in the government Gazette.

The moment this happens, Parliament must be informed immediately, with the facts and reasons clearly laid out. Parliament has seventy-two hours to decide whether to approve or reject the proclamation. If Parliament does nothing, the declaration lapses after seven days.

If a majority of MPs vote in favour, the emergency can run for three months, and any extension after that must be renewed month by month. Parliament also has the power to revoke it at any time, which means the executive cannot hold onto emergency powers unchecked.

The Constitution goes further to make sure people’s rights are not erased completely. During a state of emergency, some freedoms like movement, assembly, or even expression can be restricted if the situation demands it. Curfews, checkpoints, and bans on large gatherings are examples of measures that may come into play.

However, core rights such as the right to life and freedom from torture cannot be suspended under any circumstances. When someone is detained during an emergency, the law insists on strict safeguards: the detainee must be told the reason for their arrest in writing within twenty-four hours, their family must be notified, and after ten days a tribunal made up of judges must review the case.

That review is repeated every three months if the detention continues, and once the emergency ends, everyone held under those powers must be released immediately. The courts remain open, and citizens can still challenge abuses through processes like habeas corpus.

For ordinary people, the effects of an emergency declaration are felt in daily routines and in the economy. Nightlife and market activities are often the first to be disrupted because curfews force businesses to close early.

Taxi drivers, food vendors, and others who depend on night-time activity lose income, as happened during the Dagbon crisis in 2002 when Tamale and Yendi were placed under dusk-to-dawn curfew.

At the same time, government resources are often redirected to relief and security efforts, which can slow down normal development projects but bring in aid and emergency assistance.

Investors and businesses also pay close attention, since a prolonged emergency can shake confidence, at least temporarily.

Ghana has been very careful with this tool. Since the 1992 Constitution came into effect, a nationwide state of emergency has never been declared. It has only been used twice in specific regions: first in 1994 during ethnic clashes in the Northern Region, and again in 2002 after the assassination of the Dagbon king.

Both times Parliament renewed the declaration until calm was restored, and both times curfews, heavy security deployments, and stricter media controls became part of daily life. Later crises, such as the 2015 floods in Accra or even the COVID-19 pandemic, were handled with other laws rather than invoking Article 31, showing how rare and serious this measure is.

For Gen Z, the big takeaway is that a state of emergency is not just a dramatic headline. It is a constitutional process that balances swift government action with democratic oversight. It changes how society functions for a period of time, limiting certain freedoms while focusing on restoring order and protecting lives.

And because Parliament and the courts remain involved every step of the way, it is also a reminder that even in crisis, the rule of law still matters.

Not everyone thinks it’s the magic fix, though. Some experts warn that the galamsey problem is so deep tied to politics, corruption, and poverty that a state of emergency might end up hurting innocent people more than stopping the real culprits. Others fear it could give government too much power, risking abuse in the name of “fighting galamsey.”

So here’s the bottom line. A state of emergency is Ghana’s way of saying, “things are out of hand, let’s act fast.” It gives the government muscle to tackle urgent threats, but the Constitution makes sure that muscle has limits.

In the galamsey debate, declaring a state of emergency could show just how seriously the country takes the fight to save our environment.

But like every power move, it’s a double-edged sword and Gen Z needs to understand both sides, because the choices made today will shape the Ghana we inherit tomorrow.

Source: Carolyn Tetteh

Yet in Sub-Saharan Africa, where student–teacher ratios can reach 50:1 and many children still lack access to quality learning resources, the need for innovative solutions is urgent.

What excites me most about AI in African education is the potential to address persistent inequalities in ways that haven’t been possible before.

For too long, students in under-resourced schools have had fewer opportunities simply because their teachers lacked access to support, materials, or professional development.

AI can change this dynamic fundamentally, making world-class support accessible even in the most remote classrooms.

Across Africa, AI has the potential to drive change in schools, but only if it is shaped to fit the realities of African classrooms, rather than forcing classrooms to adapt to the technology.

The real promise lies in AI’s power to personalise learning at scale, helping teachers meet the needs of every student in classes that are often large and diverse. When AI is guided by local priorities, cultural context and teacher expertise, it stops being a futuristic add-on and becomes a practical ally.

The challenges

Three obstacles stand out most clearly from our work across the continent.

Connectivity remains a major challenge across much of Sub-Saharan Africa. Teachers want to use AI tools, but can’t always access them when they need them most. That means that classroom tools need to have offline capabilities, such as pre-generated material, and tools need to work effectively with intermittent internet connections.

Language barriers present another complexity. While many teachers are comfortable teaching in English, this is not their students’ mother tongue, and they often need to explain concepts in local languages. We’re working on multilingual capabilities through researching the African language capabilities of leading AI chatbots, but this remains an ongoing challenge that requires careful cultural and linguistic adaptation.

Perhaps most importantly, we’re hearing that teachers want more time to explore and experiment with AI tools. The demanding nature of teaching, particularly in resource-constrained environments, means that many educators struggle to find space for learning new technologies. If adoption is to succeed, professional development and time allowances must be built into the process from the start.

Making AI familiar

The beauty of AI integration in education lies not in expensive hardware or complex software, but in leveraging the tools teachers already have access to. Through our work across Sub-Saharan Africa, we’ve discovered that the most practical entry point is often the smartphone in a teacher’s pocket.

Our WhatsApp teacher support AI chatbot project in South Africa demonstrates this perfectly. Teachers are already comfortable with WhatsApp; they understand how to send messages, and they can access support instantly without needing new apps or training on unfamiliar platforms. When a teacher in a rural classroom needs help differentiating a lesson for mixed-ability learners or wants quick feedback on a lesson plan, they can simply message our AI assistant and receive immediate, contextualised support.

This approach works because it builds on existing digital behaviours rather than requiring teachers to learn entirely new systems. We’ve found that teachers who start with familiar interfaces, such as WhatsApp, develop confidence that naturally extends to other AI tools over time.

Empowering educators as architects of learning

At Cambridge, we believe the power of AI in education lies in a human-centred approach that starts “where teachers are,” respecting their agency and empowering them as architects of learning, not just consumers of technology.

It is this human-centred approach that is key to helping students navigate change and use technology effectively. A recent Cambridge report, ‘Preparing learners to thrive in a changing world’, which captures the views of nearly 7,000 teachers and students across 150 countries, shows that while technology is widely embraced to support teaching and learning, over a third of teachers surveyed (34%) selected over-reliance on technology as the greatest challenge that technology might pose in preparing students for the future. In this age of AI, we believe that it is essential for students to develop a solid foundation of subject knowledge to help them interpret information critically and effectively.

This insight is one reason we are especially focused on helping African education systems avoid the challenges other regions have faced with technology adoption. Our approach emphasises teacher training, infrastructure readiness, and gradual implementation, rather than rapid, large-scale deployments that too often fail to deliver their intended outcomes.

We’ve structured our Getting Started with AI in the Classroom guide around practical scenarios that teachers encounter daily, and our professional development programme for STEM teachers exemplifies this philosophy too.

Rather than starting with “here’s how to use this AI tool”, we begin with “here’s how AI can solve real problems you face in your classroom”. Teachers learn to evaluate AI outputs critically, asking questions like: Does this explanation match my students’ cultural context? Are there biases in the examples provided? How can I adapt this suggestion to fit my teaching style?

A future built for teachers

Teachers in Africa are incredibly creative and adaptable, and we’re starting to see them use AI in ways that we never anticipated. They’re adapting tools to local languages, incorporating traditional knowledge systems, and developing approaches that reflect their deep understanding of their communities. This innovation from the ground up suggests that AI integration in African classrooms will look quite different from implementations in other parts of the world, and that’s exactly as it should be.

Our vision is AI that helps preserve what’s best about African education while addressing its most persistent challenges. This means supporting the strong relationships between teachers and students, the collaborative learning approaches, and the community connections that characterise many African classrooms, while using AI to reduce administrative burden, enhance personalisation and provide teachers with better support.

To make this vision real, three things are essential: deeper investment in teacher training, stronger collaboration with ministries and local tech innovators, and sustained infrastructure development to bridge connectivity gaps.

Ultimately, I’m excited about a future where every African student has access to excellent education, supported by teachers who feel confident, well-resourced and professionally fulfilled. AI won’t create this future by itself, but it can be a powerful tool in the hands of dedicated educators working toward that goal.

About Cambridge

Cambridge University Press & Assessment is part of the University of Cambridge. Our International Education group works with schools worldwide to build an education that shapes knowledge, understanding and skills. Together, we give learners the confidence they need to thrive and make a positive impact in a changing world. We offer a globally trusted and flexible framework for education from age 3 to 19 (the Cambridge Pathway), informed by research, experience, and listening to educators.

With recognised qualifications (such as Cambridge IGCSE, International AS & A Levels, and the AICE Diploma), high-quality resources, comprehensive support and valuable insights, we help schools prepare every student for the opportunities and challenges ahead. Together, we help Cambridge learners be ready for the world.

Learn more at www.cambridgeinternational.org

Media contact
Khanyi Mamba
Marketing Communications Manager, Sub-Saharan Africa, International Education
Cambridge University Press & Assessment
Khanyi.mamba@cambridge.org

Source: Melvin Tarlue

The Techiman-Bole-Wa highway, a vital economic artery connecting Ghana’s middle and northern regions, has deteriorated into a punishing trial for travellers and traders.

What should be a journey of commerce and connection is now a test of endurance, characterised by deep potholes, eroded shoulders, and unpredictable dust bowls that transform into slippery mudslides with every rainfall.

The deplorable state of the road severely impacts daily life. It inflates transportation costs, damages vehicles, and prolongs travel time, stifling economic activity and posing significant safety risks.

Former Majority Leader and Suame MP, Osei Kyei-Mensah Bonsu, on April 9, 2021, revealed that the then-NPP government secured US$250 million to reshape Bole-Sawla-Wa road and US$150 million was received as the first part of the loan.

However, residents continued to pour out their frustrations, demanding immediate improvement in road infrastructure, especially the Sunyani-Techiman-Wa road.

On April 2, 2025, the government, through the Minister for Roads and Highways, Kwame Agbodza, acknowledged the crisis and charged the Ghana Highways Authority to undertake engineering studies and designs for sections of the corridor that are not currently under construction in preparation for the upcoming works under the “Big Push” initiative.

Despite announcements and campaigns, there is a visible delay in contractors moving fully to the site to begin substantive work.

A postgraduate student at UEW, Ernest Bokunoba Kuulale, who travels on the road regularly, expressed his frustrations.

“Travelling home from school is a nightmare. A twelve-hour trip now takes eighteen to twenty-two hours. We’re constantly anxious about accidents or our buses breaking down in the middle of nowhere,” he said.

Another regular user of the road at the Department of Biology Education, UEW, Mr. Isaac Tantie described the road as a disgrace to the leaders.

“This road is a major barrier to academic collaboration and discourages professionals from accepting postings here. Our leaders must do something about it, or else the people will lose confidence in them.”

The Member of Parliament (MP) for the Daffiama-Bussie-Issa Constituency in the Upper West Region, Dr. Sebastian N. Sandaare, in March 2025 made an urgent appeal to President John Mahama, through the Minister responsible for Roads and Highways, to fix the Wa-Bole-Techiman Road.

Without mincing words, the lawmaker said, “Mr. Speaker, if this road is not fixed immediately, it will slow down economic activities, increase transportation costs, inflate the prices of goods and services, and deter investments and tourism. The longer we delay, the more these challenges will escalate,” the lawmaker said.

“Mr. Speaker, one of the most distressing consequences of this poor road network is the increasing spate of accidents. Common occurrences include tyre bursts and vehicle collisions as drivers attempt to dodge potholes.

The cumulative effect is that this road is both unsafe and unbearably long to travel. A journey that should take less than 12 hours -from Accra to Wa- now takes an average of 18 hours or more.

“Transport operators, including the State Transport Company (STC), are gradually abandoning the route, leaving many communities stranded,” he reaffirmed.

The Techiman, Bole, Wa-Hamile road forms part of the N12 trans-ECOWAS highway linking the Upper West and Savannah Regions to the Southern part of Ghana and neighboring Burikina Faso and la Co’devoir.

The promise of a new road is a beacon of hope, but for those navigating this hazardous corridor daily, action cannot come soon enough.

The economic vitality of the region depends on this crucial link being restored to a safe and motorable state.

Source: Jacob Booyere (Journalism and Media Studies student-University of Education, Winneba (JMS-UEW))

At 15, I made a decision that worsened the pain of growing up without a father. I smoked weed for the first time.

I left Akatsi in 2000 as a calm “Granny’s boy” who had never seen weed before. Two years later, I returned as a full-blown “ghetto boy.” My grandmother was devastated. She wished she hadn’t let me move to Takoradi for SHS. But the damage was already done.

Lost at 15

The first 14 years of my life were spent under my grandmother’s care. Then, suddenly, I was in Takoradi, far from home, far from her. My uncle, who was supposed to look after me, got transferred to Accra. I didn’t even know my father was back in Ghana. With no phones at the time and Akatsi three regions away, I was left completely on my own.

During my first SHS midterm, I had nowhere to go. While other students travelled home, I wandered through Takoradi, discovering nightspots like Cobbypop, Brotherhood, and Harbour View Casino. Those places became my classroom.

My First Puff

One night, outside Harbour View Casino, I met a man called Paa Kwesi. He looked like a junkie but spoke fluent English with a diaspora accent. He asked if I had weed. I didn’t, but I promised to get some.

The next day, I bought two wraps from Cobbypop. I never saw him again, but now the weed was in my pocket. After fumbling with it in the bush behind campus, I eventually got someone to roll it properly. And that night, at just 15, I got high for the first time.

That choice gave my enemies, including my father, a weapon against me. I was no longer just the abandoned child. I was now the “spoilt wee smoker.”

The Reality of Teen Smoking

Smoking weed as a teenager isn’t just about getting high. It comes with stigma, stereotyping, and victimisation. People stop trusting you. Parents warn their kids to avoid you. You get labeled as a “problem child” or “criminal.”

Weed also exposes you to harder drugs because the ghettos where it’s sold are usually hubs for pills, crack, cocaine, and heroin. I lost more than 10 promising friends, bright, intelligent boys who ended up as junkies or criminals. I was lucky not to join them.

Yes, I know some people who smoke and still make money, but most are scammers or dealers. And none of them would ever want their own children to walk that path.

Some Hard Numbers

95% of those who start before age 14 often end up a mess.

80% of those who start between 15 and 18 years (SHS age) may face the same fate.

Even starting at university isn’t safe, half of them still get trapped.

Weed may be a powerful economic crop for Africa if legalised and industrialised. But for teenagers, smoking it is a dangerous gamble that closes doors and destroys futures.

My Reflection

If I hadn’t started smoking at 15, I believe I could have rebuilt my life after SHS, even without my father’s acceptance. I could have become someone he’d be proud to call a son. But I became a “fire starter” instead.

I still believe ganja should be legalised, decriminalised, and used as an export product. But for teenagers, it is poison.

A Word to Parents

Please pay attention to your children in SHS. In Ghana, unlike in the West, we send our kids away for high school at 14 to 18 years. These are the years they need their parents most.

My story isn’t about condemning weed. It’s about telling the truth. Teenagers should not smoke. I lived it. I know.

Source: Selorm Ameza

Fishermen dipped their calabashes into it like mugs at a street-side cocoa beverage seller, while children asked if it came with sugar. Even the catfish swam about in confusion, wondering who had turned their home into a breakfast beverage gone wrong.

On the farms, the story is no less absurd. Cassava now sprouts with a side of mercury, kontomire leaves come seasoned with arsenic, and tomatoes carry the faint crunch of cadmium. The EPA, usually as quiet as a church mouse in harmattan, has broken into a funeral hymn: Ghana’s farm produce in mining zones is laced with heavy metals, fish in major rivers are unsafe for human consumption, and soils once rich with cocoa promise are poisoned beyond redemption. We are no longer eating food; we are nibbling away at slow-motion suicide.

Yet when Oliver Barker-Vormawor led the #StopGalamseyNow vigil in Accra, his cry was not about technical reports or laboratory data. He shouted, “Nine months is enough to give birth!” Nine months, indeed. Goats manage it on schedule, but our government midwives still sit in the labour ward arguing whether the contractions are genuine or just indigestion after too much fufu.
Citizens marched with placards, rivers groaned in silence, and the midwives leafed through their grammar books for another round of “robust frameworks” and “renewed onslaughts.”

The demand for a state of emergency keeps echoing like a church bell, but government insists it is “a last resort.” Last resort to what? Too much clean water? Too many healthy farms? Perhaps they fear the excess of responsibility.

Meanwhile, reclaimed lands are seized back by miners like shirts snatched from the drying line, and every announcement of reclamation sounds less like victory and more like rehearsal for the next invasion.

Both parties take turns blaming each other. NDC insists NPP is the godfather of the pits; NPP insists NDC’s promises were emptier than a broken calabash. And in the middle, the rivers laugh bitterly: “It matters little which colour your T-shirt is when you’re drinking poison from the same pot.” Even the Concerned Drivers Association calls out the hypocrisy, warning that politicians treat galamsey like trotro fares—changing their tune depending on who is at the wheel.

And through it all, the EPA’s data hangs like a dark cloud: poisoned fish, toxic cocoa, contaminated vegetables. The very things that sustain us have turned executioners. We are dining at our own funeral banquet, with a menu written in mercury and arsenic.

The rivers have given their verdict. They no longer flow as gifts of life but as grim reminders of neglect. The forests stand stripped, the farms yield poison, and the people trade health for gold dust. In the Republic of Uncommon Sense, we have perfected the art of eating death with a smile.

As the elders say, “He who sells the forest will soon drink poison in the shade.”

But in the Republic of Uncommon Sense, satire is not only for laughter; it must also proffer solutions. So here are the Republic’s prescriptions for the galamsey plague:

1. Declare a State of Emergency, but make it real. Not the PowerPoint type. Deploy boots to rivers, not just suits to conferences.
2. Measure success in rivers turned clear, not press statements. Until the Ankobra runs blue again, don’t tell us about “robust frameworks.”
3. Put every political promise on probation. If cocoa still tastes like mercury after your tenure, your pension should be paid in poisoned tilapia.
4. Reclaim and guard, not reclaim and forget. Lands taken back must be monitored with the same zeal used in monitoring election collation centers.
5. Offer livelihoods that beat galamsey. Give the youth decent work, so they don’t have to choose between dying of poverty and dying of mercury.

So yes, the Republic has solutions. Whether they are taken up or tossed into the nearest polluted river is another story.

As the elders say: “The one who refuses advice will bathe in poisoned water.”

Gong. Curtain.

Jimmy Aglah
Republicofuncommonsense.com

That is the opening line of US Rapper Eminem’s 2002 hit Lose Yourself.

And 23 years later, this played out perfectly for Ghanaian documentary photographer, Paul Addo, on the hallowed royal durbar grounds of Manhyia in Kumasi, Ashanti Region.

A moment of fatigue became a moment of destiny when he reluctantly grabbed the opportunity to take a shot; unbeknownst to him, that single photo would define his professional journey.

Tired from the intensity of hectic activities, Paul decided to find a spot to rest his feet. That simple act led him to a scene that would forever etch his name into the visual history of the Asante Kingdom.

The photograph he took that day, June 26, of the Asantehemaa, Nana Konadu Yiadom III, just seven weeks later, became the official obituary portrait shared across billboards, newspapers, and live broadcasts during the state funeral of the revered queenmother.

The Fateful Day at Manhyia Palace

Paul’s dedication leads him to festivals and royal events across the country, often self-financing his travels.

His account of the day he photographed the Asantehemaa is a masterclass in a photographer’s instinct.

“I was very tired that day; you know how intense these festivals could be. I wanted to go and rest my feet a bit. Just when I was about to move, I saw an all-women group singing and dancing. There weren’t many, and they were right in front of Nana Hemaa. I couldn’t see her directly. I first took a picture of the women singing and dancing, and then, through a small opening, I saw that she was there, sitting under her umbrella.”

Curiosity compelled him to move closer.

“I didn’t know she was the Asantehemaa when I got there, but she was just glowing under her umbrella, and that compelled me to capture her.”

Following an unspoken protocol, he sought permission without words.

“I just bowed slightly to ask for permission and then, with the slightest nod, she agreed. And, you know, she looked me straight into the camera.”

For a few precious seconds, he had her attention.

Then, as she turned to speak with an attendant, Paul continued to shoot, preserving a candid glimpse of royalty.

Paul’s story is one of passion fuelled by perseverance. His advice to aspiring photographers is simple yet powerful:

“You have to shoot all the time… You cannot sit in your room and be thinking or dreaming about a particular shot. You just have to go out, and there you will find the stories, or the stories will find you.”

For Paul Addo, this iconic image is more than a single lucky shot; it is the powerful culmination of a deeply personal mission to tell the Ghanaian story with dignity, beauty, and truth.

How it all began

Paul Addo’s journey into photography began in Ghana’s pulsating music scene, working with platforms like GhanaMusic.com.

It was here, in the world of entertainment and early blogging, that he first encountered the power of an image.

However, the true spark ignited when he stumbled upon the work of a Ghanaian photographer named Yaw Opare online.

“These were pictures from somewhere in the Eastern region… and they were totally different from the regular pictures that I normally see from Ghanaian photographers at the time,” he says. “I had not really seen a photographer moving around the country and taking pictures of the landscape, so when I saw those pictures, it captivated me.”

He reached out, met Yaw Opare, and began studying under him.

Paul Addo is deliberate in calling himself a documentary photographer. His work is not just about capturing news; it’s about telling sustained, beautiful stories. He noticed a glaring disparity between the Ghana he lived in and the Ghana portrayed to the world.

“I realised that, oftentimes, the images that represent us as a country, and if you want to expand it as a continent, it’s not really the reality on the ground,” he explains, his voice firm with conviction. “The beauty within us isn’t shown; it’s not talked about that much. Oftentimes, it’s images of maybe a hungry child or a shirtless child somewhere, and then negative stories. And these are the images that they used to represent us.”

This realisation became the driving force behind his art. He set out to change the narrative, to focus on the profound beauty that resides in Ghana’s landscapes, its vibrant festivals, its rich food culture, and the dignified spirit of its people.

He also speaks candidly about the challenges, especially the business side of photography. He finances his personal projects through commercial gigs, weddings, events, and portraits, a common hustle for artists. But he issues a poignant call for local support, highlighting a critical gap.

“In the developed countries, they have some grants that they give to sponsor photographers to undertake projects. Here in Ghana, I don’t find much of that…,” he laments. I plead with the government and NGO’s to offer their support.”

Looking ahead, Paul Addo’s dreams are as vast as the continent he wishes to document. “I would love to travel the world and have a bigger platform internationally to showcase these works that I’ve been doing in Ghana and in the future Africa as well.”

His campaign remains anchored on a powerful idea, “Telling the Ghanaian story with photographs that dignify us. Not always the negative… we’ve portrayed a negative part of us for more than a hundred years, so we should be able to talk more about the good aspect also.”

Source: Judy Yayra Avanu

Since assuming office in 2022, Rev. Owusu, together with the National Officers, has steered GNAT into a new era defined by bold reforms, strengthened governance structures, and an unwavering focus on teacher welfare.

His three-year leadership has reinforced GNAT’s institutional framework while enhancing the association’s credibility and responsiveness to its members.

Strengthening Institutional Governance and Communication
A hallmark of Rev. Owusu’s leadership has been his commitment to transparency and effective governance. Key initiatives include:

• Transparent Dissemination of Conference Decisions: The 2022 National Delegates Conference decisions were promptly published, keeping all members informed and aligned.

• Distribution of Amended GNAT Constitution: For the first time in recent history, the updated Constitution was printed and distributed nationwide, equipping members with the knowledge of their rights and responsibilities.

• National Orientation Programmes: Comprehensive training sessions for Regional Council Members, administrative staff, and GNAT representatives strengthened capacity, clarified roles, and promoted institutional synergy.

• Codified Standing Orders and Electoral Reforms: A formal Standing Orders document and revised electoral guidelines have brought consistency, fairness, and transparency to meetings and elections.

A Call for Continuity
Rev. Owusu’s tenure has ushered in progress, discipline, and reform. The foundations laid between 2022 and 2025 signal not just achievement, but the promise of an even stronger GNAT if his leadership continues.

As members prepare to head to the polls, many are reflecting on this legacy of transformational leadership, effective governance, and dedicated service to teachers. For a union at the heart of Ghana’s education system, the choice of leadership is more than political—it is a reaffirmation of purpose and direction. The record speaks for itself. The vision continues.

Source: Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa

Compounding this challenge are over 50,000 drug abuse cases, with about 35,000 involving young people aged 12-35.

Sedentary lifestyles and the lack of safe, inclusive recreational spaces are major contributors to these issues.

Shockingly, only 20% of Ghanaian adults meet the World Health Organisation’s recommended physical activity levels, and less than 15% of school children engage in regular structured exercise.

These trends threaten not just the health of individuals but also the socio-economic stability of the nation. Lifestyle diseases are silently draining the national health budget and cutting short the lives of Ghana’s most productive citizens.

The rise in NCDs presents a dual health and economic crisis, but it also offers an opportunity for transformation.

 Recreation: More Than Just Fun

Recreation is often seen as leisure, but its benefits extend far beyond entertainment. It is a vital tool for preventive health, youth empowerment, rehabilitation, wellness, and nation-building.

Just 30 minutes of daily moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA) can reduce the risk of NCDs by 40%.

Moreover, children involved in school sports are 50% more likely to excel academically and avoid risky behaviours (UNICEF, 2021). On a community level, recreation fosters social bonds, reduces crime, and promotes peace and inclusion.

The Government’s Response: Introducing NARWEP

In response to these pressing challenges, the Ministry of Sports and Recreation, under the leadership of Hon. Kofi Iddie Adams, is launching the National Recreation and Wellness Programme (NARWEP).

This innovative initiative aims to embed recreation and wellness into the fabric of everyday Ghanaian life by making physical activity and wellness part of daily routines, strengthening school sports as platforms for fitness, talent discovery, and essential life skills and using community-based recreation to promote peace, inclusion, and cultural pride.

Aligning with President John Dramani Mahama’s vision of placing recreation at the heart of national development, NARWEP complements ongoing efforts in health, education, and social cohesion. It is designed to build a healthier, stronger, and more productive Ghana.

Why recreation and wellness are critical

Ghana loses billions of cedis annually to the treatment of lifestyle-related diseases. The economic burden of NCDs is staggering, and inactivity is a silent epidemic.

Less than one in five adults and one in seven children meet recommended activity levels, making this a national issue with wide-ranging implications.

NARWEP is more than a sports initiative; it is a strategic social investment that benefits multiple sectors by reducing non-communicable disease prevalence and promoting preventive health in health, enhancing academic performance and student engagement in education, providing pathways for talent, skills, and employment in youth development, and cultivating a healthier nation as part of national development.

 Seizing the Opportunity

Investing in recreation is cost-effective every dollar spent on active lifestyle promotion can save three dollars in future healthcare costs (WHO, 2019).

Recreational activities also contribute to safer communities by reducing crime and substance abuse, while fostering inclusivity for women, persons with disabilities, and the elderly.

Focus Areas of NARWEP

NARWEP is built around four interconnected pillars: active recreation, which promotes community participation through wellness walks, aerobics, indigenous games, and informal play, leading to improved cardiovascular health, mental well-being, and stronger community bonds; wellness, which includes health screenings, nutrition education, and inclusive, therapeutic recreational activities that restore dignity, promote recovery, and foster social inclusion.

School recreation, which strengthens physical education, inter-school competitions, and recreational festivals will be targeted to develop discipline, teamwork and  leadership

The success of NARWEP depends on stakeholder engagement, which involves citizens embracing active lifestyles, schools prioritizing recreation and sports, businesses and corporate entities supporting through sponsorships and wellness programs, development partners and civil society working to expand reach, and traditional and religious leaders mobilizing communities. 

A Call to Action

Recreation and wellness are investments in Ghana’s future, not luxuries. By supporting NARWEP, we are choosing prevention over cure, inclusion over exclusion, and health over illness. Together, we can make Ghana a nation that moves, plays, and thrives.

Let us walk, play, and build a healthier Ghana. The time to act is now.

Source: Bagbara Tanko

In my October 2023 address, “Redefining Leadership and Governance in a Nation in Crisis”, I cautioned against two threats that could derail democratic governance amid the wave of military takeovers sweeping our sub-region.

The first—speculation that the incumbent government might subvert the people’s will in the 2024 elections—did not materialize.

The second, a more pressing danger, is that if the newly elected NDC government under President Mahama adopts a business-as-usual approach, public expectations will again be dashed.

Ghanaians are now demanding swift, decisive action on two critical issues: the Operation Recover All Loots (ORAL) initiative and the galamsey menace.

These are not merely policy matters—they are existential and moral tests. Failure to act decisively risks igniting frustrations that could undermine democracy and erode trust in leadership.

A Nation at a Crossroads

President Mahama recently highlighted the growing preference among some youth for military rule—a sentiment born of disillusionment. This reflects a democracy failing to deliver safety, dignity, and opportunity. Instead, citizens face:

• Hate, division, and exclusion

• Impunity and corruption

• Economic mismanagement and environmental destruction

• Youth unemployment, poverty, and inequality

• Social unrest and political tension

This is not the democracy Ghanaians fought for. A national reset must go beyond rhetoric to leadership with moral purpose.

Key Elements of Resetting the Nation

1. Moral Leadership
   Ghana’s governance crisis is fundamentally moral. Religious leaders, traditional rulers, academia, and the media must act as the nation’s moral compass, holding leaders accountable and safeguarding honesty, justice, and fairness.

2. Ethical Governance
   Ethics must underpin political and corporate life. Stronger laws, ethics education, and enforcement mechanisms can restore transparency and accountability. Without this, trust in institutions collapses.

3. Collaborative Approach
   Nation-building cannot be left to government alone. Citizens, civil society, and institutions must share responsibility in redefining the social contract for sustainable and inclusive development.

4. Visionary Leadership
   Leaders must see beyond electoral cycles. Initiatives like the 24-Hour Economy, Youth Service & Skills Corps, and Women’s Economic Resilience Initiative reflect visionary thinking that empowers citizens and lays a foundation for growth.

5. Overcoming Identity Politics
   Ethnic, partisan, or regional divisions have weakened national unity. Leaders must prioritize the national interest and unite Ghanaians around shared values and collective aspirations.

ORAL and Galamsey: The Trigger Point

The government’s credibility will be judged by decisive action on ORAL and galamsey:

• ORAL: Recovering looted state resources is about more than finances—it restores public trust and demonstrates leadership willing to confront entrenched interests.

• Galamsey: Illegal mining is an environmental and governance crisis. Fertile lands destroyed, rivers poisoned, and rural communities abandoned demand urgent intervention.

Together, ORAL and galamsey are the trigger point: either the start of a genuine reset or the spark of disillusionment threatening democratic stability.

The End of Politics as Usual

Globally, transactional politics is failing to address crises—from unemployment and cost-of-living pressures to climate change and pandemics. Ghana must embrace transformational leadership: inclusive, selfless, and visionary.

Conclusion: Leadership With Moral Purpose

The reset agenda is not politics; it is leadership with moral purpose. Ghana needs leaders who:

• Sacrifice self-interest for the common good

• Unite rather than divide

• Act boldly against entrenched corruption and destructive practices

By pursuing moral leadership, embedding ethical governance, and taking decisive action on ORAL and galamsey, Ghana can move from a politics of frustration to leadership of transformation—restoring dignity, prosperity, and justice for all.

Source: Akwasi Opong-Fosu, Governance and Public Policy Analyst, Former Minister of State

According to BoG, the decision reflects confidence in falling inflation and a strengthening economy. Yet, even as borrowing costs ease, questions arise.

Can the central bank hold the line against possible utility tariff hikes, global shocks, and the stubbornly high stock of bad loans in the banking sector?

The coming months will test whether the BoG’s bold easing stance can withstand the pressures that threaten Ghana’s hard-won stability.

From January to September 2025, the monetary policy path has swung dramatically. The year opened at 27 per cent, unchanged through February.

In March, the rate was hiked by 100 basis points to 28 per cent, where it held steady until June.

Then came the pivot: a 300-basis-point cut in July brought the rate down to 25 per cent, followed in September by an even sharper 350-basis-point reduction, settling at 21.5 per cent.

In total, Ghana has seen a net 550-basis-point drop this year, marking a clear shift from earlier tightening to aggressive easing as inflation pressures subsided and economic fundamentals improved.

The rationale is clear. Inflation has been on a steady decline for eight consecutive months, reaching 11.5 percent in August 2025, its lowest in four years.

Growth remains broad-based, with GDP expanding 6.3 per cent in Q2, and non-oil activities surging by 7.8 per cent, led by services and agriculture.

Fiscal consolidation is yielding results: the deficit narrowed to 1.1 per cent of GDP, a primary surplus was achieved, and public debt fell sharply from 61.8 per cent of GDP at end-2024 to 44.9 per cent by July 2025.

External buffers are also stronger, with a record US$6.2 billion trade surplus, reserves of US$10.7 billion covering 4.5 months of imports, and a 21 percent cedi appreciation year-to-date.

Meanwhile, the banking sector remains resilient, with a 17.7 per cent capital adequacy ratio and improving loan quality, as non-performing loans declined to 20.8 per cent.

For households, this cut promises gradually lower borrowing costs, cheaper loans, and relief for personal finance.

For businesses, it offers room to expand, invest, and create jobs. For government, it reduces financing costs and strengthens fiscal stability.

But risks remain. Potential utility tariff adjustments, external headwinds, and persistent bad loans could all undermine progress.

In short, the Bank of Ghana has made a bold gamble, balancing stability with growth. The rate cut signals optimism, but vigilance will be the price of sustaining Ghana’s fragile disinflation path and ensuring the gains of 2025 are not quickly reversed.

The writer, Prof. Isaac Boadi, is Dean, Faculty of Accounting and Finance, UPSA; and Executive Director, Institute of Economic and Research Policy

Source: Prof. Isaac Boadi

This is exactly what the people of Israel were doing about 2,500 years ago, and God was angry with them. He declared that He would not change His mind but would punish them (Amos 8:1-2).

I have conducted auditing at both professional and academic levels, and I have seen firsthand how people circumvent laid-down control systems to cheat. By God’s grace, I served on the Public Accounts Committee of Ghana’s Parliament for four years, where I came face-to-face with how billions of Cedis are manipulated.

In recent years, audit reports have revealed that more than GHC 12 billion were misappropriated, leaving our hospitals without beds and essential drugs, our roads as death traps, and our schools lacking textbooks.

Even at the market, when you stop buying tomatoes, you find that the tins are stuffed with leaves or rags. Alonka measures have been tampered with. At some filling stations, pumps are adjusted to cheat customers. Cocoa and cashew scales are manipulated as well. In all these, it is the poor who suffer the most. This mirrors what the Israelites were doing, which provoked God’s anger.

Why are we repeating the same mistakes today? Can we withstand God’s wrath? Psalm 113:7 reminds us that only God can give true financial blessing — not stealing. We must introspect, admit where we have gone wrong, and ask God for forgiveness.

Let us remember that when we cheat or steal, we are taking food, medicine, and resources meant for others. The sad reality is that when we die, we leave everything behind on earth, but we will give an account of our actions and inactions.

It is my prayer that we change our ways so we may receive God’s blessings rather than His anger, in Jesus’ name… Amen.

Source: Dr. Alex Kyeremeh

In September 2025, social media lit up after a commentator claimed that E&P had filed a notice to withdraw its claims—an assertion that, regardless of legal nuance, stirred public curiosity about the tribunal and its conduct.

Public confidence in arbitration depends not just on the law but on perception. In this case, presiding arbitrator Madam Funke Adekoya recently delivered the keynote at a memorial lecture hosted by Bentsi-Enchill, Letsa & Ankomah—the Ghanaian firm representing the respondents alongside an international firm. That appearance occurred while she chairs the very panel hearing E&P’s case.

Even if permitted under applicable rules, the overlap raises questions: does the event-host relationship risk an appearance of alignment, and could it lead a reasonable observer to suspect subconscious bias?

The unease grew when reports of her keynote highlighted that Ghanaian counsel should build arbitration credentials by partnering with “established international firms.”

While defensible as a capacity-building view, in this context—where claimant’s counsel is a local firm and respondents have such an international-local pairing—the remark risks being read as indirectly favouring one side’s model over the other.

Here, the issue is not actual bias but whether a reasonable, informed observer could apprehend a real possibility of it. International best practice expects arbitrators to mitigate such risks—disclosing potentially relevant relationships, avoiding non-essential public appearances with counsel mid-proceeding, and tailoring remarks to prevent misinterpretation.

What should follow? First, disclosure: the chair could clarify the circumstances, prior relationships, and safeguards in place. Second, parties should use the ICC’s challenge and disclosure framework—not social media—to address concerns. Third, the profession can refine norms: during active appointments, arbitrators should decline keynote roles at events hosted by counsel in related cases, or, if unavoidable, adopt neutral topics and explicit disclaimers.

Arbitration rests on credibility. When perception falters, parties lose faith and awards face collateral attack. Ghanaians, already sensitive to narratives around this transaction, deserve a process that not only is fair but looks fair.

Perhaps this tribunal has followed the rules to the letter. But in arbitration, as in justice itself, optics matter too.

Source: Norvan Acquah-Hayford

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In the 2016 elections, the difference between Akufo-Addo and his closest contender was 1,984,630 votes. Then his reign began. Such goodwill by the people! Even the traders at Aborsey Okai voluntarily reduced prices.

Then started the little-little slips. At the end of his first term, Ghanaians voted to tell him that they were not terribly impressed with his performance.

When the votes were tallied in the 2020 election, the gap between Akufo-Addo and the first runner-up had narrowed to only 517,405 votes – one million people had decided to vote against him.

Other “sins” followed, which Ghanaians could not forgive, and in the 2024 elections, Akufo-Addo was trailing by a whopping 1,714,089 votes.

One of his unforgivable sins was the fight against galamsey.

Then came Mahama. Between January 2025, when he assumed the reins of government, and August 2025, he was on cloud nine.

The economy was working perfectly: the cedi’s performance against the dollar, rising from GH¢17.4 to GH¢10.4, was magical; fuel prices dropped to as low as GH¢12; GDP rose from US$75bilion to over US$130 billion, and inflation was down from 23% to 13%; Ghana’s debt burden reduced by GH¢150 billion; emission tax and E-levy were gone.

Ghanaians applauded.

But, come mid-August, and since then, the cedi’s strength has weakened, affecting fuel prices. The OMCs are putting it down to the exchange rate.

Nonetheless, because of visionary projects like Big Push, Goldbod and all of the above indicators, Mahama’s goodwill is still intact, to a large extent. Ghanaians seem to simply love Mahama’s personality and are willing to give him a chance to prove that the downward slide is temporary.

Nine months after he swept to power, however, the people are beginning to taste a “small” sourness in their mouths. All because of Galamsey and the President’s answer to the media’s question to him about the declaration of a State of Emergency.

As a government in Ghana, when you have the Catholic Bishops Conference, the Christian Council, CDD, medical professionals and other civil society groups ganging up against a major policy, the warning to any President is: “Beware!” Our ancestors said that one small load on top of another small load soon becomes an unbearable burden.

Galamsey is one load too heavy to bear.

Our water bodies have been poisoned by mining pollutants such as cyanide and mercury. Babies are being born deformed. Water shortages have become so severe that women and schoolchildren are walking five kilometres in search of water at prices that are best left to the imagination.

The last straw is the shutdown of the Kwanyako headworks of GWCL. Heavy siltation of the Ayensu River has caused this tragedy. As of Tuesday, 11 districts in the region do not have water. It’s Galamsey.

Soundbites from towns and villages in Central and Western Regions are harrowing, bordering on the apocalyptic.

Rather than act and act decisively, Ghanaians are doing what we are best known for: talking. The talkers are making excuses for the murderers, while the arguments are along party lines.

The havoc which illegal artisanal mining is wreaking has not been for lack of warnings. Dr Joseph Ampofo, former Director of the Water Research Institute of the CSIR, and Professor Rosemary Mamaa Entsua Mensah, a fishery scientist and aquatic ecologist, are “Galamsey prophets”.

Many, many years ago, long before galamsey assumed the proportions of an existential threat, Professor Entsua Mensah had foreseen, researched into and forewarned that life in Ghana could come to a stop if nothing was done to stop the threat that mining, in general, and galamsey, in particular, posed to our water bodies.

As far back as 2015, Dr Ampofo granted me an interview in which he warned: “A time is coming – and it looks like sooner than we had anticipated – when Ghanaians shall see water but we cannot use it. It is so serious that the water cannot even be used to water seedlings in nurseries!

That is why President Mahama cannot continue to dilly-dally about the call for a declaration of a State of Emergency.

The galamseyers are armed to the teeth, meaning they have declared war. They shoot to kill. To poison a people’s water source amounts to a declaration of war. They are committing mass murder.

Every government in Ghana in the Fourth Republic has declared “war on Galamsey”, but I beg to submit that wars are not fought with resolutions, arrests and threats.

Wars can only be fought with bullets that kill, and the only condition under which shoot-to-kill is permissible is in a state of emergency imposed on guilty communities.

Over to you, President Mahama. Ghanaians did it to Takyi (Akufo-Addo). They will do it to the NDC if….

Source: Enimil Ashon

Since assuming office in 2022, Rev. Owusu and the National Officers have ushered in a new era of proactive governance and member-centered reforms that have strengthened GNAT and significantly improved the welfare and working conditions of teachers across the country.

Below is a comprehensive reflection on their achievements from 2022 to 2025 — a legacy many believe deserves continuity.

1. Strengthening Institutional Governance and Communication

• Published the 2022 National Delegates Conference Decisions and distributed the amended GNAT Constitution to all members.

• Conducted national orientation exercises for Regional Council Members, Administrative Staff, and GNAT Representatives on Boards and Institutions, enhancing institutional clarity and responsibility.

• Developed codified Standing Orders for meetings and conferences and reviewed election guidelines to improve democratic processes within the association.

2. Advocacy and Tangible Economic Gains for Teachers

• Secured a 15% Cost of Living Allowance (COLA) in 2022 in collaboration with Organised Labour.

• Achieved base pay salary increments of 30% in 2023, 23% and 25% in 2024, and 10% in 2025.

• Negotiated a new Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA), leading to:

  • 100% increment in CPD Allowance

  • Enhanced Data Support Allowance

  • Decoupling of Director I and II ranks from District and Regional Directors

3. Advancing Welfare and Social Protection

• Increased Death and Retirement Benefits from GHS 2,500 to GHS 3,500.

• Provided legal services to members facing workplace or legal issues.

• Offered financial assistance through the National Donation Committee.

• Paid all statutory grants across GNAT structures and fulfilled the 7% grant increment to GNAT locals.

4. Improving Educational Resources and Access

• Distributed printed copies of the approved GES Conditions and Scheme of Service.

• Donated school uniforms, bags, books, and footwear to over 500 pupils during Ghana Teacher Prize celebrations.

• Built two-unit classroom blocks in regions hosting the National Ghana Teacher Prize.

• Provided laptops to all eligible members, fulfilling prior commitments.

5. Female Empowerment and Support for Deprived Areas

• Awarded bursaries to selected female members for further education.

• Organised the GNAT Investment Forum for teachers in deprived areas, promoting financial literacy and empowerment.

6. Infrastructure and Institutional Development

• Completed and commissioned all uncompleted projects inherited from previous leadership across the 10 GNAT regions.

• Renovated and furnished district secretariats, procured new buildings, documented land, and obtained permits.

• Equipped regional offices with new furniture, desktop computers, and air conditioners.

• Supported the creation of 10 new GNAT districts in line with National Delegates Conference decisions.

7. Strategic Partnerships and Health Infrastructure

• Purchased a PET Scan Machine for the Sweden-Ghana Medical Centre.

• Established and inaugurated the SGMC and GNAT Foundation Boards.

• Created the Board of Council for the GNAT Institute for Research and Industrial Relations Studies, enabling the operationalisation of the GNAT University.

8. Technological Transformation and Transparency

• Launched the Teachers’ Fund Digital App, making access to fund services easier and more transparent.

• Conducted nationwide outreach with the Teachers’ Fund Board to assure members of the fund’s security and sustainability.

A Leadership That Listens and Delivers
From legal support and salary negotiations to strategic investments and educational infrastructure, Rev. Isaac Owusu’s administration has proven itself result-oriented, inclusive, and guided by the needs of teachers. His leadership philosophy has been clear: every decision must serve the collective welfare of GNAT members while strengthening the Association.

The Call for Continuity
As GNAT prepares for another leadership chapter, many within the teaching fraternity are calling for continuity — a chance for Rev. Isaac Owusu to consolidate progress and expand the gains of the past three years. With a track record defined by action, impact, and accountability, retaining him is seen not just as keeping a leader in office, but as securing a future where the voice and welfare of every teacher remain a national priority.

Source: Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa

The educational system in Ghana falls short of these offerings, which provide pre-made career roadmaps along with stipends, mentorship, and opportunity to conduct research abroad.

Possibilities Abroad, Deficits Domestically
Oversubscribed and scarce, scholarships in Ghana are hard to come by. Students are left to cover living expenses, research fees, and conference travel by the handful that do exist, with a concentration on tuition.

Applicants express dissatisfaction with the lack of feedback, ever-changing standards, and shortened deadlines. Laboratory funding is inadequate, and there is a lack of both journal access and possibilities for fieldwork.

There is an abundance of fellowships supported by corporations and foundations overseas.

Furthermore, they cover the costs of research, internships, and professional development in addition to tuition. Oftentimes, the choice becomes very obvious for Ghana’s brightest: focus on the outside world.

An Academic’s Narrative
Juliana Somuah’s story is a prime example of this trend. She studies sustainability, leadership, and facilities management while pursuing a doctorate at UNC Charlotte; all three areas are important to Ghana’s progress.

For the year 2024, Somuah was awarded the prestigious Buck Fisher Greater Triangle Scholarship from the IFMA Foundation in the US.

One of the perks of the award was a fully paid trip to San Antonio, Texas, to attend the IFMA World Workplace Conference, the biggest annual gathering of facility management experts in the world.

Building on that recognition, Juliana has continued to excel internationally. At the recently held World Workplace Conference in Minneapolis, Minnesota, she received the Women in Facilities Management Award, a distinguished honour that celebrates her contributions to advancing leadership and sustainability in facility management.

This achievement further underscores her rising global profile and the irony of Ghana’s inability to retain such talent.

She helps out with research at IFMA that looks at things like leadership styles, workplace trends, and AI-powered facility solutions.

The way in which MNCs handle infrastructure, expenses, and energy is already being influenced by these projects.

There is a remarkable similarity to Ghana, where colleges, hospitals, and ministries have comparable problems but do not have the means to access such state-of-the-art research.

Honouring Our Nation, Persistent Irony
While celebrating Somuah’s achievement, we should not lose sight of the fact that our nation still faces a serious problem.

Though her early education was fostered in Ghana, she is thriving because of the enhanced help she receives from institutions abroad.

She will undoubtedly be known as “American-trained” as her career develops, a description that acknowledges her Ghanaian roots but also draws attention to the country’s talent loss.

Nobody has this problem except Somuah. The business sector in Ghana has not yet embraced philanthropy in higher education, and as a result, university funding is inadequate.

Scholarships abroad attract students who might otherwise remain because of the unique opportunities they provide, such as financial support, international experience, and connections that are difficult to get back home.

Brain Drain and Its Costs
Brain drain is an inevitable consequence. Graduates with a high level of talent typically depart for greener pastures and return with little to no inclination to stay.

Abroad offers better employment opportunities, more stable finance, and competitive incomes, so staying is the logical choice. This has led to a gradual exodus of knowledge from Ghana in areas that are vital to the country’s progress.

The paradox here is that Ghana’s brightest are making waves overseas in fields exactly where the country is struggling, such as with escalating energy prices, outdated infrastructure, and a lack of skilled workers. Ghana sits on its hands while other countries reap the benefits of this information.

Things That Must Alter
Ghana needs to do more than just honour its students studying abroad if it wants to turn this trend around. The system needs to be designed to make them feel at home. In other words:

• Local scholarship opportunities should be expanded to provide full coverage, including living stipends and research funding.
• Priorities for national development should inform investments in research-to-practice laboratories.
• Developing pathways for scholars studying abroad to receive funding and guidance upon their return.
• Motivating businesses to sponsor graduate programs in vital areas.

Until then, the outpouring of congratulations from around the world will continue, serving as a sombre reminder of the exceptional kids from Ghana and the possibilities that are passing the country by.

Source: Isaac Adams

Today, these pollutants hitchhike on every river, soil particle, breath of air and morsel of food.

“That’s the river we used to swim in as kids,” recalls an environmental activist, gesturing at a nearby tributary now coffee-brown with mine waste.

“We used to drink from it and irrigate our farms. Now it’s poison.” Across Ghana, from remote villages to the capital’s dinner tables, no one is truly exempt from exposure to galamsey’s chemical legacy.

Rivers Run with Poison

Galamsey miners sluice and dredge Ghana’s rivers by the thousands. They pour liquid mercury into the muddy pans to bind tiny gold flecks; after the gold is skimmed off, the miners burn the mercury, releasing toxic vapor.

This volatile mercury travels far, raining down onto fields and water bodies even hundreds of miles away. In the Pra, Birim, Offin and other river basins, freshwater sources are now widely tainted by mining chemicals. Ghana’s water utility warns that if this contamination continues, the country may have to import drinking water by 2030.

In the rivers themselves, the evidence is plain. Tiny fish along the Pra have turned bright yellow or died off entirely, suffocated by toxic water.

Markets along the riverside now see water that is golden-brown from chemical runoff; villagers lament that every fish and maize plant has been killed by the contamination.

In lagoons and lakes, arsenic and mercury have been detected in fish at levels unsafe for human consumption. In other words, every catch poses a health risk, especially to children and pregnant women.

Cyanide, used by some miners to dissolve gold, is extremely toxic. Accidental spills and acid runoff have caused acute poisonings, killing fish and leaving villagers with severe stomach and skin ailments. In some places, entire tributaries have been acidified, with fish dying and their skins peeling from chemical burns.

Arsenic levels in historic gold belts have soared many times above safe drinking limits. Groundwater wells in mining zones likewise show contamination, meaning the problem is not confined to rivers but is seeping underground.

Toxic Soils and Wilted Crops

It’s not just water — the very earth is poisoned. Every mine site leaves behind tailings and dust loaded with heavy metals. When rains fall, these toxins run onto adjacent farms.

Fields once filled with cocoa have been devastated, stripped of fertility and turned into pits. Entire cocoa plantations have been destroyed by mining. Farmers report that when they irrigate with polluted water, every flower and pod drops off the cocoa trees.

Mercury vapor from processing settles on soil, while arsenic and cyanide seep underground. Plants absorb these hidden toxins. Cocoa, cassava, maize and vegetables irrigated with contaminated water accumulate metals, passing them into the national food supply. Farmers who once sold food now travel to towns to buy what they need, unable to sustain their farms.

Airborne Hazards

Mining also fills the air with dust and fumes. When mercury amalgams are burned, toxic vapors drift into the atmosphere and travel long distances before settling back onto land and water.

Roasting arsenic-bearing ores sends arsenic aerosols skyward. Dust from open pits spreads cadmium, lead and silica. These airborne particles fall with rain, washing toxins into rivers or onto farmland.

Communities far from mining sites report unusual crop failures and clusters of illnesses. Mercury and arsenic in the air provide one explanation, showing how even areas that appear untouched are, in reality, part of the contamination map.

On Every Plate and in Every Cup: Human Exposure

The toxic trail inevitably leads to people’s bodies by many routes. Drinking water is the most direct. In mining districts, villagers drink from rivers and wells often laced with chemicals. Even in cities, water reservoirs may draw from tainted watersheds.

Food is another pathway. Fish are particularly dangerous because they bioaccumulate mercury and arsenic.

From Lake Volta to coastal lagoons, the fish sold in markets often carry dangerous loads of these poisons. Vegetables and grains irrigated with contaminated water add another route of exposure.

Occupational exposure is the most extreme. Thousands of miners and their families live at mining sites, inhaling dust, handling liquid mercury with bare hands, and bathing in contaminated ponds. Pregnant women in these areas pass mercury, arsenic and cyanide directly to their unborn children. Babies are born with birth defects linked to chemical exposure.

Even the wealthy are not immune. Families in Accra and Kumasi may drink bottled water and eat imported food, but much of Ghana’s fish and farm produce enters urban markets. A family dinner in the city may still contain cocoa, cassava or tilapia grown or caught in contaminated zones.

Illness and Inequality

The human toll is devastating. Mercury causes tremors, vision loss, hearing impairment and brain damage, especially in children.

Arsenic is a potent carcinogen linked to cancers of the bladder, lungs, liver and skin. Cyanide can kill quickly in large doses and damage the thyroid and nervous system in smaller ones.

The poor are disproportionately hit. They rely on untreated water and local crops, bearing the brunt of exposure. Miners’ families live in the most toxic environments.

But wealth does not guarantee immunity; even the president may dine on food unknowingly tainted by galamsey’s chemical reach.

Systemic Neglect and Accountability

Legally, Ghana has a duty to protect its citizens’ right to a clean and healthy environment. Yet enforcement remains weak. Officials often turn a blind eye or are accused of complicity. Activists have faced intimidation and even death for speaking out.

Environmental laws exist on paper, requiring miners to obtain permits and treat waste. But illegal operators ignore them with impunity. Communities protest, demanding their right to live in a clean environment, but accountability is rare.

Across the country, citizens march with banners reading “Our soil bleeds mercury; our crops wither.” They demand justice and accountability, calling for polluters to be held liable and for systemic neglect to end.

A Nation at the Crossroads

The choice is stark. Mining without accountability has turned a blessing into a curse. Heavy-metal toxins persist in rivers, soils and human bodies for generations. Ghana’s poisoned water and farmland stand as a warning: without urgent action, every citizen, from the president to the peasant, will continue to bear the toxic toll of galamsey.

The writer is a lecturer at the Department of Food and Nutrition Education, Faculty of Health, Allied Sciences and Home Economics Education, University of Education, Winneba.

Source: Dr Ekpor Anyimah-Ackah

In fact, it threatens our very survival. In the past eight years, not much has been achieved. I presume pressure on this government is because of the trust Ghanaians placed in him by voting massively for him.

The honest fact is that it is a very difficult task. It involved Gold. People are even ready to kill to get this precious mineral.

People who are sent to enforce the law end up taking part. People expect the government to declare a state of emergency.

What it means is that we put aside our laws and deal with the matter harshly to achieve results.

Remember, these people are seriously armed in the bush. Do we want to wake next day to hear 20 or 30 people have been shot dead and hundreds of them have sustained various degrees of injuries at galamsey sites?

I read the statement from the Ghana Catholic Bishops Conference and other faith-based organisations.

Some people are not happy about some of them because just last year they disassociated themselves from the Catholic Archbishop of Accra’s prayer walk.

They have suddenly found their voices. I will plead with everyone on this to exercise restraint as we all dialogue to find a lasting solution to this canker.

The president has been around for only 8 months and Galamsey has been with us for the past 25 years. Let’s give him a little time as he finds a lasting solution to this menace.

Source: Dr. Alex Kyeremeh

His story begins like many others: born with promise, driven by hope and determined to succeed. Yet, year after year, the doors of opportunity seem to open halfway, only to slam shut in his face.

“I’ve struggled for 40 years,” Kwasi says, his voice quiet yet firm, carrying the weight of a lifetime of unanswered prayers and failed ventures.

“I’ve done everything I thought would work, started businesses, prayed endlessly and made sacrifices.

I even sought help from the most powerful spiritual sources in Ghana.

But somehow, the breakthrough never came.”

At 52, Kwasi had come to terms with disappointment.

But six years ago, everything changed, not in his circumstances, but in his understanding of what he was truly up against.

Soul-shaking dream

One night, Kwasi had a dream that still burns brightly in his memory.

In that dream, he stood before Yehoshua -Jesus Christ Himself, who held a golden sceptre in His hand.

Without speaking, Yehoshua placed the sceptre in Kwasi’s hand and said, “I give you the whole of Ghana, its gates, its money and its wealth.”

Then, in a moment so profound that it defied reason, Yehoshua knelt before him, symbolically passing authority into his hands.

“When I woke up, I knew this wasn’t an ordinary dream,” Kwasi recalls softly.

“I felt as if Heaven itself had commissioned me for something beyond my understanding.

But I didn’t know what it meant or how to make it real.”

Searching in wrong places

Two years ago, desperate for answers, Kwasi turned to one of Ghana’s most feared deities.

The priest promised him that within a year, his life would change.

He followed every instruction, offered every sacrifice and waited in faith.

But 15 months later, nothing had improved. In fact, his struggles had worsened.

Then one night, something strange happened.

“The deity appeared to me in a dream,” Kwasi says, pausing momentarily.

“He said, ‘What I did for you did not work.’’

That night, Kwasi realised the depth of his battle. No human priest, ancient altar or physical sacrifice could resolve what was resisting him.

Something greater, something older than his lifetime, was holding the gates of his destiny shut.

Silent battle over Ghana

Kwasi’s story is profoundly personal but speaks to something larger than himself.

Ghana is a nation overflowing with wealth, gold, oil, cocoa, fertile lands and powerful ports, yet millions struggle daily to survive.

This contradiction isn’t simply a matter of policy or governance. For Kwasi, it is spiritual.

He believes Ghana’s inheritance passes through gates—unseen spiritual thresholds through which wealth, opportunity, and influence are released.

However, these gates are heavily guarded by forces that operate quietly behind the veil of history.

Centuries-old covenants, made during times of slavery, colonisation and ancestral worship, still speak today.

They direct resources away from the people who should benefit from them and lock entire generations into cycles of limitation.

“You can work hard,” Kwasi says, “but if the gates remain closed, your sweat won’t translate into wealth.

It’s not laziness or lack of talent. It’s spiritual resistance.”

Invisible gatekeepers

Through years of dreams, prayers and prophetic encounters, Kwasi began to see that certain territorial altars and principalities were behind Ghana’s long-standing economic struggles.

He speaks of ancient deities such as Tano, long associated with the rivers and gold that shaped Ghana’s early wealth.

There’s Antoa Nyamaa, feared for blood sacrifices, whose covenants are believed to enforce cycles of death and delay in many families.

Bosom Pra, connected to river systems and ancestral land inheritance, appears tied to property and generational wealth disputes.

Along Ghana’s coastlines, Mami Wata altars are said to influence maritime trade and foreign wealth flows.

Then there are the principalities that shape systems rather than individuals. Kwasi describes forces such as Mammon, which govern financial structures and contracts; the Python spirit, which suffocates businesses and progress; and the Queen of the Coast, tied to Ghana’s ports and foreign trade agreements.

“Until these forces are identified and their claims revoked,” Kwasi explains, “they keep dictating who prospers and who struggles.

They decide where Ghana’s wealth goes, and it has flowed away from us for too long.”

Hard work isn’t enough

For decades, Kwasi tried everything that society teaches to bring success. But his journey revealed a sobering truth: effort alone cannot unlock what is spiritually sealed.

“You can work three jobs, pray for years and still feel stuck,” he says.

“It’s not laziness. It’s not bad planning. It’s not even about connections. If the gates are closed, you are pushing against an invisible wall.”

This, he believes, is why many Ghanaians, even those highly skilled and educated, find themselves trapped in cycles of delay.

Their destinies are entangled in spiritual verdicts made long before they were born.

Power of the sceptre

Kwasi’s turning point came when he understood the meaning of the dream that had haunted him for six years.

The sceptre wasn’t just a symbol of comfort but a legal decree.

“In Heaven’s courts, a sceptre means authority,” he says with quiet conviction.

“When Yehoshua placed it in my hand, He gave me permission to name the gates, the powers holding them and command release.

The problem wasn’t that the sceptre didn’t work; I didn’t know how to use it.”

Since then, Kwasi has devoted himself to learning how to exercise what he calls scroll-based authority, enforcing Heavenly decrees on Earth.

His approach focuses on naming gates, identifying powers and issuing specific legal decrees rather than vague prayers.

He believes angels act on precise instructions when backed by a recognised scroll mandate.

A call beyond himself

Kwasi insists this is part of a broader national awakening, not just his personal journey.

Ghana’s people are resourceful, gifted and hardworking, yet the nation’s wealth continues to slip through unseen cracks.

He believes a generation of gatekeepers is rising; people called to confront ancient altars and unlock Ghana’s inheritance.

“This is bigger than me,” he says firmly.

“This is about Ghana. It’s about our children and their children.

It’s about reversing centuries of spiritual verdicts and reclaiming what was always meant for us.”

Prophetic hope

Kwasi’s voice carries the weight of struggle and the quiet authority of a man who believes his season of delay is ending.

He speaks of visions where gates swing open and angels deliver scrolls.

He describes moments of deep prayer where he feels the resistance weakening.

“Ghana’s wealth will no longer bypass her people,” he says with unwavering conviction.

“The gates are opening.

The altars are falling silent.

This is the season of restoration.”

For Kwasi, the decades of waiting were not wasted.

They prepared him to hold the sceptre with understanding and use it precisely.

Whether you believe his story or not, one thing is undeniable: he speaks like a man carrying a mandate.

“I was given the sceptre,” he says simply, “and now, I am using it.”

Source: graphic.com.gh/

In many regions, droughts are becoming more frequent and severe, while others grapple with flooding and water contamination.

The question is: are we doing enough to conserve this precious resource, or are we merely rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic?

The Reality Bites

Ignoring the numbers is no longer an option. Billions lack access to safe water, a figure set to skyrocket due to climate change and our growing population.

We’re draining underground reserves faster than they can replenish, turning rivers into polluted trickles, and disrupting the natural water cycle.

This isn’t just about convenience; it’s about food security, economic stability, and preventing mass migrations fueled by desperation.

Scattered Attempts at Solutions

Efforts to conserve water are happening, scattered like seeds across a barren landscape. There’s innovation, like drip irrigation minimizing water waste in farming.

Policies emerge, with governments attempting to regulate usage. Corporations, some at least, are adopting greener practices.

On a personal level, many are taking shorter showers, aware of the need to conserve. But are these individual acts and isolated initiatives powerful enough?

Where We’re Missing the Mark

The issue is that efforts often exist in silos, failing to acknowledge the bigger picture. We need holistic planning, recognizing that water connects everything. Equity is also key. New technologies often don’t reach those who need them most.

Strong enforcement of regulations is lacking, and funding for essential water infrastructure remains insufficient.

Deeply ingrained habits, like seeing water as an endless resource, are also difficult to shift. Too often, we treat symptoms (water shortages) instead of addressing root causes (climate change, unsustainable consumption).

A Desperate Need For Transformation

Avoiding disaster requires a complete mindset shift. Water must become a top priority, viewed not as a commodity, but as the foundation of life itself.

This means investing massively in research, prioritizing sustainable agricultural practices, protecting our ecosystems, and empowering local communities. International cooperation is crucial; water challenges transcend borders.

It’s about more than just technology and policy. It’s about inspiring every individual to embrace water-wise practices as part of their daily lives. We need stronger accountability for those who pollute and waste.

Will We Rise to the Challenge?

The water crisis is complex, but not insurmountable. It requires more than good intentions – it demands a fundamental change in how we value, manage, and conserve water.

We must acknowledge the scale of the threat, identify the gaps in our current approach, and then commit to a more effective plan. The choice is clear: act decisively now or face the devastating consequences of a world running dry.

Source: Bridget Ackom

The Global ESG Imperative:

ESG frameworks have evolved from a niche concern to becoming a central tenet of global corporate strategy. From boardrooms to international policy meetings, ESG now guides brand identity, investment strategies, corporate governance, and industry practices.

This transition is driven by the recognition that long-term profitability is inextricably linked to sustainable and ethical practices. However, the adoption of ESG is profoundly uneven.

While Western corporations and markets have rapidly integrated these standards, Africa and other emerging markets in participation significantly lag and implementation. Why is this the case, and what can be done to bridge the gap?

This paper explores the historical context of ESG, the factors driving its global adoption, and the multifaceted reasons for Africa and other economies’ slower integration, concluding with a strategic roadmap for bridging this gap.

The Evolution of ESG and Corporate Sustainability

Until the early 1970s, industrial development proceeded with minimal regard for environmental or social consequences.

However, as public awareness of ecological damage and social inequality grew, businesses began shifting towards more responsible practices. 

From CSR to ESG

The modern concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) was formally introduced in the 1950s by economist Howard Bowen, but gained real momentum in the 1990s as globalization highlighted corporate impact on society.

By the 2010s, over 90% of the world’s largest companies published CSR reports. 

Early Corporate Leadership: One of the earliest pioneers of environmental responsibility was 3M, which launched the Pollution Prevention Pays (3P) initiative in 1975.

The program focused on eliminating pollution at the source through product reformulation, process redesign, and reuse systems—generating billions in savings while significantly reducing environmental impact.

Others, like IKEA, have also led with sustainable, eco-friendly products in their industry since the 1970s.

The Tablas Creek – a winery that adopted organic farming methods as early as the 1960s to create a healthier vineyard and protect its workers from chemical exposure and the earth from pollutants is another example.

Many notable leading companies (e.g., Ford Motors, Fisher Investments, Starbucks, Disney, Hewlett Packard, Nike, Johnson & Johnson, eBay, Google, to mention a few) over the years have introduced their own “Green” initiatives.

Others like Unilever set comprehensive sustainability priorities around climate action, nature protection, waste reduction, financial inclusion, and livelihoods improvement strategies into their value chain, demonstrating that ESG could drive innovation and reduce costs while strengthening brand value and securing/optimizing supply chains.

An example of this is Unilever’s Lipton billion-dollar+ global brand leading in implementing ethical sourcing way earlier, before regulation for tea farmers in Sri Lanka, India, China, and Kenya, under strict ESG guidelines—covering fair wages, labor practices, and environmental protections with products branded. Rain-Forest Alliance Certified(RA) and others, sustainable branding labels by others.

Hence, this movement has organically evolved in Western economies.

However, CSR’s limitations included often being perceived as unaccountable philanthropy or “greenwashing” and lacking standardization, as such being a superficial promotion of sustainability without meaningful action.

This prompted a demand for greater rigor at large.  In response, the development of the ESG framework in the late 1990s into the early 2000s surfaced as a more robust, measurable approach, championed by global institutions: 

The Rise of ESG Frameworks

The global institutionalization of ESG began in the late 1990s with initiatives such as:

• United Nations Global Compact (2000): Provided principles for sustainable business.
• Global Reporting Initiative (GRI): Created the first widely adopted sustainability reporting standards.
• Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures (TCFD): Developed guidelines for climate-related financial risk reporting.
• International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB): Established to create a global baseline of sustainability disclosure standards.

These frameworks elevated ESG from a “nice to have” to a critical performance and investment criterion for corporations. Unlike CSR, ESG offers a measurable, standardized set of criteria (e.g., carbon emissions, board diversity, labor practices) that investors and stakeholders can use to assess a company’s ethical impact and future financial risk.

Global ESG Integration: A Closer Look

Drivers of Global ESG Adoption – In developed economies, ESG has evolved from voluntary initiatives into mandatory standards.

The rapid uptake in developed markets was not accidental but driven by a powerful confluence of factors:

• Consumer and Civic Awareness: An educated and vocal citizenry uses purchasing power to support brands with strong sustainability credentials (e.g., Fair Trade, B Corp).
• Investor Demand: Asset managers like BlackRock and Vanguard now prioritize ESG performance, directing trillions of dollars in capital toward sustainable investments. ESG is now a critical component of risk assessment
• Regulatory Pressure: Governments in the EU and US have progressively embedded ESG disclosures into financial regulation (e.g., the EU’s SFDR, proposed SEC climate rules).
• Additionally, consumer-facing certifications like USDA Organic, Fair Trade, and B Corp now influence consumer choices and investment flows in developed economies.

ESG is no longer an add-on; it is a core strategic part of corporate governance, risk management, and brand equity.

Why are Africa and emerging markets lagging on ESG reforms?

A Multifaceted Challenge: In Africa, companies’ sense of rising obligation to communities has largely remained in the CSR mindset, unlike developed markets that have advanced into ESG practices.

This gap stems from limited public inquiry, weaker board oversight, low sustainability awareness, minimal scrutiny, and high costs of ESG standards, without consistent enforcement across the board.

Civil society pressure is lacking due to limited public education, while regulators lag in creating structured measurement and unbiased enforcement systems.

Policymakers also argue that emerging markets should first benefit from industrialization, with developed nations, historically the largest polluters, should bear greater responsibility for climate recovery.

The result is a fractured ESG landscape, where sustainability efforts remain ineffective. Global bodies push for standardized ESG regulation and incentives to drive progress on SDGs, but often overlook local barriers in emerging markets, hindering effective adaptation.

Despite the global momentum, most African and some emerging markets are not eager to fully embrace ESG.  Nations with slower adoption stem from a unique set of structural, economic, and social impediments that differ from the developed world’s context. Aside from the above, other multifaceted reasons can be grouped under:

1. Structural and Economic Constraints

Limited Market Incentives: Scrutiny from local investors, consumers, and civil society is less intense. Without this bottom-up pressure, the business case for ESG—often seen as a cost center rather than a value driver—is significantly weaker.

• Many emerging market businesses are still operating at early industrial stages, prioritizing survival and short-term gains over long-term sustainability.
• ESG adoption costs—additional data collection points, 3rd-party audits, compliance—are high, especially for SMEs in these areas.
• Unlike in the West, ESG doesn’t yet offer immediate financial returns in the emerging markets due to limited investor pressure and low consumer demand for sustainable practices.
• Capacity and Cost Constraints: Implementing ESG monitoring and reporting systems requires expertise and financial investment. For many small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) dominating the emerging markets, these costs are prohibitive without clear returns.

2. Regulatory and Institutional Gaps:  Unlike the EU or the US, most African and some emerging market nations lack robust, locally tailored ESG reporting mandates. Regulatory bodies are often under-resourced and prioritize immediate economic development over sustainability governance.

• Fractured Standards and “Greenwashing“: In the absence of strong local frameworks, a patchwork of global standards can be confusing and difficult to implement, sometimes leading to superficial compliance rather than genuine integration.
• ESG governance frameworks are underdeveloped or nonexistent in most emerging markets.
• Policy makers often lack the resources or capacity to monitor and enforce sustainability standards fairly across all channels.
• Institutional collaboration and coordination between governments, the private sector, and civil society is weak or fragmented.

3. Societal Awareness and Cultural Context

• Public understanding of ESG is low; thus, there’s minimal grassroots or civic pressure on corporations to adopt ethical practices.
• In some cases, ESG is viewed as a Western-imposed standard that may constrain growth or development without researching the bottlenecks to implementation.

4. The Global Double Standard

• The Industrialization Dilemma: Many African and some emerging economies’ governments and businesses argue they are still in the process of industrializing. They contend that stringent ESG standards act as a barrier to economic growth, a burden not faced by Western nations during their own industrial revolutions. The prevailing view is that the historical polluters should bear the greatest cost of mitigation (“common but differentiated responsibilities”).

Hence, Africa should be allowed to industrialize with minimal environmental oversight and should bear the brunt of global sustainability costs. This “polluter pays” argument fuels resistance to ESG mandates without corresponding incentives.

Bridging the ESG Gap in Other Emerging Markets: A Path Forward

Despite the hurdles, Africa cannot afford to remain on the sidelines. ESG offers not only access to global capital but a roadmap for resilient and inclusive growth. Key steps for catching up include:

1. Regulatory Development and Incentivization

Develop Localized Regulatory Frameworks: Regulators (e.g., SEC – Nigeria, EPA & Energy Commission (EC) – Ghana, Financial Services Conduct Authority (FSCA) – South Africa) must collaborate with industry leaders to develop contextually relevant metrics and phased implementation timelines. Standards should align with the continent’s development stage and priorities, such as climate resilience and social inclusion.

• Governments should work with business leaders and international partners to:
  • Establish context-specific ESG regulations
  • Introduce graduated compliance timelines based on industry and development stage, with encouraged self-reporting tools within their eco sphere that make it easy for all stakeholders to learn and adapt to needs towards the common goals.
  • Offer fiscal incentives (e.g., tax credits, subsidies, access to green funds)
  • Monitoring and Award Recognition skims by funded by Global institutions
• Foster Public-Private Partnerships:
  • Collaborate with global bodies like the UN and ISSB to ensure global alignment while adapting principles to local realities. Initiatives like the Africa and some emerging markets and some emerging markets where Green Infrastructure Investment Bank could be pivotal.

1. Public Education and Capacity Building

• Build Capacity and Awareness: Launch targeted education programs for:
  • Corporate Boards: On the long-term financial and risk-management benefits of ESG, as well as the corporate branding opportunities.
  • Regulators: On effective monitoring and enforcement.
  • The Public: To create a citizenry that demands corporate accountability.
• ESG literacy must be expanded across the public, private, and civic sectors.
• Incorporate ESG at all levels of society: from elementary through to university curricula, vocational training, and civil service programs.
• Partner with NGOs and media to spread awareness of the benefits of sustainability (anti-burning, deforestation practices, and other slogans amongst the less formally educated).

1. Impact Measurement and Reporting Frameworks

Leverage Technology: Promote the use of AI and satellite data for affordable environmental monitoring and blockchain for transparent supply chain management, reducing the cost and complexity of reporting.

• Develop local ESG metrics tailored to the emerging markets realities, while aligning with global standards.
• Promote self-reporting tools and regional ESG scorecards.
• Ensure data transparency and third-party validation to build investor confidence.

4. Leverage International Standards

• Adopt globally recognized certifications such as:
  • Excellence in Design for Greater Efficiencies – EDGE: Green building certification system created by the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group (also applies to Gender, Equity, and Workplace Diversity)
  • ISO 14001 (environmental management)
  • Global Reporting Initiative – GRI (Reporting framework)
• Collaborate with development institutions and donors to subsidize the costs of ESG audits and implementation.

5. Create Economic Incentives Tailored to Energize the African and Emerging Markets:

Governments and development finance institutions (DFIs) must de-risk ESG adoption. This includes:

• Tax breaks for sustainable investments.
• Grants for green technology adoption.
• Preferential lending rates from banks for projects meeting ESG criteria.

Conclusion: Future-Proofing Africa and the emerging markets Business Through ESG

ESG is not a passing trend—it is a strategic necessity for long-term economic competitiveness, environmental resilience, and social equity.  ESG is no longer an optional add-on but a fundamental component of long-term business viability, sustainability, and resilience.

For Africa and other emerging markets, lagging in ESG adoption poses a significant risk: exclusion from global supply chains, limited access to green capital, and vulnerability to climate change, etc.

However, this challenge also presents an opportunity. By leapfrogging outdated models and building ESG into its economic fabric, these markets can avoid the costly environmental and social mistakes of other regions.

By developing agile, locally-suited frameworks and fostering innovation, the continent can not only catch up but potentially emerge as a leader in sustainable and inclusive development, which prevails as a culture’s way of living” in harmony with nature, before the adoption of western practices.

The future of business is sustainable, and the emerging markets’ journey to integrate ESG is critical for its own prosperity and for the health of the global economy.

ESG adoption should not be a copy-paste of the Western models. Instead, it must reflect local priorities, developmental stages, and institutional realities, while aligning with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), World Bank, and Global Institutions alike.

Call To Action

By taking proactive steps today, governments, businesses, and institutions must work together to:

1. Governments must legislate, incentivize, educate, and integrate ESG into the national development strategy.
2. Businesses must embed ESG in core strategy—not as charity, but as a driver of long-term value.

• Unlock capital from impact investors and sustainable funds to support the agenda.

1. Civic society and academia must advocate for awareness and accountability.
2. Global institutions must engage countries with equity, support, and partnership—not with one-size-fits-all mandates and corporate behavior with global expectations

ESG can become can part of Africa’s secure, sustainable, inclusive, and globally competitive future growth story.  The future of sustainable development is collaborative, coordinated, and inclusive, covering all essential touch points to derive the same end goal.

“For lagging nations to thrive in the ESG era, they must be at the table, not on the menu”.

#Carbon Emissions, #Climate Disclosure, #CSRD Compliance, #Eco Active ESG, #Global Institutions #Manufacturing, #Research Organizations, #Boards/Investors/Investment Bankers, #General Readership

Source: Francis Sam

Children board buses with laughter and excitement, only to be brought back in silence, their lives cut short on the nation’s dangerous roads.

These tragedies have become a haunting rhythm across Ghana. In the first half of 2025 alone, more than 1,500 people lost their lives in road crashes.

Behind that number are faces, stories, and futures erased in an instant.

The Road That Swallowed a Family

In June, a mother and her three children set out on what should have been an ordinary trip. They never made it home.

A truck swerved to avoid a pothole and crashed into their vehicle, ending four lives in one violent moment.

The family’s home in the Central Region now stands quiet, with toys and schoolbags that will never be used again. (My Publisher June 20, 2025 )

A Nation in Mourning

These stories repeat themselves daily. A 19-year-old lost his life when a loaded tipper truck veered into stationary vehicles.

In Bibiani, a timber truck overturned, crushing a woman as she waited by the roadside.

On the Accra–Kumasi highway, a collision between a fuel tanker and a Sprinter bus killed 11 passengers in April. May brought fresh grief when another crash on the Kumasi–Tamale road at Yeji claimed eight more lives.

Eight people die every day on Ghana’s roads. Each death leaves behind parents, children, friends, and colleagues struggling to make sense of sudden loss.

The Roads Themselves Kill

Beyond driver error lies another enemy: the roads themselves. Faded markings in Lapaz, Asylum Down, and Kaneshie leave drivers confused.

Highways like Accra–Cape Coast and Accra–Aflao, scarred with potholes and poor lighting, have become death traps.

Speeding adds to the chaos. In the Central Region, 60 percent of crashes are linked to reckless speed. Overloaded trucks, tyre bursts, and broken-down vehicles left on roadsides all combine to create a landscape of danger.

The Aftermath Nobody Sees

The pain does not end at the crash site. Hospitals fill with the injured, stretching doctors and nurses beyond their limits.

Families sell land, businesses, and personal belongings just to pay medical bills or bury loved ones. Children are forced out of school when breadwinners die.

Economically, the country bleeds. Productivity is lost, healthcare resources are drained, and investors hesitate to pour money into regions branded as unsafe.

But the deepest wounds are personal—the empty chairs at dinner tables, the birthdays never celebrated, the dreams cut short.

What Must Change

Ghanaians know the solutions, yet implementation drags. Roads must be repaired, especially those marked by frequent tragedies.

Clear signage, working streetlights, and safe pedestrian crossings must become standard, not luxuries. Drivers who gamble with lives by speeding or overloading must face firm enforcement.

Communities can play a role too—reporting dangerous spots, demanding accountability, and refusing to normalise reckless driving. And government must commit to long-term planning with durable roads that withstand rain and heavy use.

The Soil Has Absorbed Enough Tears

Every funeral, every wail at a roadside crash, every child who grows up without a parent adds to a national grief too heavy to bear. Ghana has achieved progress in many sectors, but its roads remain stained with blood.

The tears on Ghana’s soil are not just statistics; they are broken families, shattered futures, and lost potential. The nation cannot afford to treat road safety as an afterthought. The time has come for urgent, united action.

Until then, every journey feels like a gamble, and every pothole, every faded road marking, and every reckless driver could be the start of another tragedy. Ghana’s soil has absorbed enough tears—it is time to protect the living.

Source: Larry Ato Bonney

Though unrelated, these events converge to remind us of a profound truth – life is fleeting, and positions are temporary.

These are not just headlines; they are reminders. No matter how high we climb, how powerful we become, or how secure we feel, everything can change in an instant. History is full of leaders who ruled with iron fists. They silenced dissent, punished critics, and surrounded themselves with praise-singers. Yet, when their lives ended suddenly, what remained were memories of fear, not love.

“Let your legacy be your kindness, not your crown,” our forebears would say.

The helicopter crash victims were not just officials—they were fathers, mothers, friends, and mentors. Their titles and possessions are gone; what remains is the impact they made while alive.

Beyond Death

Life’s fragilities extend beyond death. Losing a position or capacity to serve can happen suddenly, as illustrated by the removal of Justice Torkornoo—the first head of Ghana’s judiciary in the Fourth Republic to be removed under constitutional provisions. A committee found that grounds for misbehavior had been established, recommending her removal.

Her case is a stark reminder that even the highest office is subject to accountability. Today, you may command authority; tomorrow, you could become an ordinary citizen. What matters most is the positive mark you leave on society.

Lesson for Living

As our elders say, the footprints of the dead are lessons for the living. To those in power: do not weaponize authority, antagonize, or settle personal scores. The people you look down on today may be the ones history celebrates tomorrow. Positions are temporary, but the impact you leave is eternal.

Humility must guide our actions. The helicopter crash victims were traveling to address illegal mining—a noble cause demonstrating that public service should focus on societal benefit, not personal gain. True leadership lies in serving others, not being served.

Those who abuse power today may find themselves powerless tomorrow. Officials who dismiss subordinates unfairly, treat citizens with contempt, or exploit their offices to settle personal scores must remember that positions are fleeting, but the harm inflicted can last a lifetime.

What Next?

As we mourn the helicopter victims and reflect on the Chief Justice’s removal, let us embrace the truth these events reveal: positions are temporary, but impact is eternal.

The measure of our lives is not in titles or wealth, but in the positive difference we make in others’ lives. Each of us must ask: what will be said of us when we are gone? Will people remember our compassion or cruelty? Our service or selfishness?

To government appointees, public servants, and those in positions of influence: you have a platform not for personal gain, but for public good. Use it wisely, humbly, and to build rather than break.

When the curtain falls—and it will—only your impact will remain. Let us live and lead with the awareness that tomorrow is not promised. Prioritize humanity over hierarchy, service over status, and legacy over luxury.

Ghana needs leaders who understand that true greatness lies not in the position you hold, but in the lives you touch.

Source: Seidu Agongo, businessman and philanthropist

The just-ended parliamentary by-election in Akwatia, culminating in the National Democratic Congress (NDC) capturing a seat previously held by the NPP, further consolidates the authority of President John Dramani Mahama’s administration.

This outcome not only reinforces the NDC’s dominance but also deepens the crisis within the NPP, a party already beset by internal strife and factionalism at a time when leadership disputes over the 2028 presidential flagbearer are intensifying.

The NPP’s predicament is rooted in both historical and recent fractures, notably Alan Kyerematen’s high-profile departure prior to the 2024 polls.

Against this backdrop, the Akwatia defeat represents more than a lost constituency; it is a symbolic reminder of the party’s vulnerability and disarray.

Analysts suggest that unless the NPP resolves its internal disorganization, divisions, and leadership struggles, it risks remaining in opposition for decades.

The strategy adopted by its National Executive Council (NEC)—prioritizing the selection of a presidential candidate for 2028 before addressing structural and organizational weaknesses—appears ill-suited to the magnitude of the party’s crisis.

In contrast, the NDC emerges as a formidable, disciplined, and strategically adept political machine.

With unity at its core and guided by seasoned leaders such as National Chairman Johnson Asiedu Nketia and General Secretary Fiifi Fiavi Kwetey, the NDC has consolidated its national, regional, constituency, and diaspora bases. This cohesion, combined with clear electoral strategy, has elevated the party well above its rivals.

Equally significant is the performance of the Mahama administration in its first eight months in office.

The government has demonstrated both competence and commitment to its campaign promises: abolishing burdensome levies such as the E-levy, COVID-19 levy, and emissions tax; stabilizing the cedi; and eliminating tuition fees for first-year students in teacher training colleges, nursing institutions, and universities.

Moreover, the establishment of the Women’s Development Bank, a flagship initiative from the NDC’s 2024 manifesto, reflects a commitment to inclusive economic development.

President Mahama’s youth-oriented initiatives—such as the Adwumawura Programme, the National Apprenticeship Programme, and the One Million Coders Project—have further bolstered public trust and positioned his government as responsive to the needs of the next generation.

On the international stage, Mahama has elevated Ghana’s diplomatic standing, earning the nation renewed respect and visibility.

The synergy between the NDC as a political organization and the Mahama administration as a governing authority is proving to be an effective engine for national renewal.

With the economy stabilizing, investor confidence returning, and Ghanaians expressing renewed optimism, the by-election victory in Akwatia is not merely symbolic—it serves as both a validation of the government’s trajectory and a renewed mandate to deliver.

For the NDC, the task ahead is clear: remain focused, deepen its governance achievements, and avoid distractions from an embattled opposition.

For the NPP, however, the challenge is existential. Unless it can heal its internal fractures and rebuild from the grassroots, the Akwatia defeat may foreshadow a long and difficult journey in the political wilderness.

Source: Ohene Opoku Agyemang, PhD

Oopoku56@gmail.com

I am writing to share four critical insights from my analysis of AfDB’s financial statements from 2005 to 2024 and to offer constructive suggestions for improvement.

These two decades encompassed both the global financial crisis (2008/2009) and the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020, each of which impacted the Bank’s operations.

1. Disparity Between Cash Collected and Reported Profits

From 2015 to 2024, the Bank reported profits of UA1.2 billion (UA, or Unit of Account, is equivalent to approximately $1.44 as of July 2025).

During this period, accrued loan income receivable (loan income recognized as profit but not yet collected) increased 3.8 times, rising from UA197 million in 2015 to UA756 million in 2024.

This growth of UA558 million equals 45% of the total profits reported over the past decade.

By comparison, from 2005 to 2014, the Bank declared profits of UA763 million, while uncollected loan income dropped by 56%, from UA431 million to UA191 million.

Comparing net income to cash from operating activities (CFO)—which shows cash received minus cash payments related to core operations—reveals a substantial gap.

From 2015 to 2024, CFO totaled UA597 million, compared to UA1.4 billion from 2005 to 2014. After adjusting for a UA394.6 million reverse repo transaction (a short-term collateralized loan recorded as a 2014 operating inflow and 2015 operating outflow):

– Adjusted CFO for 2015–2024 rises to UA994 million.

– Adjusted CFO for 2005–2014 falls to UA1.1 billion.

Given the flexibility of accounting standards, it is prudent to compare net income with cash from operations over time to determine the extent to which paper profits convert into actual cash.

The notable rise in uncollected income suggests a need for an independent review of the loan portfolio and loss reserves to confirm accuracy.

2. Escalating Administrative Costs

The Bank experienced a significant increase in administrative expenses, directly reducing funds available for essential development initiatives. From 2015 to 2024, administrative costs averaged 51% of operating income, up from 27% in the prior decade.

Income allocations approved by the Board of Governors for strategic initiatives totaled UA788 million, just 56% of the previous decade’s total (UA1.4 billion).

3. Inefficient Capital Utilization

The Bank’s average equity increased by 71%—from UA4.9 billion (average for 2005 to 2014) to UA8.4 billion (average for 2015 to 2024).

Net resources transferred (NRT) to countries—defined as total disbursements minus repayments—increased by 59%, rising from UA7.6 billion to UA12.1 billion over the same periods.

Consequently, NRT per UA of capital fell from UA1.55 to UA1.44, representing a 7% decline in efficiency—even as indicated above the ratio of expenses to operating income almost doubled.

4. Heightened Exposure to Market Risk

The Bank uses interest rate and currency swaps to manage risk. By 2024, total borrowing costs—including swaps—rose to 5.30%, up from 4.81% the previous year.

Investments using market-sourced funds (UA26.4 billion) generated just a 5.10% return; consequently, 61% of total assets produced a UA52.8 million loss, compared to a UA12.3 million gain the previous year—a negative swing of UA65.1 million.

Rising interest rates, which are likely as explained later, could worsen these losses. This is exacerbated by the structure of the swap agreements.

The Bank must pay an adjustable rate, which reached 4.74% on December 31, 2024, on UA27 billion of off-balance-sheet exposure; and b receive a fixed rate of 2.38% for the next five years—only half of what it pays, since rates have increased since the swap began.

In market-based swaps, the amounts exchanged are equal at the start date.

As of December 31, 2024, the Bank expected to pay UA1.2 billion more on swaps than it will receive—equal to 10% of total equity, compared to 7% at the Asian Development Bank.

Any further rate increases could exacerbate this situation; for example, a half-percent rise in the adjustable rate would add UA135 million in expenses.

The Financial Times (July 26, 2025) reports that OECD bond issuance by member countries will rise from $14 trillion in 2023 to $17 trillion in 2025, with 45% maturing in 2027.

These will need refinancing at higher costs, as most were issued during low-rate years, suggesting that the Bank’s market-related financial risks may persist or increase in the near future.

While the bank remains well-capitalized and faces no immediate financial stress, Warren Buffett has warned that derivatives can be “weapons of mass financial destruction.” It is vital to engage independent experts to examine risk management and hedging strategies to ensure stability.

Four Recommendations 

Given these financial risks—particularly the gaps between reported profits and cash collections and the rise in market risks—the Bank must act proactively to protect its balance sheet and enhance efficiency. I propose:

1. Independent Financial Evaluation

Hire an independent consulting firm to review the quality of the lending portfolio, the adequacy of loan provisions, and the bank’s risk management practices, including the use of derivatives.

This assessment will help you implement necessary corrections early in your tenure.

2. Strategic Reassessment

The late Peter Drucker, a renowned management expert, advised leaders to periodically ask, “Would we do what we’re doing now if we weren’t already doing it, knowing what we know today?” The Bank should apply this question to its operations, using it to develop a revised strategic plan focused on its comparative advantage.

3. Performance Management Framework

Many strategies fail due to poor execution. I recommend inviting John Doerr, chairman of Kleiner Perkins and an expert on the OKRs (Objectives and Key Results) management system, to share his insights. He can help implement OKRs, which have driven success at Google and the Gates Foundation.

His book, Measure What Matters, shows how OKRs can keep organizations focused and accountable. Using this framework, each department can set clear, measurable objectives and key results aligned with the overall strategy.

It also includes a performance tracking tool that can provide real-time data on progress relative to expectations, enabling timely corrective action.

4. Leveraging Technology for Transparency

Implement blockchain technology to position AfDB as a transparency leader among multilateral development institutions.

While capital growth has not resulted in proportional resource transfers, blockchain can provide real-time project updates and increase transparency by giving all stakeholders—including citizens—secure access to project data; accelerating the resolution of bottlenecks via increased transparency; allowing for direct citizen feedback on project results.

For example, a beneficiary of an agricultural financing project could log in to check the disbursement status and provide feedback after project completion.

This could gradually shift the development landscape from self-assessed impact to beneficiary-led assessment, improving project quality. A pilot in a tech-forward country like Morocco could serve as a model.

Blockchain will increase transparency and accountability, promote timely project execution, and set AfDB apart from its peers—making it a source of pride for Mama Africa.

Link for appendices: https://1drv.ms/b/c/82f8852e6a731fd8/ET3ZKSCCk1tGusSRdTjIL4oBsQwzopw86yww4OMUnQAKww?e=aLDfEp

Source: Aboubakr Kaira Barry, CFA

The author is Managing Director of Results Associates, a consulting firm in Bethesda, Maryland, USA; former Director of Finance at the Islamic Development Bank; and former Senior Auditor at the African Development Bank.

A detailed version of this article, including the backup for figures in the article, can be found on his LinkedIn page

According to a survey by the American College of Emergency Physicians and the Emergency Nurses Association, about 70% of nurses reported being physically assaulted at work while 50% of physicians reported same. This alarming data raises a very important question; why does this happen?

A combination of stressful situations brought on by injury/illness, a stressful ED environment, mental health issues, and alcohol and drugs create a perfect storm for such escalations. Healthcare workers have reported anything from insults being hurled at them, being spat on, slapped/beaten up and to extremes of gun violence.

From the health care worker’s view point, it is frustrating and seen as ungrateful, inappropriate behavior by the very people they serve whereas the patient/relative may see some healthcare workers as unempathetic, uncaring, rude and all the colorful descriptors one can think of.

Though both sides may believe that their opinions are absolute truths, the truth may actually lie somewhere in the middle. The issue should however not be allotting blame, but rather developing strategies to help decrease these occurrences. Why? Because incidents like this gradually wipe out trust between patients/clients and health care workers which may end up snowballing and worsening an already bad situation.

Given the negative impact of these occurrences on both patients and health care workers, many institutions have developed different strategies which have helped in many situations to prevent violence. Ridge Hospital and other health institutions in Ghana may have strategies or well laid plans to decrease or avert these, but the question is, are these being implemented? If yes, how effective have they been? With the continued reports of these incidents, maybe we should take a second look at our strategies or look into other tried and tested measures that may be helpful.

Many different communication and patient engagement strategies have been explored to help prevent these conflicts, and these are taught and refreshed annually to help keep staff always equipped. Did I hear this is too much training? Well, we can all see that the alternative is not too pleasant so let us see what else can be done.

These training sessions include aspects of clear communication during the emergency room triage process. Staff members are taught to clearly explain wait times based on illness/injury severity or stability of the patient’s condition. Reasons for delays should also be communicated in a transparent manner as being uncertain of a situation may exacerbate one’s frustration.

It is possible that sickness or injuries and its concomitant fear and uncertainty may decrease awareness of one’s surroundings, but it is helpful to also have posters on the walls that explain wait times and the triage process as repetition of this information may solidify understanding. Additionally, though staff may not have all the answers to a patient’s questions, we can agree that having someone listen to our concerns makes one feel cared for. Therefore, training staff members on active listening should be part of our strategies to help decrease the patients’ frustration.

It is well known that not all aggression can be prevented or resolved with communication alone. Sometimes, even with one’s best efforts at clear communication, anger still flares up, so what can we do when that family member is in all in your face or has a phone/camera in your face and yelling? How do you de-escalate this situation?

This is where non-violent crisis intervention techniques come in. Though hard, maintaining a calm demeanor, exhibiting non-confrontational behavior, using calming body language, employing empathetic listening, using clear language while avoiding medical jargon, and respecting personal space and feelings is very important in preventing further escalation. Sometimes, one may even have to step away for a bit, but wait… don’t just walk away! One can say, I think I may have to give you a little space. I will come back in a few minutes so we can talk. Please don’t forget to come back though!

Now, one has tried communicating and being calm, but the patient or family member is still not calming down. What does the staff member do? This is where a patient support team comes in. Hospitals may set up patient complaint channels or patient support teams whose services may be offered when patients/families have concerns or grievances. This team may serve as patient advocates which will help make patients feel heard by someone other than a healthcare worker.

Okay, the situation escalates and the family member is now threatening violence. Scary situation for staff members no doubt. This is where the hospital’s security is summoned to come and escort the patient or family from the facility. Hospitals and emergency departments should have a clear policy on violent behavior visibly posted all around. One example of such a policy may be a Zero Tolerance for Violence policy. This should spell consequences of verbal and physical aggression towards staff members, and may include being kicked out of the hospital by security or the police being called.

To help ground this policy, security presence should be visible though maintaining a respectful distance at all times. This may serve as a deterrent to violence. There is a caveat though, not all escalations can be taken care of by security or the police. In some cases, the aggressive behavior is a mental health crisis which requires intervention by trained personnel. Hospitals should therefore have behavioral emergency response teams who should be specialized teams trained in psychiatric and behavioral intervention.

As mentioned earlier in this write up, the hospital environment and by extension, the emergency room setting is a generally stressful environment for staff members. This may lead to staff burn out which can lead to poor interactions. Now, imagine a staff member trying to deal with their own stress and suddenly assailed with insults and yelling. How situation do they take this kindly? Very difficult situation if you ask me. This can however be helped or prevented by Hospitals providing staff with coping strategies which may include training on mindfulness and how to maintain a healthy lifestyle.

Just like any new program or system, the above strategies may be challenging to implement if not already being practiced, but we must acknowledge that a change or a “reset” (as many of our country men call it), comes with a will to forge ahead regardless of the challenges. Together, we can help decrease these conflict situations, build trust and improve health outcomes for all.

David Leo-Nkoah
CEO of Adage Health Consult – Ghana

The slide outlined the “7 Signs of a Great CEO,” highlighting traits such as prioritizing people, fostering strong cultures, and leading by example. Regrettably, the individual at the center of this article failed all seven traits.

In an ideal world, leadership inspires, nurtures, and empowers. Effective leaders prioritize their people, build strong cultures, and foster environments where individuals and collective goals thrive.

They understand that a supportive workplace boosts morale and drives results. Yet, the reality in many organizations, including this health system over the past nine to ten years, has been starkly different. When leaders resort to cruelty—through demeaning language, unreasonable demands, intimidation, threats, or obstructing promotions—the consequences are devastating, both personally and organizationally.

I have witnessed the profound impact of destructive leadership firsthand. For nearly a decade, a leader of medical services systematically dismantled the spirit of dedicated health professionals, turning a team of talented individuals into a demoralized and embittered workforce.

Upon assuming the role, this leader was met with goodwill from staff across all facilities, eager to support his vision. What followed, however, was a tenure marked by frustration and obstruction.

Qualified individuals were denied promotions or opportunities for advancement for unclear reasons. Staff were coerced into giving up one opportunity only to be denied both. Disrespect and intimidation became commonplace, eroding morale and undermining a once vibrant team.

The consequences extended beyond individuals. Innovation and enthusiasm waned, morale plummeted, and the organizational atmosphere became one of frustration and resentment. This decline affected productivity and the overall performance of all facilities under the health system.

Ultimately, the leader’s approach proved unsustainable. Many staff, particularly from satellite facilities, resigned or sought unpaid leave to pursue opportunities abroad. This leader has since left the position, a reminder that leadership based on suppression is both destructive and short-lived.

The lesson is clear: true success is built on respect, integrity, and the nurturing of talent—not on intimidation or cruelty. Poor leadership carries a heavy human cost, with repercussions that can linger long after the leader departs.

Source: Dr. Frederick Mawuli Agbemafoh (MBChB, MGCS, MWACS)

I write this letter with a heavy heart, but as a constituent, it is the only channel left to make my concerns heard.

Drawn from personal experiences and conversations with many in North Tongu, this message may be blunt and may feel like a call-out, but such frank accountability is a necessary dose in every true democracy.

Now, to the main thrust of my letter:

You have built a reputation in Ghanaian politics as a fearless crusader, an anti-corruption advocate, a sharp debater, and now the country’s Minister for Foreign Affairs.

To many outside North Tongu, you are a near-national hero. But to those of us at home, the question we keep asking is simple: Is this enterprise all about you?

North Tongu is blessed with many brilliant young men and women, yet you have chosen to play it solo. You have not cared to build a database of these sharp minds who could support your work.

This strategy might have been forgivable if results were evident. But the absence of outcomes from this one-man approach is a glaring problem.

Almost eight months into your ministerial role, the people of North Tongu have yet to see meaningful change.

Our roads remain deplorable, our youth remain jobless, and critical facilities continue to struggle.

In your pursuit of national acclaim, your own people, the very ones who gave you the highest electoral margin in Ghana, are being left behind.

We remember vividly the Akosombo Dam spillage in Mepe about three years ago. While the cameras captured your presence, many of us felt your efforts were more about showmanship than sustainable solutions.

Sadly, that same pattern seems to be repeating itself today: more gallery than groundwork, more attention to image than to infrastructure.

Take the roads, for instance. The Mepe–Sege stretch, which leads directly to the Battor Catholic Hospital, has been in a deplorable state for over a decade.

How do we talk about healthcare access when patients must endure such dangerous routes to reach our major hospital?

Other critical connections – from Mepe to Dove, Juapong to Podoe, Podoe to Ayiwata, and Ayiwata to Titikope- are equally neglected.

Then there is the painful matter of jobs. Along the Aveyime–Mepe stretch, unemployment has forced many young men into crime.

Night after night, homes are raided and belongings stolen. A single factory, one deliberate push for local industry, could redirect this restless energy into productivity. Yet, no such initiative has been championed.

North Tongu has never failed you.

Election after election, we have given you overwhelming support. But loyalty is not a blank cheque. If this neglect persists, trust will erode, not only in you, but in the NDC government you represent.

Honourable Ablakwa, leadership is not measured by how brightly one shines on the national stage, but by the tangible difference made in the lives of one’s people.

Like many of our compatriots across Ghana, North Tongu does not ask for charity. We ask for what is rightfully ours: safe roads, decent jobs, and a fair share of the national cake.

The clock is ticking. Will you be remembered as the minister who soared in Accra while his people languished in Mepe, Battor, Aveyime, and other North Tongu towns?

Or, will you be remembered as the leader who balanced ambition with responsibility, ensuring that North Tongu was never forgotten?

The choice and your legacy are in your hands.

Sincerely,

Joshua Kwasi Tigo, A not-too-proud constituent of yours.

One of the most praised and recognised first ladies in the United States was Jacqueline Kennedy, not just because of her substance but also her style. Ms Kennedy represented an era of decency, elegance, refinement, and courtesy in America that not only contributed to the nation’s cultural infrastructure but also recognised the significant contributions of spouses and women to international affairs, the presidency, and the nation.

Modern-day diplomacy has taken a dynamic turn. The President and the foreign affairs minister may be the chief diplomats, but other institutions, such as presidential and vice-presidential spouses, can have significant influence in international affairs. On this front, Mrs Bawumia has shown recognisable potential as an archetype of first and second lady diplomacy.

First, she has promoted Ghana’s image abroad through her standout performances, characterised by her masterful delivery and persuasive communication in international forums. Her very image, style, confidence and grace have brought respect, honour and admiration not just to herself but to the nation. One cannot ignore her iconic fashion style and decency, which have become not just a model for young women and girls but a showcase of Ghanaian as well as African culture, enlightenment and values. Mrs Bawumia’s acute awareness of the role of soft power and her ability to channel it through her Afrocentrism maps her out as a foremost proponent and embodiment of the principle of cultural diplomacy.

Another major foray of Samira Bawumia’s international endeavours is in the area of global climate activism and environmentalism. Mrs Bawumia has been deeply committed to addressing climate change challenges, clean energy and environmental sustainability through international partnerships, collaborations and discourses. For instance, she was at the centre of discussions during the Global Forum oof Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) in Barbados this year, where she delivered a keynote address and participated in productive discussions. In fact, the issue of clean energy has been at the centre of her international activism. Over the past years, she has been a global ambassador for the Clean Cooking Alliance, where she’s worked relentlessly to mainstream clean cooking policies to reduce emissions, protect the environment and adapt alternative energy practices.

Women and youth empowerment on the global level has been at the apogee of Samira Bawumia’s agenda. This has continued to remain a central issue of concern for organisations such as the United Nations. Mrs Bawumia has been extremely invested and contributed in no small measure to the realisation of this goal. Through her Samira Empowerment and Humanitarian projects, she has continued to contribute to efforts for the improvement of the lives of women and girls, this time beyond Ghana. In June 2025, she was a special guest and keynote speaker at the Women in Mining Summit in Conakry-Guinea where she spoke on sustainable mining practices, inclusivity and innovation.

Nowhere is her industry toward young people across the world more evident than in mentorship. She has carved a niche in this area, as she makes time to engage with scores of students from all over the world at her office or during international travels, inspiring, encouraging and sharing lessons. She has met with students from all over the world, including teams from Harvard University’s Edward S. Mason Fellowship Program, Fordham University Law School, Global Institute for Diversity and Inclusion in Emergency Management (I-DIEM) based in Georgia and the Karen Pritzker Academy of Arts and Fashion, where she mentors underprivileged girls.

It is important to note that her industry in international relations has also made her a source of discourse and attention within the diplomatic community. She has also been extremely adept at marshalling social media and digital tools to engage the rest of the world while promoting this nation.

No nation can conduct modern diplomacy without the tools of the digital age, and there couldn’t be a better presidential spouse for the digital era than the better half of Ghana’s foremost digital apostle, Dr Mahamudu Bawumia. Moments like this, of great strategic consequence for the world, require persons of equal initiative, vigour, and vibe. The more one thinks about it, the more it becomes apparent that Ms. Samira Bawumia would uniquely meet the moment in this globalised and technologically driven age. It is without doubt that she has captured, perhaps enthralled, the world so far, and there’s no doubt she can do more.

The roles of the first or second lady are not always clear-cut, but the activities and initiatives of the occupant can make a difference. International relations now traverse the traditional straitjacket strategies and conventions. Nations must now be smart, innovative and dynamic about how they project their culture and engage the world.

Samira Bawumia has earned her place in history as one of our most dynamic, forceful, and globally-minded second ladies. States hardly experience such rare combinations of soft power, substantive power and steadfast devotion in their second ladies or potential first ladies. For all practical purposes, she will be a tireless emissary, a catalytic instrument and a force majeure in promoting our nation, addressing issues of global concern and repositioning its cultural appeal.

Prof. Etse Sikanku is an Associate Professor of Political Communication, Journalism and Media Studies at the University of Media, Arts and Communication. He’s the Dean of the Faculty of Journalism and Media Studies.

Source: Prof. G Etse Sikanku

First of all, let’s admit one undisputed fact: elections in Ghana favour consistent and repeated candidates; that’s a fact and not assumptions.

Prez Akufo-Addo, the veteran politician and someone who had been on the ballot twice in 2008, won zero constituencies in 6 out of the 16 regions in 2012, and Kufuor won zero constituencies in 8 out of the 16 regions in 1996

Both Prez Kuffour and Prez Akufo Addo were repeated by the party simply because, again, our country’s socio-political environment favours consistency, and indeed both of them won, despite recording zero wins in 6 and 8 out of 16 regions.

Every indication, no matter how you jump around it, points to the fact that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, losing 2024 elections, also reinforces him and makes him the most likely person to win the next elections.

Especially when he’s running against a completely new candidate. This is supported by data and no assumptions.

Beyond the science and data, Dr. Bawumia remains the aspirants with clear and cogent vision for the party and Ghana, and that sets him miles apart from the rest.

He is PREPARED | FORMIDABLE | WINNABLE

He was tested and managed to garner support in the face of very difficult circumstances in 2024.

The fact is that when Dr. Bawumia was presented in 2024, he garnered close to 42% of the votes. That we know for a fact . What we don’t know is how many of the votes the other aspirants can gather if given the opportunity.

They may do more or less and it is that risk the party people have not time for. It is difficult to hazard a candidate who is hoping to gather 50% simply on the basis of saying he can and ignoring a candidate who has actually travelled the journey and proved to gather the numbers less 9%.

The most strategic thing to do would be to hold onto the person and work to consolidate the 41 while you tweak your strategies to attract the extra 9%.

Every election is a risk; you may lose or win, but surely you can manage your risk and go with the one that gives you the best chance.

The numbers favour Dr. Bawumia. The electoral history favours Dr. Bawumia.

Finally, Dr. Bawumia is shifting the campaigns back to the real issues, away from insults and name-calling. Let’s keep it up, Patriots. 🔥

WIN WITH DR. Bawumia—aka 9P3
#WinWithBawumia
#Aka9p3

For many, it is a dream come true to be the first graduate in a family or even in a whole village.

But at most university graduations in Ghana, something happens that takes away from this joy. The Vice Chancellor, council members, and guest speakers usually get up to shake the hands of only First Class students.

After that, they sit down. The rest (Second Class, Third Class, and Pass students) simply walk by without the same recognition.

This tradition, in my view, is unfair. It sends a message that only the First Class students deserve to be celebrated, while the others did not put in effort.

But that is not true. Every student who crosses that stage has worked hard in their own way. Some battled with financial struggles, health challenges, or family responsibilities, yet made it through. That is a big achievement and deserves celebration.

A handshake is a small act, but it carries a big meaning. It says, “We see you. We value your effort. You belong here.” Why should this recognition be reserved for a few?

Who knows? The graduate with a Pass today may become the employer of the First Class graduate tomorrow. Life has shown us that success is not written only in grades.

This thought comes from my very critical thinking self, shaped by years of questioning unfair traditions.

I was once an SRC president, and today I serve as the Head of the Public Relations Department at one of Ghana’s specialised public universities, the University of Media, Arts, and Communication (UniMAC), and also doubles as President-elect of the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG), UniMAC branch.

These roles have deepened my conviction that our academic spaces must be made fairer and more humane.

As an academic who has taught in higher education for over nine years, I have seen the struggles of students firsthand. And yes, I was once a First Class student myself. But that does not mean I should ignore the efforts of others.

We cannot continue with traditions that divide our graduates into the “worthy” and the “less worthy.”

The university must be a place of inclusion, where every single graduate is celebrated equally. To shake the hand of one and not the other is to say that some lives matter more. That cannot be the message we send.

The time has come for change. Universities in Ghana must rise above these outdated rituals and embrace fairness. Let us extend the handshake to all, not just the few. Let every graduate leave with the pride that their effort, no matter the grade, was fully acknowledged.

Graduation should not reinforce inequality. It should unite us. And until every graduate is given that handshake, our ceremonies will remain incomplete.

Source: Dr. Noel Nutsugah

The writer is Dr. Noel Nutsugah, who is a lecturer and the Head of the Public Relations Department at one of Ghana’s specialised public universities, the University of Media, Arts and Communication (UniMAC) and doubles as President-elect of the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG), UniMAC branch.
Email: nnutsugah@unimac.edu.gh

Instead of all the media hype about stopping galamsey, the most realistic option is to transition them to legal small-scale mining.

This would include cooperatives and setting aside areas for mining, reclamation, and tree planting. We should ban heavy equipment involvement in those areas, and such should not include water bodies.

We must engage them and then police the water bodies and forest reserves. This would include training for the cooperatives and the elimination of the use of mercury and other dangerous chemicals.

The Minerals Commission and our relevant tertiary institutions should lead the development of new methodologies, learning from best practices from other jurisdictions.

We must recognize that artisanal mining has been in this country for over five hundred years. We must begin to think outside the box. We have blurred the boundaries between legal small-scale mining and illegal mining.

We seriously have to engage by encouraging and registering small-scale mining cooperatives and provide them with the requisite training and guidance while increasing our policing of water bodies.

We must mainstream small-scale mining into the political economy. We must recognize the contribution of the small-scale sector in our gold economy.

I would call for a national dialogue on small-scale mining to build a consensus on its role, regulation, rehabilitation, technical improvement, tree planting, and welfare of miners and mining communities.

Without a rethink, we are unconsciously creating extortion rackets in the security and intelligence services while undermining both resource and economic sustainability.

Kwabena Donkor Ph.D

Former MP, Pru East

In practice, it is economic self-sabotage.

Only weeks earlier, both the IMF and World Bank issued clear, public warnings to BoG. On July 7, the IMF urged Ghana to reduce its heavy footprint in the FX market and adopt a framework that allows the cedi’s value to be determined more by supply and demand, not central bank decree.

The World Bank followed on August 14, stressing that Ghana must protect FX liquidity and keep vital imports, fuel, medicines, raw materials, flowing.

BoG has ignored both. Instead of loosening controls to deepen the market, it has tightened them, cutting corporates off from the FX lifelines they need.

Consider an oil importer needing $100 million. In a healthy market, Bank A could source dollars from Bank B or through an FX auction. BoG would only intervene if volatility spun out of control, say the cedi sliding from GHS 16/$ to GHS 20/$ in days. Under the new rule, that importer is shut out unless they had pre-lodged the same dollars in advance, an impossible requirement that shrinks, not expands, the market.

Or take a Bulk Oil Distribution Company (BDC) seeking $50 million for fuel imports. Normally, a bank draws on interbank liquidity or a BoG auction to meet that need, ensuring petroleum continues to flow. Now, if the BDC lacks prior deposits, it cannot withdraw FX. The chain breaks: fuel shortages hit, pump prices rise, confidence evaporates.

The contradiction is stark:

IMF: Less intervention, more flexibility.

World Bank: Protect liquidity, keep imports running.

BoG: More intervention, less liquidity, imports disrupted.

What message does this send to businesses and investors? That Ghana will bend to panic, not principle.

That rather than deepening its FX market, Ghana is retreating into administrative bans that history shows always backfire. In 2014, a similar FX crackdown collapsed within weeks, after sparking black markets and panic withdrawals.

Ghana cannot afford to repeat that failure. Stability comes from transparency, predictability, and rules, not from shutting doors in the face of critical industries.

The IMF and World Bank told Ghana to open the FX market. BoG has slammed it shut. The result will not be stability, it will be shortages, black markets, and another blow to confidence in Ghana’s economy.

Source: Prof. Isaac Boadi, Dean, Faculty of Accounting and Finance, UPSA

Written by Manasseh Azure Awuni
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
United States

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The reason is simple: this is ultimately a matter of policy, not politics.

And too often, the Ghanaian public shies away from discussions of policy. A friend challenged me: It is the task of the writer to woo readers. So, let us attempt brevity, aided by data and simple illustrations.

Politics versus Policy

In every democracy, politicians focus on what people want so that they can remain in power. The mechanisms that deliver those demands are policy.

In Ghana, citizens want two things at the same time:

• An end to the pollution caused by galamsey.
• A stable cedi, which relies heavily on strong gold revenues.

To balance these demands, politicians have settled on converting illegal galamsey into legal “community mining” projects. The logic is that this will sustain gold production while reducing environmental damage.

It was such a programme that a government delegation was on its way to launch in Obuasi when the tragic helicopter crash occurred.

The difficulty is that the politics, “end galamsey now” and “protect the cedi”, receive most of the attention. The underlying policy legalising small-scale mining as a strategy to combat galamsey rarely receives critical scrutiny. This creates a messy gap between politics and policy. I call this gap katanomics.

The Numbers Behind Galamsey

The reality of galamsey becomes clearer when examined through data.

• In 2023, there were around 34,000 workers in large-scale mining (LSM) in Ghana, compared to an estimated 1.1 million workers in small-scale mining (ASM).
• Productivity differs sharply. The average LSM worker produces about 2,625 grams of gold annually. In ASM, the figure is at most 31 grams per worker. Even if one accounts for smuggling and raises the estimate to 100 grams, the gap is staggering.
• Translated into value-add, this means an ASM worker generates about $2,000 a year. Even if doubled to account for hidden factors, it pales in comparison to the $163,000 generated annually by each LSM worker.

The disparity is, quite simply, extraordinary.

Land Use and Density

The efficiency gap is even more evident when comparing land use:

• Large-scale miners extract about 86 kilograms of gold per square kilometre.
• Small-scale miners extract between 44 and 73 kilograms per square kilometre.

Moreover, LSM operations are spread across large concessions, typically around 70 square kilometres, with an average of 30 workers per square kilometre.

By contrast, ASM and galamsey operations crowd around 1,500 workers into each square kilometre.

To scale community mining up to match one LSM project would mean accommodating approximately 105,000 workers in a single operation. Clearly, this is unfeasible.

Why Community Mining Struggles

If galamsey mirrors ASM productivity, then its legalisation under the banner of community mining cannot, by itself, deliver environmental sustainability.

Large-scale miners can afford to invest in filtration systems, tailings dams, and treatment plants because of the high value generated per worker. ASM and galamsey operators, by contrast, lack such resources.

For community mining to become viable, it would require:

• Drastically reducing employment in the sector.
• Massive retraining of workers.
• Hiring of skilled engineers and machine operators.
• Allocation of large tracts of high-quality deposits.

This is extremely difficult to achieve without strict, consistent oversight and a political class willing to resist short-term expediency.

The Accountability Gap

And here lies the central issue: success would require tight scrutiny by a well-informed and vocal citizenry, unafraid to publicise results and hold leaders accountable. In the absence of this, political convenience will continue to dominate.

That is, unfortunately, where Ghana finds itself today.

Conclusion

The uncomfortable truth is that galamsey cannot be solved by political slogans or symbolic legislation. The underlying economics, low productivity, high labour density, and unsustainable land use make success nearly impossible under current conditions.

Unless the political culture changes to allow serious, sustained policy oversight, Ghana’s fight against galamsey will remain trapped in katanomics: policies that sound plausible in political terms but collapse in practice.

In a forthcoming piece, I intend to expand these arguments into a more rigorous study. For now, those interested in further details may consult:

• Why Ghana’s Galamsey Fight Has Become a Waste of Time
• Constitutional Change as Normative Crystallisation

For those more interested in the actual research from a professional or academic standpoint, a high-level overview of the evolving methodology is attached below:

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Source: Bright Simons

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The writer, Bright Simons, is the honorary Vice President of IMANI Africa

Beautiful English. Gallops like a racehorse. Then it reaches Ghana’s junction and politely joins the queue behind verification, protocol, and that ever-helpful signboard: System Is Down.

To be fair to our distant cousins, their letter asks for more than a sprint. In plain daylight, here’s the substance beneath the drumroll:

• Reinstate the CJ now—don’t wait for tomorrow’s tomorrow.
• Guarantee due and fair process—including full and transparent access for her lawyers to the proceedings.
• Publish clear rules of procedure to guide the disciplinary process.
• Set and announce a real timeline so the committee concludes its work without further delay, and communicate the result to everyone who still believes in the rule of law.

Ghana’s reply, carried by the Attorney-General, Dr. Dominic Ayine, is the kind of smile that can slice red tape. Translation: Thank you; also, we are not a colony. The suspension, he says, follows Article 146 to the letter: petitions received; Council of State advice taken; prima facie established; an independent committee chaired by a Supreme Court Justice empanelled; attempts to halt the process dismissed by the Supreme Court and High Court as lacking merit; and a side-quest now before the ECOWAS Court because regional whistles exist. The punchline? The President is bound by the committee’s findings; this is not executive karaoke.

So whose clock should we use—the Commonwealth stopwatch or the Ghanaian wall clock that runs on “as and when”? Our elders would say: both the drum and the dancer must keep time. Sovereignty is the generator; accountability is the bulb. If the room is still dark, shouting “We have a generator!” is karaoke, not illumination. Switch it on. Show the wiring. Let the light fall where the doubts are hiding.

And yes, the optics matter. If you begin a case with “she’s assisting,” explain—clearly—when “assisting” became “suspended,” what the rules are, how counsel participates, and when this drama ends. Publish the procedures in human language; give the timeline teeth that can bite through Monday traffic and Friday rain. When due process is visible, even your loudest critics will wash their hands in it.

Meanwhile, the online square—God bless its data bundles—has been auditioning for stand-up night:

“Dear Commonwealth, ‘immediate and without delay’ is a lovely phrase. Kindly find Pokuase at 5 p.m. and demonstrate.”

“Advising Ghana on Article 146 without reading Article 146 is like stirring banku without a bowl. Energetic—but where are you putting it?”

“We accept flowers for our national mourning. Lectures are received on Tuesdays. Bring photocopies.”

“They should come and reinstate her themselves.”

“Reinstate today? Great. Also reinstate electricity in my area—immediate and without dumsor.”

Mockery aside, the jokers are onto something. Advice travels best when it kneels, not when it climbs onto the table. If the Commonwealth wants to help, bring bulbs, not bullhorns. If government wants to be believed, bring rules and a timetable, not slogans. It’s not either/or. A wise house lights both signboards at the gate—Sovereignty and Rule of Law—so even those seated at the back can see the stage and recognise the actors.

As for “immediate and without delay,” let the phrase keep its elegance and gain a calendar. Here, immediacy wears court shoes, not track spikes. The committee will speak; the law will point; the President will do what the Constitution says—no more, no less. If that sounds boring, good. Rule of law is supposed to be boring. It’s how nations sleep at night without needing a Commonwealth lullaby.

Until then, let’s cool tempers, sharpen procedures, and keep our humour. After all, a republic that can mourn with dignity, argue with civility, and laugh at itself still has its compass. And if the Wi-Fi placard insists on marching through our courtyard, it should kindly wipe its feet—and read the house rules posted by the door.

The writer, Jimmy Aglah, is a media executive, author, and sharp-eyed social commentator. His latest book, Once Upon a Time in Ghana: Satirical Chronicles from the Republic of Uncommon Sense, now available on Amazon Kindle, delivers a witty, piercing take on Ghanaian society and governance. When he’s not steering broadcast operations, he’s busy challenging conventions—often with satire, always with purpose.

Source: Jimmy Aglah

As I moved in and around the city undertaking my business, I could not help but make the following observations:

1. Every single road that I used or saw had a good asphaltic surface. I did not see a single pothole in Nairobi during my rounds of almost all the suburbs. If a road was bad, it was one with some asphaltic cracks and depressions. Clearly, these were not new roads.
2. From my observation, there were very few traffic signal intersections in place, most of which were not in working condition. The good thing, however, was that they had very active traffic police officers who always turned out in their blue uniforms, ensuring the smooth movement of traffic. The good thing for them also is that they all have communication equipment, which they use to ensure that the flow of vehicular traffic is orderly.
3. Most of the city’s drains were slabbed or covered. The few open drains I saw were clean and not silted.
4. All the neighbourhoods including the central business district, were generally clean and devoid of any refuse. As for plastic waste, I saw practically none. In all the public places I visited, they had three separate bins for organic waste, plastic waste, and others.
5. The people of Kenya practice a system of intra-city transportation that caught my attention. Private individuals are not permitted to operate public transport. Anyone who purchases a bus(es) is required to register it with cooperative transport companies, who then manage the bus for and account to them. I found that very interesting, as it made public transport very organized. In addition, all school buses are painted yellow, in order to enable them enjoy specific privileges on the fast lane, etc.
6. The people of Kenya are extremely proud of their Swahili language. Even though both Swahili and English are official languages, Swahili comes first, and this was evident everywhere we went. How I wish we had one in Ghana, but that is only if wishes were horses!
7. One area that really caught my attention was the seriousness with which the Kenyan government and its people take the issue of security, law, and order. You cannot gain access into any public facility without declaring everything on you and your vehicle as well as your body being thoroughly searched. By this, every facility has had installed at its entry and exit baggage and body scanners with security personnel manning them. Whether they are shopping centers, hotels, public parks, government offices, municipal offices, utility providers, etc., they were all ready to search without any form of compromise. There were even some facilities, such as the Westgate Shopping Mall, that had about ten sniffer dogs in addition to the use of body scanners. Again, all the public facilities listed above had e-gates installed to check access in and out.
8. The security situation at the airport was top-notch. At the only entrance gate to the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, every single passenger was made to alight from his or her vehicle for body searches before rejoining the vehicle in the airport car park to begin departure formalities. During that process, your passport, visas, and boarding passes are checked less than four times before boarding. I remember that when I got to the immigration checkpoint, the officer (in his late fifties) told me in plain language that there was a problem with my documents. He did not understand why I had entered the country on Tuesday and was leaving in two days. As though it was a joke, he referred me to his superiors (two ladies) for interrogation. Fortunately for me, I had arrived at the airport very early, and so I was not in a hurry. I took them through the various stamps in my passport to let them appreciate that I had never stayed in any country for more than a week. We then engaged in some niceties, after which I was released to proceed for the other formalities. Even then, this officer who reported me asked whether I had confused the superiors, convinced them, or corrupted them (three Cs he called them). When I told him that I had convinced them, he said that in his case, I had to corrupt him and actually went ahead to repeat it while still holding the stamp to endorse my passport. I pretended that I did not understand a word of what he said till he had stamped it. I collected my passport and moved on.
9. In as much as I encountered some street hawking, this was only limited to the CBD area and even here, the prevalence of it was almost insignificant when compared with the situation in Accra.
10. The Kenyan people are pretty much proud of their Kenyan shillings. You will ordinarily not be able to openly exchange your foreign currency, nor can you openly trade in it. One of the rare situations in which you can trade in foreign currency is if you did not have the local currency and needed to undertake a transaction. Here, you would have to use the POS device to have the payment directly deducted from your home bank account. I guess, however, that there may be a couple of underhand forex traders, though certainly not as openly as we do in Accra.
11. One downside of Nairobi that I witnessed was that, as much as the people tried to be nice, their hospitality was nowhere near that of the average Ghanaian. They had this attitude of communicating as though to tell you that they were minding their own business.
12. A second downside that I noticed yesterday morning was the theft of my only phone charger (for my iPad, iPhone, and Samsung phone) as I departed Nairobi. It was the last thing I packed on my way out of the hotel, so I was 100% certain that I had placed it in my hand luggage. As part of the routine security checks we had been subjected to, the car boot where my bags were had been searched thrice while we were seated inside. At the departure gate ahead of boarding, I decided to charge my iPhone. To my shock, I opened my hand luggage, only to realize that only the charger head was in the corner of the bag. Someone, in trying to pull the charger out, had taken the cable, leaving the head. Where and how this happened, only God knows. In my interactions with Ekow Koomson (a previous resident of the city) ahead of this travel, he had warned me that the city was very fast and swift, but I never imagined that it could be like this. Ekow, this thing really hit me hard, errrr! Come for your stone, wai!

In my engagements with Philip, my assigned driver, I got to understand that in as much as Kenya had endemic issues such as corruption, they were really thankful to God for the way their country was currently being managed. The night before, on the Kenyan Television Network, I had watched President William Ruto at the Devolution Conference at Homabay chastise governors and members of parliament for demanding bribes before passing bills, among others.

My dear friend, Ghana has many things to thank God for, and I pray that these good things listed above will, in the not too distant future, come to add to our blessings as a people.

May God continue to bless our homeland, Ghana, and make it great and strong indeed!

Engr. Eric Atta-Sonno

Omane and I were seated next to each other, and after a few awkward moments of saying ‘hello’ to each other, we started chatting. We were getting on famously, teasing and laughing like long-lost buddies.

We ignored the few barbs we had tossed at each other after the Occupy Flag Staff House demonstration in 2014, as well as the curious stares from other mourners.

Of course, the conversation turned political. He had deep concerns about Ghana’s electoral system.

As we chatted about that, we touched on a very unlikely scenario: could the two of us work together to ask questions and seek answers about long-lasting electoral reforms? I also expressed my deep concerns about the nation in general.

I found myself telling him about how frustrated I was with the whole nation-building process. Before we parted, he politely asked for my number. I obliged, not really believing that he would get in touch. Surprise, surprise; he did.

That evening, between 5:50 pm and 5:52 pm, he forwarded some material to me, explaining his concerns about the electoral process. Then he added: ‘Good evening, Kojo.

There’s still hope, don’t leave hope.’ I responded that ‘hope is gone.’ We laughed over that by exchanging some funny memes and emojis.

We didn’t chat again until 25 April 2024, when I had delivered a speech at the Vice Chancellor’s awards ceremony at Legon.

Somehow, I felt the need to forward the video to him because my speech (Rock The Blessing: Time No Dey) contained more hope than I had expressed to him.

I wanted him to know that maybe his encouragement, ‘don’t leave hope’, had yielded some fruit. He must have watched the video because he responded, ‘Thanks, and congrats ’.

Then on 19 May, he sent me more material on his concerns with Ghana’s electoral system. He was quite passionate about that.

At dawn on 25 May, I sent him an inspiring speech by Shruthi Kumar for Harvard’s Commencement 2024. He quickly responded, ‘Thanks. But old man must be sleeping o .’ I responded with my old mantra: ‘Sleep is for the weak.’ He responded: ‘A compelling case aptly articulated in style.’

I responded further that ‘my fuller rendition is: Sleep is for the weak, those with little to wake up to, and those who can afford it,’ to which he responded with a ‘.’

We chatted on and off after that. He would send me materials on the electoral system. I would send him press releases by OccupyGhana, especially on Galamsey.

On 13 September, I forwarded to him this: ‘This is random information. Do with it as you please. Today, the kids of those egyabas who teased you for being dadaba are dadabas. Yesterday’s proud egyaba is today’s dada, not egya.

So all along, if like them, get some, and they will like…completely random information. ’ His response was: ‘ Is this an allegory? I’m just asking on behalf of Nana Addo and Bawumia ’ I responded: ‘hahahaha. As I said, completely random information ’ We exchanged some funny memes and ended it there. That is the closest we ever got to discussing party politics.

On Christmas Day 2024, he must have been busy with the political transition, yet he was sufficiently gracious to send me a Christmas greeting from his family (attached). I responded (attached).

When we exchanged happy new year messages, I also sent him some absolute nonsense (attached). We exchanged some more funny memes and emojis at this.

Later on 17 January, I sent him a flyer of the impending launch of the Company Law book I had co-edited. He responded with two raised thumbs. I added that ‘I saw the fake appointment.

I hope the proper one comes through soon.’ He was uncharacteristically coy about that and sent just ‘.’ On 21 January, when the proper appointment was announced, I sent him, ‘Finally, congrats.’ He became Minister of Defence.

We continued with our on-and-off chats, some serious stuff but mostly lighthearted banter. Curiously, never an argument, just mutual, decent respect.

On 19 March, I sent him a flyer inviting him to participate in the Achimota Speaks Program that evening, which was on the Free SHS Scheme. We shared deeply personal stories about the educational choices we had made for our children and why we had made those choices.

He, like me, had three kids, although mine are much older than his. At the end, he somehow felt compelled to apologise that he wasn’t going to make it to the program: ‘Regrettably, I have a tight schedule today.’ Of course, I knew he wasn’t going to be there. Later that night, I sent him a video of the event. We didn’t chat again after that.

Today, after hearing incredible news about the air crash, at 12:54 pm, I sent him a hopeful ‘Good afternoon.’ This time, and unusually, there was no response. Then I knew… because he always responded.

Always. Worse, all I saw was a single tick that showed the message had been sent but not read.

Maybe I’m still holding on to hope that he’ll respond, although I know he won’t… or can’t. But in just a year and three months, after just one meeting at a funeral, we found and forged a connection that showed there is more that unites us than divides us: our shared humanity. I am certainly going to miss a man I met only once and miss our ‘unlikely’ exchanges, ‘secret’ chats, and friendly banter.

I will make time to condole with the family, his spouse, and the three kids he spoke with me so deeply and fondly about.

Farewell, Doc, and may the Lord grant you eternal rest and may what you strived to achieve inspire us to embrace our common humanity and strive for a brighter future… ‘DON’T LEAVE HOPE.’

Source: Ace Ankomah

While going through departure formalities, my attention was drawn to the fact that there were hundreds of people lined up to go through the process.

My observation led to the realisation that the majority of them were from East and Southern Africa.

As we went through the embarkation processes, I wondered what could have possibly brought over two hundred East and Central African citizens to Accra at once.

At a point when we were all done with check-in and were at the departure gate, I engaged one of them, who was seated together with his wife.

Apparently, that whole batch of almost three hundred travellers had come in mainly from Zimbabwe, with others from Tanzania and South Africa.

There was another batch of mainly Nigerians and Cameroonians who were being processed at another part of the lounge.

They had all come to Ghana to attend the ‘Give Thyself Wholly Conference 2025.’

This was an annual conference organized by Bishop Dag Heward-Mills and the United Denominations originating from the Lighthouse Group of Churches (UD-OLGC).

The programme held at the Anagkazo Bible and Ministry Training College, was an international training conference for pastors, ministers and church workers.

From my engagement with the couple, who I later learned were ministers from the Harvesters International Church in Harare, the conference had thousands of participants.

Over the four-day period in Accra and Mampong, they had also gotten to know and experience a bit about Ghana.

Well, after a while, our flight time was due, and we boarded our planes. For those two hundred or so that boarded with me on that Kenyan Airways flight, we got to the Jomo International Airport, only for me to learn in shock that just three of us had Nairobi as our destination.

All the rest were Zimbabweans who were only transiting as they continued back home.

On my way from the airport to the hotel, my mind kept going back to the many other church conferences that are held in Ghana.

These include the Greater Works Conference held last week by the International Central Gospel Church at Christ Temple East in Accra with thousands in attendance, some of whom flew in from outside the country.

I also wondered about the Global Ministers and Wives Conference held by my church (The Church of Pentecost) in January of each year with participants from several countries, the Impact Convention by the Christian Action Faith Ministries each November/December.

Interestingly, these activities are all annual programmes that bring into the country several thousands of foreign visitors.

Further pondering on all of these, I kept imagining the impact of all these conferences by the various churches on the potential growth of the tourism industry of our country, if managed very well.

I believe that it is about time that the Ghana Tourism Development Company (GTDC) and the Ghana Tourism Authority (GTA), as well as their parent ministry (Ministry of Tourism, Culture, and Creative Arts) seriously engaged these churches to exploit ways by which some of their activities, such as those mentioned above, will be made to deliberately impact the growth of the tourism sector of our economy.

I notice while in Nairobi that everything is either directly or indirectly linked to the tourism sector of Kenya.

The tourism sector holds the key to the future growth of our nation’s economy, and we cannot continue to pay lip service to it. It is about time we take the bull by its horn and cause the growth factor to trigger same.

May God continue to bless our homeland, Ghana, and make it great and strong!

Source: Engr. Eric Atta-Sonno

In Ghana, the death of a public servant in the line of duty often evokes national grief, glowing tributes, and, in some cases, state-led support for the bereaved family.

Depending on the office held, the individual’s political affiliation, or their proximity to the governing party, the government may step in to provide funeral and burial arrangements. Yet, in many other instances, deserving public servants—and their families—receive little to no official support.

This inconsistency reveals a glaring gap: the absence of a comprehensive National Intervention Policy that guarantees equitable and predictable support for all public servants in the event of disaster or death in service.

The tragic August 6 helicopter crash, which claimed the lives of eight gallant public servants returning from an anti-galamsey security workshop, has once again brought this urgent need to the fore. These individuals died serving their country, yet the nation’s approach to handling such losses remains largely ad hoc and reactive.

A National Intervention Policy for Public Servants must be more than a ceremonial gesture—it should be a structured, proactive, and equitable safety net. Such a policy should:
• Provide salary adjustments for those injured in service to sustain them and their families during recovery.
• Guarantee comprehensive insurance to cover workplace-related accidents and disasters.
• Ensure posthumous promotions or service recognitions that honor the legacy of fallen public servants.
• Deliver timely compensation packages to families, ensuring they are not left in economic hardship while dealing with grief.

However, compensation alone is not enough. This tragedy also highlights the urgent need for institutional reforms and capacity building within our security and emergency response systems. The Ghana Air Force, for instance, requires a modern aviation laboratory at its bases to enhance safety protocols, accident prevention, and flight data analysis. Furthermore, an Accident Investigation Bureau embedded within our security institutions is essential to ensure swift, independent, and thorough investigations whenever incidents occur.

Equally pressing is the need to upgrade Air Force base hangars, ensuring they are fully equipped with safety systems and preventive measures against flooding—especially at the Takoradi Air Force hangar, which has faced such challenges during the rainy season.

Beyond aviation, the culture of maintenance must be enforced as a legal requirement across all government institutions. This should be driven through the procurement departments of every public body, with the Auditor-General playing a direct oversight role to ensure compliance. Preventive maintenance saves lives, preserves assets, and reduces long-term costs—and it should be seen as a governance priority, not an afterthought.

Central to implementing these measures should be the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO). If properly resourced and empowered, NADMO could serve as a fit-for-purpose vehicle to execute the National Intervention Policy to the letter—ensuring fairness, speed, and accountability. This will require dedicated funding streams, capacity enhancement, and legislative backing to give the policy the force of law rather than leaving it to political discretion.

As a nation, we must rise above the reactive culture of offering support only when media attention demands it or when the fallen happen to be politically connected. Public service, in all its forms, is a sacrifice—and sacrifices deserve guaranteed protections, not selective sympathy.

The August 6 tragedy should not become another fleeting headline. Instead, it must be the turning point where Ghana commits to institutionalizing compassion, fairness, safety, and preparedness for every public servant who faces the risks of duty. This is how we truly honor their service—not just with words, but with lasting policy backed by law.

Source: Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

Beyond the shock and sorrow lies a call for sustainable support for the children, spouses, and dependents now facing life without their loved ones.

This is not the first time a national tragedy has left families in limbo. Earlier in March 2024, Deputy Finance Minister John Kumah passed away, leaving behind his wife and six children. Now, the families of Dr Edward Omane Boamah, Dr Ibrahim Murtala Muhammed, and six other victims—Dr Muniru Mohammed Limuna, Dr Samuel Sarpong, Samuel Aboagye, Squadron Leader Peter Bafemi Anala, Flying Officer Twum Ampadu, and Sergeant Ernest Addo Mensah—face similar uncertainty.

These are not just names on a list; they were fathers, husbands, breadwinners, and mentors. Their sudden absence has created lifelong emotional and financial voids that cannot be filled by condolences alone.

Pattern of Forgotten Families
History has shown how quickly society’s attention shifts away from the families of those who served our nation. The widow of the late Deputy Finance Minister John Kumah recently opened up about the deep disappointments her family has experienced since his passing: “People we thought would be there — the way they turned their backs on us. The lies, the deceptions.”

Perhaps no case illustrates this abandonment more tragically than that of Captain Maxwell Adam Mahama, who was lynched in May 2017, leaving behind a wife and two children. While his family received a trust fund, the broader question remains: Are such isolated gestures enough?

Cruel Reality of Fair-Weather Support
The truth is that many who were close to these leaders often vanish when their source of benefit is gone. State funerals are organised, promises are made, but as months pass, the families are often left to struggle alone.

Sustainable Support Systems
As we mourn, we must commit to doing better. Support must go beyond the ceremonial period. This includes:

• Educational support – Scholarships and trusts for children.

• Economic empowerment – Skills training and business support for surviving spouses.

• Psychological care – Counselling and trauma recovery services.

• Long-term financial security – Pensions and insurance.

A National Framework
We need a national policy for the welfare of all public servants who die in service—not just high-profile cases. Every police officer, soldier, teacher, healthcare worker, or civil servant who dies leaves behind people depending on them.

Collective Responsibility
The families of Dr Omane Boamah, Dr Murtala, and the other victims are watching to see if we will be different this time. We must not allow them to be forgotten.

The time for action is now. Tomorrow may be too late. This is not charity—it is our moral obligation and a measure of our collective character.

Source: Alhaji Seidu Agongo
The author is a businessman and philanthropist committed to social justice and community development.

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On this tragic day, a Ghana Air Force Harbin Z-9 helicopter, carrying two cabinet ministers, three officers of the Air Force, and three other distinguished statesmen, crashed at Adansi Akrofum in the Ashanti Region.

They were not on a leisure trip. They were not on a political campaign. They were on a mission, a mission to Obuasi to wage war against one of Ghana’s greatest threats: the Galamsey menace.

Yet, in the line of duty, their lives were abruptly cut short.
Eight gallant men: Minister for Defence Dr. Edward Omane Boamah, Minister for Environment, Technology and Innovation, Dr. Alhaji Murtala Mohammed, Acting Deputy National Security Coordinator, Alhaji Muniru Mohammed, NDC Vice Chairman Dr. Samuel Sarpong, Acting Deputy NADMO Director-General Samuel Aboagye, Squadron Leader Peter Bafemi Anala, Flying Officer Twum Ampadu and Sgt. Ernest Addo Mensah.

Their deaths have plunged the nation into mourning. Flags are being flown at half-mast. Speeches of condolence are being read. Tears are being shed. But the question echoes across the land.

Will we mourn and then allow the very evil they died fighting to continue?
This is not the first time that blood has been spilt in the fight against illegal mining.

On 29th May, 2017, the nation was shocked when Major Maxwell Adam Mahama was brutally lynched by a mob at Denkyira Obuasi while leading a military detachment against Galamsey.

Ghana mourned him. A statue was erected in his honour. But eight years later, Galamsey continues unabated, unashamed, and unchallenged to its core financiers.

How many more heroes must fall before we act with the seriousness this crisis demands?
Galamsey is not just an environmental problem.

It is a war, a war with casualties, both visible and invisible. Its negative effects cut across every aspect of our lives:

Health: Communities are drinking mercury-polluted water. Cancer rates are rising. Children are born with deformities and disabilities linked to toxic chemicals. Respiratory diseases spread where the dust and chemicals poison the air.

Education: Farmlands destroyed by galamsey rob parents of livelihoods, forcing children out of school to join illegal mining pits. The future workforce of Ghana is being trained not in classrooms, but in hazardous pits.

Forests: Our green cover, once the pride of West Africa, is being stripped bare. Protected forests are turned into wastelands, killing biodiversity and accelerating climate change.

Water bodies: From the Ankobra to the Pra, from the Offin to the Birim, our rivers, lifelines for millions, are now brown, poisonous, and dying. Entire communities may soon have no safe drinking water.

We should not only honour these eight fallen heroes with speeches and memorials; we should also acknowledge their legacy through meaningful actions. We should honour them by finishing the mission they started.

In my candid opinion, there are two immediate, uncompromising steps to take:

Declare a state of emergency in all our forests and water bodies and in every area where non-industrial mining operates. Halt all illegal operations without delay, as a direct honour to our departed heroes.

Treat galamsey as the war it is. Wars are not fought with press releases; they are fought with decisive force. Equip and mandate our military to dismantle these illegal networks and bring their financiers to justice before they destroy us entirely.

Every Ghanaian must understand: this is not just about the environment; it is about survival. If we fail to act, the destruction will not stop at the rivers and the forests.

It will seep into our food, our homes, and the very health of generations unborn.

Let us not, eight years from now, gather again to mourn more names, build more statues, and write more emotional tributes while Galamsey thrives.

To the families of the victims, we extend our deepest condolences.

May your souls rest not only in peace but also in the assurance that your sacrifice will not be in vain.

Ghana owes you more than words. Ghana owes you victory over Galamsey. REST IN PEACE.

Source: Daniel Payne

Throughout his career, he has bridged divides that others found too wide — from bringing hope to underprivileged communities and persons with disabilities, to championing gender equality, youth empowerment, and grassroots development.

His belief is simple: Ghana works best when everyone moves forward together.

Time and again, Dr. Bawumia has shown that political affiliation should never be a barrier to human compassion or national progress. His unwavering commitment to interfaith harmony has strengthened bonds between Christians and Muslims, fostering a climate of mutual respect that enriches Ghana’s democratic fabric.

That spirit of unity came into sharp focus in the heat of the 2024 general elections.

While the nation watched closely, his calm, peace-first approach reassured Ghanaians that the stability of the country was — and would always remain — his top priority. It was a defining moment that proved his politics is anchored in patriotism, not personal gain.

And now, that same quality has shone through once more.

Following the recent helicopter crash involving President John Dramani Mahama, Dr. Bawumia put aside political rivalry and personally visited him to console and wish him well.

It was an act that resonated deeply with Ghanaians — a reminder that before titles and party colours, we are one people, united in shared humanity.

Source: Ernest Arhinful

Today, the site remains largely unmarked and unstructured — a silent witness to an event that deserves both national remembrance and purposeful transformation.

Around the world, crash sites have been respectfully developed into memorials that honour the lives lost, educate future generations, and stimulate local economies through heritage tourism. From the Flight 93 National Memorial in the United States to the Mount Osutaka site in Japan, these spaces have become powerful intersections of history, reflection, and sustainable community development.

For Adansi Brofoyedur — a community whose livelihood thrives on cocoa farming — the transformation of this helicopter crash site into a formal memorial can do more than preserve history. It can introduce a new dimension to the local economy, attracting domestic and international visitors, creating opportunities for small-scale hospitality businesses, and inspiring educational programmes that connect aviation history, safety awareness, and cultural heritage.

The challenge before us is not merely to mark the ground where tragedy struck, but to weave it into a broader narrative of resilience, pride, and progress — ensuring that the memory of the event serves as both a solemn reminder and a catalyst for sustainable development.

August 6, 2025, will forever be etched in the memories of Ghanaians as a day of immense loss. The tragic crash of an Air Force helicopter in the Ashanti Region claimed the lives of eight prominent individuals — including the Defence Minister and the Environment Minister — along with six other dedicated public servants. As the nation mourns, it’s time to reflect on how we can transform this tragedy into an opportunity that benefits the community, the Ghana Armed Forces, and the nation as a whole.

A Memorial Hangar: Honoring Lives Lost

The site of the accident presents a unique chance to create a memorial hangar that would not only serve as a tribute to those who lost their lives, but also provide multifaceted benefits to the local community and the Ghana Armed Forces. This hangar could be developed into a state-of-the-art facility for aircraft maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) services, catering to both military and civilian aircraft.

Supporting the Local Cocoa Farming Community

Given the region’s prominence in cocoa farming, the hangar could also be utilized to transport cocoa and other agricultural products to markets in Accra and beyond. This initiative would significantly boost the local economy and provide farmers with easier access to markets, thereby improving their livelihoods.

Benefits for the Ghana Armed Forces

For the Ghana Armed Forces, the hangar would serve as a strategic asset, enabling them to conduct maintenance and repairs efficiently. This would enhance their operational readiness and capability, ensuring they can effectively serve and protect the nation.

A Tourist Attraction and Educational Hub

Beyond its functional uses, the memorial hangar could also be designed as a tourist attraction and educational site. Students and visitors from across the country could learn about the history of aviation in Ghana, the significance of the site, and the lives of the individuals who tragically lost their lives. This would not only preserve their memory but also inspire future generations.

Conclusion

As Ghana mourns the loss of its esteemed leaders and public servants, it’s crucial to look toward the future and find meaningful ways to honor their legacy. By transforming the accident site into a memorial hangar that supports the local community and the Ghana Armed Forces, we can ensure that their sacrifice is not in vain. This initiative would be a testament to their enduring impact on our nation.

Source: Nana Kweku Ofori Atta, Security Consultant

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