In less than a decade, audio streaming flipped the industry on its head. Platforms like Spotify, Apple Music, and Tidal turned access into abundance.

Today, more than 600 million people worldwide use music streaming services, and global streaming revenue crossed $19 billion in 2024, accounting for over 65 percent of total recorded music income. For artists, this looked like a golden ticket. Upload a track, reach the world, and watch the numbers climb.

But behind the glossy dashboards and viral playlists lurks a murkier reality. A shadow economy is thriving. It is built on fake plays, synthetic listeners, and quiet manipulation. Welcome to the world of streaming farms.

The Illusion of Popularity

Streaming farms, sometimes called bot farms, are operations designed to inflate music streams artificially. They use automation to mimic real listeners at scale. Think thousands, sometimes millions, of plays generated without a single human ear involved.

These farms are not fringe experiments. They are a global business. Some are run by independent operators chasing quick profit. Others are more organized, offering paid services to artists, labels, or managers desperate for visibility.

The pitch is simple. Pay for streams, climb the charts, attract real listeners. In a system driven by numbers, perception becomes reality.

How the Machines Fake the Music

The mechanics are both simple and sophisticated.

At the core are bot networks. These are automated programs thatstream songs on repeat across multiple devices or virtual machines. A single farm can control thousands of simulated listeners at once.

Then come fake accounts. Farms create or hijack user profiles on streaming platforms. Some estimates suggest that up to 10 percent of accounts on certain platforms could be inactive or fake. Each account becomes a tiny amplifier, adding to the illusion of popularity.

The real trick lies in behavior. Advanced farms do not just hit play endlessly. They mimic human habits. They vary listening times, switch songs, change locations, and even simulate playlist engagement. Some bots “sleep” at night and “wake up” during peak hours to appear authentic.

In short, they do not just game the system. They study it.

When Charts Stop Reflecting Reality

Charts are supposed to measure what people love. Streaming farms rewrite that story.

A track boosted by artificial streams can surge into trending lists, editorial playlists, and algorithmic recommendations. Once it gains momentum, real listeners may follow, unaware of the manufactured push behind it.

This creates a feedback loop. Fake success attracts real attention, which reinforces the illusion.

The result is distortion. Songs that might never have gained traction organically can dominate charts. Meanwhile, genuinely popular tracks risk being overshadowed by those with deeper pockets or looser ethics.

For an industry built on cultural relevance, that is a serious credibility problem.

The Money Trail Nobody Talks About

Streaming fraud is not just about ego. It is about money.

Streaming platforms pay royalties based on total plays. While individual streams are worth fractions of a cent, scale changes everything. A million fake streams can generate real income.

Industry analysts estimate that streaming fraud drains hundreds of millions of dollars annually from the music economy. That money does not disappear. It is redirected, often away from independent artists who rely on authentic listeners.

In a system where payouts are pooled, fake streams dilute the value of real ones. Every artificial play chips away at someone else’s earnings.

It is not just unfair. It is systemic.

The Playlist Gold Rush

Playlists are the new radio. Landing on a popular playlist can skyrocket a song’s reach overnight. Some top playlists boast tens of millions of followers.

This has created a booming side industry. Playlist promotion services promise exposure, often blurring the line between marketing and manipulation.

Streaming farms have seized this opportunity. They inflate streams within playlists to make tracks appear more successful than they are. That visibility can trick algorithms into pushing the song further, compounding its reach.

For artists, the temptation is real. When discovery feels like a lottery, gaming the system can seem like strategy rather than cheating.

Why Platforms Are Struggling to Keep Up

Streaming services are not blind to the problem. They invest heavily in detection and prevention.

Machine learning systems scan for suspicious patterns. Unusual spikes, repetitive listening behavior, and clustered activity can trigger red flags. Platforms also tighten account verification to limit fake profiles.

Yet the battle is uneven. For every detection method, farms evolve. It is an arms race where both sides adapt continuously.

Transparency remains another issue. Many platforms do not fully disclose how streams are counted or how payouts are calculated. That opacity creates room for exploitation and fuels skepticism among artists.

A System Built for Exploitation

The uncomfortable truth is that streaming farms exploit structural weaknesses in the system.

First, the payout model rewards volume over engagement. A passive stream counts nearly as much as an active, intentional listen.

Second, algorithms prioritize momentum. Rapid growth often triggers more visibility, regardless of its source.

Third, barriers to entry are low. Anyone can upload music and, with the right tools, manipulate its performance.

Combine these factors, and you have a system that can be nudged, if not outright gamed.

Is There a Way Out?

Fixing this problem will not be simple, but several ideas are gaining traction.

Blockchain-based streaming platforms are one option. By creating transparent and tamper-proof records of streams, blockchain could make fraud far more difficult. Every play would be verifiable and traceable.

Another approach is user-centric payment models. Instead of pooling revenue, platforms would distribute each user’s subscription fee only to the artists they actually listen to. This could reduce the impact of fake streams on overall payouts.

Independent audits could also help. Regular third-party verification of streaming data would increase trust and accountability across the industry.

Finally, clearer industry standards are essential. Consistent rules around counting streams, detecting fraud, and penalizing offenders would level the playing field.

The Human Cost Behind the Numbers

Beyond charts and revenue, there is a deeper consequence.

Music is culture. It reflects voices, stories, and communities. When success is artificially engineered, those authentic voices risk being drowned out.

Emerging artists, especially those without resources to compete in the gray market, face an uphill battle. Their growth depends on real listeners, not synthetic ones.

For fans, the experience also changes. Recommendations become less about taste and more about manipulation. Discovery becomes less organic.

Final Thoughts

Streaming transformed music for the better in many ways. It opened doors, expanded audiences, and reshaped how we listen.

But it also created vulnerabilities. Streaming farms are not just a technical glitch. They are a symptom of a system that rewards numbers without always questioning their origin.

The solution will require collaboration. Platforms must strengthen safeguards. Artists must resist the lure of artificial growth. Industry leaders must push for transparency and fairness.

Because in the end, music deserves better than fake applause.

And listeners deserve to know that when a song rises, it is because people truly pressed play.

He said the right things and he exudes good intentions. 15 months later, the sense of optimism has dimmed considerably. But even in the midst of that optimism, those with wisdom were worried.

As a Professor emeritus of Legon told me, “Some of us were shocked by the warm reception of Traore of Burkina Faso and hence, concerned about what would happen if President Mahama’s “RESET” does not succeed.”

She urged the NPP to “get your house in order so that Ghanaians can see a viable alternative to the NDC ready to govern to improve national stability.” She was dead right.

On November 30th, 2025, the UN Security Council stated that “the Security situation of several countries in West Africa and the Sahel region continues to deteriorate significantly as terrorist groups continue to expand their influence and secure greater stronghold across the region.”

On February 14th, 2026, 7 Ghanaians traders were amongst the 20 people killed by militants in Titao, Northern Burkina Faso. The sucess of the reset depends, not just on socio-economic development but also, national security and stability.

Kay Cudjoe, in an open letter to President Mahama, stated reassuringly that, ” This is not a rejection of your leadership. It is a warning about what is happening around it.” Really, Kay? Can one disparage the soup of a fufu meal while praising the fufu? Kay went on to state that , “accountability is weakening”.

Was accountability ever strong under this reset? Perhaps, Kay’s message should have been addressed to the Speaker of Parliament, the Chief Justice, the heads of SOEs, anti-corruption bodies, the media, religious leaders, party leaders and the public. The President alone is not the government and the government alone does not our democracy make.

Perhaps, like a pretty maiden in love, we were too eager to believe the blandishments of the resetters. They were facing the same challenges that led to the failures of all our governments since independence and have led to our 17 trips to the IMF and our many revolutions.

No changes were made to the system and as we learned from Edward Deming, a bad system will beat good men nearly every time. State-owned enterprises were not reformed before new leaders were named to administer the old corrupt institutions.

The corruption infrastructure anchored in decades-old practices and taken to unseen heights by the Kyebi mafia was not dismantled or disturbed, despite the loud noises about ORAL.

The National Economic Forum just repeated speeches delivered years earlier at Senchi and glaringly failed to grapple with corruption or the role of the Diaspora in our development.

No bold FATWAs were declared against CRONYISM, NEPOTISM and TRIBALISM. — Galamsey, that had been a defining issue of the 2024 campaign just hesitated for a moment and then, despite the new initiatives and policies, resumed its destruction of our forests and pollution of our rivers.

Sadly, it seems that the President and the “few good men” he had with him showed up to a gun fight with knives and the outcome has never been in doubt. French philosopher Monet once said, “Nothing is possible without MEN but nothing is lasting without INSTITUTIONS.”

Sadly, we have what 2024 Nobel laureates in Economics Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson described as EXTRACTIVE ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS, which are designed ” to extract incomes and wealth from one subset of society to benefit a different subset”.

We should be focusing our collective efforts on building and strengthening INCLUSIVE ECONOMIC and POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS that truly have the elements of the free enterprise system that we pay lip service to.

That is why despite the noise, the galamsey machinery keeps running smoothly while the emergency the President supported as a candidate has not been declared and NDC operatives are boldly attacking religious leaders for daring to complain about galamsey.

As Acemoglu and Robinson demonstrate in their book, “WHY NATIONS FAIL”, even when the right policies are put in place, they are deliberately subverted and that is why we have been to the IMF 17 times with the same problems.

To turn to the judicial system, it is unacceptable that despite all the ORAL noises, more fowl and cassava thieves have been jailed than political thieves under this reset while the public tribunals remain on the drawing board and the Attorney General seeks to weaken the Special Prosecutor.

Why would Anthony Yeboah tackle Abedi Pele when the latter has the ball and is trying to score for Ghana? Is this “aboro” or “bayie”? As Jeremiah 5:28 makes clear, ” They do not judge with justice the cause of the orphan to make it prosper and they do not defend the rights of the needy.”

As the President rightly told an NDC ignoramus, ” I am not in charge of Parliament “. With such a healthy majority and an experienced Speaker, Parliament could help the President and Ghana with some vigorous and fearless executive oversight.

And when they demand the removal of some non-performing executive officer, unlike the NPP, they should stand their ground! And a Judicial Reform bill that would put our justice system on a modern, fast, responsive footing is long overdue.

To return to the President briefly, I have some friendly and patriotic advice. Mr. President, your intentions are good but Presidencies are not judged by intentions and words. They are judged by bold decisive actions. Sir, END GALAMSEY OOO TOM!!! Enforce ACCOUNTABILITY!! Heads should have rolled when the youth died at El-Wak.

Since you admitted that some NDC officials are involved in the galamsey you are fighting, some heads should have rolled. Sir fight Nepotism, Cronyism and Tribalism with vigour.

Nepotism was the most despicable aspect of the Akufo-Addo led government and though the Kyebi Mafia has left town, other mafia persist and other, more powerful mafiasos have joined them.

As for the tribalism, I am told that under your government some are insisting that heads of Universities and Teaching hospitals must hail from the local area and getting their way!

The idea that some day, only Ganyobi can lead Korle-bu and Legon and only Ashantis can lead KNUST etc undermines our national character! Stop it. Next, lead a clean-up of our political parties.

They are the ultimate source of corruption in our public space. What happened in the NPP Presidential primary and the NDC primary that produced Baba Jamal was a disgrace to Ghana.

It seems neither the NDC that won 2024 nor the NPP that lost have changed one bit. The question, Sir, is whether your reset is about managing our decline or about leading Ghana to a better place. Let the media follow Joyfm, the 4th estate and the few standing for Ghana and let the Asofo speak truth to power, fearlessly.

As for the rest of us, let our actions match our words. Let’s stand with good people. This week, Professor Frimpong Boateng was in court, to deal with lawsuits from his anti-Galamsey work and report, unlike his colleagues who looked the other way or participated in it.

Pray for him, and when you see him, thank him for being a patriot. May God help our reset. May God bless Ghana.

Ghana saddens me. We have squandered almost every opportunity. We have turned our potential into a liability.

We have failed in every conceivable measure of governance. The Nana Addo administration ushered in gangster democracy, a governance system whereby corruption is put on steroids.

This has led to the existence of a binary competitive kleptocracy. We have replaced meritocracy and excellence with mediocrity by establishing naked favoritism, sectionalism, ethnocentrism(tribalism) and crass partisanship.

We have accepted this nasty toxic culture by introducing cheap Ghanaian lexicon such as “connection” and “protocol” to support diabolical behaviors.

We are watching the collapse of the social contract of a country through our pathetic apathy and our loss of shame, dignity, decency, and confidence. We are unable to stop our capital city’s slide to a slum.

Accra is now a slum capital of Ghana and Kumasi is now a village ghetto market. We have lost any ability to stop the bastardization and ghettoization of our life and society.

Today, Ghanaian cities and towns have become museums of horror living and we are doing nothing about it.

The continued existence of Ghana as a functioning country is seriously in doubt. The governance structure has broken down.

The social contract has also broken down. There is virtually no serious leadership. There is a serious absence of management and professional expertise in dealing with the challenges facing the nation.

Appointed and elected officials lack knowledge of their roles and responsibilities. They have absolutely no ability to undertake their responsibilities and the roles in which they have been appointed to are above their grade of competence.

As a result, not much can be accomplished by them. Therefore the critical and important challenges facing the country cannot be tackled at all. Ghana is facing several existential issues. In addition, Ghana has a serious case of pathetic apathy within its citizenry.

They have lost any sense of self and hope and confidence in themselves, and they have no appetite to challenge the leadership to lead.

The challenges facing Ghana are listed below:

1. Massive corruption and stealing with impunity by civil Servants, politicians and political appointees, as well as other workers.

As a result of the complete absence of law and order. The corruption and theft is and continues unchecked because there is no interest in prosecuting or jailing anyone involved in what has become a normal way of life and an accepted style of living.

2. Galamsey, which is illegal mining of unprecedented level. Our environment, our rivers, our lands, and our forests are under destruction and this seeks to completely destroy our very existence.

This destruction has collapsed the social contract and has made aspects of our country ungovernable.

Galamsey, which leads to the production of gold, is unable to generate enough revenue to eclipse the cost to society in terms of the destruction of the environment, the rivers, the lands and the social structure, not to mention our basic farming and fishing culture.

3. Climate change, climate change is impacting the north leading to increased desertification and uncomfortable and frightening high temperatures being experienced in the whole country. No serious, deliberate effort is underway to arrest these life-threatening conditions.

4. Unemployment is massive, but what is even more frightening is disguised unemployment, or people pretending to be working. Approximately 75% to 80% of the working population, pretends to be working and this manifests itself in the presence of nasty, shanty and slum structures on the sides of streets, in front of houses turning every place in the country into a ghetto marketplace and turning Ghana into a slum country, and the capital into a slum city.

This pretense and so-called work activity(buy and sell or ktbt) is very costly to the nation because it only increases prices, creates inflation, and leads to poverty and squalor while making Ghana a very expensive country to live in with zero productivity outcome for the work they pretend to be doing.

Their habits and work structures lead to unsanitary conditions. Filth and low level living has engulfed the society and turned it into a backwards, low class country below even the third world conditions.

5. Inefficient and costly transportation management – The government has abdicated its responsibility in doing anything good with respect to roads and transportation.

It has completely shirked its responsibilities in maintaining the streets and roads of the country.

Indeed, it has decided that it would operate the most inefficient way of transportation by not maintaining and repairing roads, streets and bridges, instead spending billions of dollars to buy expensive, uneconomical gas-guzzling vehicles.

Unfortunately, the citizens do the same, and these vehicles last a short time and cost a lot to maintain because of the bad roads and streets.

Ghana is becoming more of an Ice Age country and therefore journeys that took two hours are now taking seven hours. We are slowing down due to corruption and incompetence and this is walking us back to the ice age.

6. Darkness in our cities. Ghana started putting street lights in the streets in the 60s. Today, our capital cities, Accra and Kumasi and others have no street lights and there is no effort by the government to replace the missing street lights.

There is no program, no policy, no action by the leadership to repair the street lights so that Ghana is dark in the night and therefore the cities have now become village ghettos.

The citizens have accepted and have not challenged the government to act to correct the situation and therefore this embarrassing and shameful spectacle has become normalized.

The people of Ghana have no shame, no confidence in themselves, and no courage to require the government to undertake its basic responsibility to maintain streetlights in our capital cities despite the people’s continued payment of taxes for the continued presence of streetlights in our country.

7. Flooding in our cities. When it rains, flooding takes place in our major cities, Accra, Kumasi, and elsewhere and there is no effort by the leadership to correct this serious problem which leads to loss of lives and livelihoods of many.

This is because there’s a clear absence of leadership. to handle basic, pressing problems facing the nation. It is clear that Ghana seriously lacks  leadership, management,  supervisory and operational skills, to deal with basic governance problems.

We are facing a situation where incompetence is meeting corruption at unprecedented levels.

8. Unclean, unhygienic and unsanitary conditions. Our respect for sanitary and hygienic conditions is below acceptable levels. Sanitation is low on the radar of Ghanaians’ pressing problems.

Human faeces fill the gutters, and drains of Ghana’s streets are not swept leading to unbearable miasma wafting through the air while people eat unconcerned in so-called high class restaurants like Buka in Accra.

Trash is not removed, drains and gutters are not cleaned and most places, including eating places and areas where there are quality restaurants have smelling human faces because of the presence of human faces in the gutters and drains, which are not cleaned.

There is virtually no effort by the government to correct the situation. 

9. The government’s maintenance of parks and gardens and the lawns on the sides of the streets has stopped for several years. Grass is not cut and manicured. The place looks nasty. The place looks like a ghetto.

The whole place is bastardized and there are signs of poverty and squalor everywhere in the streets of Accra.

Increasingly we are facing a culture of Zongoism, where the worst form of unclean, unhygienic, unsanitary and nasty living is prevalent, and there is virtually no effort by the government to correct the situation.

10. Lack of order and indisciplined society. Leadership has allowed the whole country to be turned into a marketplace. Nasty structures on the sides of streets, in front of houses have turned us into a slum country.

We are facing a new era of low level living and this has become normalized. No respect for ourselves and we show no shame of how nasty our cities look, how nasty our environments look, how nasty our homes look because we have normalized poverty and squalor.

We are experiencing the worst form of low living with pockets of first world housing conditions to remind us as to the stark inequalities of our society.

11. We do not respect excellence, so we have collapsed excellence in our educational systems. Universities and high schools have become glorified elementary schools, producing rejects, and vacuous graduates.

There’s a painful, ignorant, conceptual belief that if one wears the jersey of Real Madrid one can play like Ronaldo of Real Madrid. We have therefore filled our top high schools with 4-5 times the number of students appropriate to produce excellence since they believe they can pack all the kids there irrespective of their ability or potential in order to become the high achieving and high paying professionals of society.

The dumb free senior high school system, poorly conceived, poorly implemented and poorly supervised, continues to produce mediocre results and a painful spectacle to the well informed.

There is the poverty mindset and thinking that if something is free it must be good. since they think if you put any useless person in a so-called previously excellent school, that dumb person can all of a sudden become a brilliant achiever.

Despite the fact that there’s the absence of resources to support the loading of large numbers of students in those previously prestigious schools, and turning the whole educational system into ghetto elementary schools, and thereby destroying the whole essence of excellence in education.

12. Failing Metropolitan Authorities and local government. City governments such as Accra Metropolitan Authority and Kumasi Metropolitan Authority are nonfunctioning, inefficient and corrupt.

They have become the focus of criminal activities. They have lost their direction. They appear not to know why they exist.

They appoint gangsters, criminals and thugs who go there with only one motive, to steal whatever they can get. They lack the requisite education, training, experience, ethics and competence to handle their responsibilities.

They have no intention of making the city a better place. So the cities continue deteriorating to the lowest level one can imagine.

13. The healthcare system has virtually collapsed and is nonfunctioning for the people who need it. It’s been replaced by a cash and carry system that is completely unsupported by financial resources, and therefore cannot deliver the appropriate results.

The government has a limited desire to improve the existing hospitals and clinics to make it functioning for the society, and therefore people falling sick are likely to die prematurely.

There is no serious effort to correct this sad but critical issue facing the nation as well.

14. The corrupt law enforcement system. The law enforcement system is corrupt from top to bottom. The government has deliberately set up the police system to be corrupt.

The law enforcement personnel lack the proper education, training and ethical consideration to perform their responsibilities.

They also lack the resources appropriate for the challenges of their responsibilities. Further, the legal system has created an opportunity for the law enforcement officials to be corrupt by not allowing them to have a ticketing or charging system when infringements occur on the streets or in public.

The lack of resources can be observed by looking at the police stations and seeing the streets of Ghana showing a lack of vehicles, and equipment to deal with the challenges of policing. Ghana’s police force is currently equipped to deal with police duties of 1900s and not of 2026.

15.  The Ministries, Departments, Agencies, and Quasi-Governmental Organizations. The Ministries, Departments, Agencies, and quasi-governmental organizations appear to have been deliberately structured as unconnected and non-integrated systems, rather than as cohesive entities working together to deliver the vision and goals of government.

They operate in silos, functioning independently of one another. There is a clear absence of communication systems that can seamlessly and efficiently connect these organizations, as is common in modern business environments.

It would be a surprise to observe the existence of an organizational structure that promotes coordination and accountability, and ensures efficiency, effectiveness and stellar outcomes. There appears to be a deliberate strategy by some political leaders and public servants to maintain this fragmented system, thereby enabling corrupt and criminal activities to go unchecked and unaccounted for.

One would expect the existence of an integrated email or communication system linking all ministries and agencies at the click of a button, facilitating the efficient dissemination of policies, practices, procedures, and programs.

Furthermore, there is a lack of comprehensive enterprise reporting systems to ensure that government activities are properly accounted for and reported in a professional and transparent manner.

The absence of a robust financial reporting system, coupled with weak and inadequate control mechanisms and a lack of responsible leadership, has created an environment where state functions are deliberately distorted for personal gain by some political leaders and civil servants.

In addition, these institutions continue to rely on outdated and obsolete policies, practices, programs, and procedures that are ineffective, uneconomical, and detrimental to the people of Ghana.

There has been little to no effort to update, improve, or modernize these systems. What we are witnessing is a nation in distress, reflected in the state of its ministries characterized by rot, decay, dilapidation, and systemic failure resembling institutions frozen in time over 60 years ago.

16. Civil Service and Public Service

The civil and public servants who supported Kwame Nkrumah in executing major national projects are long gone.

The era of distinguished civil servants such as A. L. Adu, E. M. Debrah, Amonoo, Mensah-Wilmott, and others who contributed to the emergence of Ghana as the Black Star of Africa—has passed. Gone are the days when a significant number of top civil servants were products of Mfantsipim School.

Following the coups led by Ignatius Kutu Acheampong and Jerry John Rawlings, Ghana experienced a massive brain drain, losing many of its best and brightest professionals.

This loss was followed by a decline in standards, with replacements often lacking the ethical grounding, patriotism, and professional competence required for excellence.

This loss of personnel led to a replacement by a  low grade of professionals and political leaders.

Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration(GIMPA), originally established to provide continuous professional education, training, and development for civil servants, has, in recent times, deviated from its core mandate of improving and enhancing the skillsets of civil servants.

It has increasingly been perceived as an institution focused on producing low content education, vacuous graduates mass certification instead of rigorous professional training and skills improvement.

This shift has deprived the civil service of essential skills while rewarding institutional leadership with financial and reputational gains, often without corresponding improvements in quality.

Civil servants, across various administrations, have in many instances supported and participated in corrupt practices alongside political leaders.

They often provide the technical knowledge, systems, and methods that enable corruption to thrive. As a result, parts of the civil service have become a burden on the state rather than an asset.

Work practices are frequently inefficient and ineffective, yielding limited positive outcomes due to declining competence levels and problematic mindsets.

We continue to implement archaic and outdated policies, practices, programs, procedures and processes which are costly and lead to negative outcomes.

17. The Legal System and the Judiciary

Ghana’s legal system has struggled to modernize over the past 60 years. It often fails to deliver timely justice, even for members within its own ranks. A modern legal system should be able to provide accessible databases summarizing cases by type, region, court, and duration. However, such systems are largely absent.

Court cases frequently take years to conclude if they conclude at all, resulting in frustration and significant financial losses for litigants. Justice is routinely delayed, and as the well-known principle states, justice delayed is justice denied.

While there are many dedicated and honest professionals within the legal system, the presence of corrupt officials and unethical practices undermines public confidence.

There is an urgent need for reforms to address these challenges, remove misconduct, and restore trust in the judiciary as a pillar of justice and accountability in Ghana

It is laughable that a country of 30-35million people will have a Supreme Court of Justices equivalent to two football teams. Such wasteful, bloated bureaucracy, a hallmark of useless political leadership and an uncaring politician makes a mockery of the whole judicial system.

We continue to see insensitivity and waste in the face of abject poverty while the elite live a lavish lifestyle without any benefit to society. Ghana does not need anything more than 7-9 Justices and this needs to be corrected immediately.

18. Absence of civic and adult education. Ghana faces massive corruption and ill discipline. In addition, there is a culture of lying to support the stealing brigade enterprise in Ghana. The average Ghanaian is a thief and a liar.

The bloodstream of a Ghanaian has been infected with this cancerous behavior of stealing and lying. The DNA of the Ghanaian has been corrupted and infected by a virus of stealing and lying.

There is no civic and adult education taking place in Ghana to correct this dangerous and traumatic experience facing Ghanaians. Society has crumbled to the extent that lying and falsehood has become normalized and this negative behavior and attitude has eaten into the fabric of Society.

Increasingly, Ghanaians are using their knowledge and abilities to do criminal or illegal activities or to defraud one another and this is as a result of the corrupt leadership in the last five decades.

We must correct these horrible and nasty attitudes through serious civic and adult education reforms.

What Next?
Ghana must undertake a series of serious, profound fundamental actions in order to address these existential issues discussed above.

In the first place, serious law and order must be established by undertaking a comprehensive review and implementation of a new law and order system which seeks to address historical and past criminal activity with serious punishment.

Penalties must include decades of imprisonment and bankruptcy of criminals, their families, their friends, their cronies and those commingling their stolen assets with them.

Secondly, we must look at the current law enforcement system and make it responsive to the current situation with appropriate resources in terms of manpower, education, training, and state-of-the art equipment, including high-tech computers, databases and forensic architecture.

Reliance on myopic solutions such as EOCO, the so-called Office of the Special Prosecutor as a solution is wrong-headed. Rather, a well-thought of comprehensive approach is needed. 

Law enforcement methods which are preventive must be emphasized. People must be made to pay time for crime and that doctrine must be strongly emphasized.

The principle of deterrence must be restored.

There is an urgent need for major reforms in several areas. Constitutional reforms must curtail unnecessary bloated bureaucracies and expanded, expensive programs.

Ghana does not need 275 constituencies and can do with a maximum of 150 constituencies of equal size in population. Ghana does not need 16 regions. It can do with 5 regions. Ghana does not need over 100 ministers, it can do with 30 ministers.

Apart from justices of the Supreme Court who may retire on their full salaries, no other group of people be they parliamentarians, military, bank of Ghana officials, etc. should be allowed to retire on their full salaries.

These are unconscionable, costly, expensive and unsustainable expenditure helping to bankrupt the nation.

The other reforms are: Public sector reforms, Judiciary reforms, Legal reforms, Educational reforms, healthcare reforms, tax reforms, industrial reforms, land reforms, local government reforms, extractive Industry reforms(in particular, oil, gas and mining), political reforms, police reforms, prison reforms, pension reforms, and agricultural reforms

Charles K. Amoo-Asante, M.A.
Windsor, Connecticut, USA
Kotoko2000@gmail.com
+1 (202) 277-9466

According to a report published on April 27, 2026, Dr. Sosu is recognized for his relentless legal approach, which combines activism with advocacy, specifically targeting police brutality and state overreach.

Dr Francis-Xavier Sosu fuses activism with legal advocacy. He has challenged police brutality, pushed for prison reforms, and filed cases against state overreach.

His method is simple: relentless legal pressure. Sosu petitions, sues, and speaks out, even when the political cost is high.

His courage and consistency have earned him both admiration and caution within legal and political circles.

Key reasons for Dr. Sosu’s inclusion

Relentless Advocacy: He is noted for his use of legal pressure, including petitions and lawsuits, even in high-stakes political situations.

Human Rights Focus: As a prominent human rights lawyer, he has been involved in high-profile cases involving prison reforms and public interest litigation.Political Act

His role as the MP for Madina and his consistent legal challenges against authorities have gained him recognition as a formidable figure.

Francis-Xavier Kojo Sosu is Legislator, Human Rights Lawyer and Activist. He is the immediate past 2nd Vice President of the United Nations Association of Ghana and is currently the Chairman of the ECOWAS Caucus of African Parliamentary Union (APU)

As a Member of Parliament, Hon Sosu introduced laws to abolish Death Penalty in Ghana and criminalizing witchcraft accusations in protection of vulnerable aged women.

Hon. Francis-Xavier Sosu has over 15 years’ experience as a lawyer and is a member of the Ghana Bar Association, Africa Bar Association, International Association of Peoples’ Lawyers, Lawyers without Borders, Canada, Criminal Justice Reforms Association, Lawyers In search of Democracy, and the Commonwealth Lawyers Association.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts degree (BA) (Hons) in Sociology and Archaeology, Bachelor of Laws (LLB) (Hons), Master of Laws (LLM) in Oil and Gas Law, Master of Arts (MA) in Economic Policy Management; and MPhil (Human Rights, Peace and Conflict Studies) and PhD in Regional Integration Laws.

He also holds a Certificate in International Legislative Drafting from the Tulane Law School, New Orleans, USA; and is a Visiting Scholar at the Center College, Danville, Kentucky, and University of the South, Tennessee, all in the USA.

Honourable was a street child for many years before being adopted to the Village of Hope Orphanage owed by Churches of Christ in Ghana.

Other prominent lawyers listed in the same report include Tsatsu Tsikata, Godfred Yeboah Dame, Thaddeus Sory, and Ace Ankomah.

Dr. Sosu recently earned a PhD in Law and continues to be a high-profile figure in both legal and political circles

10 most fearsome Ghanaian lawyers

Ace Ankomah, Tsikata and 8 fearsome Ghanaian lawyers dominating the legal Space

In Ghana’s legal arena, some names do far more than just win court cases. They command attention, shape public discourse, and redefine what it means to practise law with influence and authority.

These legal powerhouses combine intellectual rigour, strategic brilliance, and fearless resolve to dominate both the courtroom and the national conversation.

Through landmark rulings, controversial prosecutions, and high-profile defences, these ten formidable lawyers have left an enduring imprint on Ghana’s legal landscape.

1. Tsatsu Tsikata

Former Chief Executive of Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), Mr. Tsatsu Tsikata

Born on 1 October 1950, Tsatsu Tsikata is widely recognised as Ghana’s most iconic trial lawyer. He is revered for blending academic excellence with courtroom finesse.

His legal prowess has been described as “astonishing,” with the ability to captivate opposing counsel and reduce “hardened judges to speaking with involuntary pauses and repetitions.”

Tsikata’s career spans several decades, during which he has served as both academic and practitioner. A former Chief Executive of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation and longstanding legal adviser to the National Democratic Congress (NDC), he is feared for his compelling delivery and deep command of constitutional law.

He served as lead counsel for the NDC in the landmark election petition cases of 2013 and 2021. Considered one of Ghana’s wealthiest legal minds, Tsikata’s voice carries weight in both legal and academic circles.

2. Godfred Yeboah Dame

Godfred Yeboah Dame served as Attorney General and Minister for Justice under the Akufo-Addo administration, a tenure marked by controversy and intense scrutiny from within the legal fraternity.

He featured prominently in several high-profile prosecutions and was often at the centre of the state’s legal defences. Known for his confident courtroom demeanour and ability to cite case law spontaneously, Dame frequently challenged senior lawyers with a boldness uncommon among his peers.

Though his political affiliations have drawn criticism, even detractors recognise his legal sharpness and unyielding approach to litigation.

3. Thaddeus Sory

Thaddeus Sory is the Founding Partner of Sory & Partners@Law, a Notary Public, and a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (FCIArb). He also lectures in Advocacy and Legal Ethics at the Ghana School of Law.

Known for his versatility across multiple branches of law, Sory has earned praise as “a battle horse” who “knows all his procedures” and is a “fantastic litigation lawyer.”

He has been involved in a wide range of dispute resolution matters, including arbitration. Recently, he served as counsel to the Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin, further reinforcing his influence in the legal and political spaces.

4. Tony Lithur

Tony Lithur, founder of Lithur Brew & Company, has built a reputation as one of Ghana’s foremost litigators and transactional lawyers. With a deep well of experience, he routinely advises clients on joint ventures, mergers and acquisitions, finance leasing, and regulatory compliance.

Respected for his strategic negotiation skills, Lithur has advised banks and financial institutions across various sectors. His strength lies not only in litigation, but also in navigating complex commercial transactions with a rare blend of legal depth and business acumen.

5. Ace Ankomah

Ace Anan Ankomah, Senior Partner at Bentsi-Enchill, Letsa & Ankomah, has over 29 years of legal experience. As head of the firm’s Disputes practice group, he oversees contentious matters from analysis to trial, representing clients in both domestic and international arbitration.

Ankomah has acted for major institutions including the International Finance Corporation, Bank of Ghana, Ecobank, Deloitte & Touche, and Vodafone. His recent legal victory in a defamation suit worth GHS2.95 million highlighted his unflinching approach to protecting his name and seeking accountability.

Known for his direct legal style and willingness to challenge conventional thinking, he remains one of Ghana’s most formidable legal figures.

6. Yaw Oppong

As Director of the Ghana School of Law, Yaw Oppong is shaping the future of legal practice in Ghana. However, his influence is not confined to the lecture hall.

A seasoned litigator, he has represented multinationals, banks, and prominent individuals in complex legal disputes.

Oppong bridges theory and practice effortlessly. His growing visibility in both courtrooms and public legal education makes him a force to watch and to fear.

7. Martin Kpebu

Martin Kpebu occupies a rare space between courtroom advocacy and legal activism. Whether securing the release of remand prisoners, defending media freedom, or taking on the presidency, Kpebu brings relentless energy and legal clarity to every battle.

His boldness is matched by his legal insight, making him a thorn in the side of those in power. While courtroom victories may vary, his influence on national conversations is indisputable. His greatest weapon remains his unapologetic legal directness and refusal to filter uncomfortable truths.

8. Kissi Agyebeng

Appointed as Special Prosecutor on 26 April 2021, Kissi Agyebeng succeeded Martin Amidu and entered office at a critical juncture in Ghana’s anti-corruption efforts.

Tasked with investigating and prosecuting high-profile corruption cases, Agyebeng holds one of the most sensitive legal positions in the country. His actions and decisions continue to shape public perception of the fight against corruption in Ghana, earning him both respect and scrutiny.

9. Amanda Clinton

Amanda Clinton is the Founding Partner of Clinton Consultancy. Called to the Bar in both England and Ghana, she brings a global perspective to her practice, which includes corporate law, maritime law, and alternative dispute resolution.

Known for her discretion, professionalism, and strong communication skills, Amanda handles high-level litigation and advisory work for international clients.

 Her portfolio includes advising on one of Africa’s largest Ponzi schemes (Menzgold) and representing the Ghana Football Association during its engagements with FIFA in Zurich. Her reputation in commercial law and reputation management is unmatched in the subregion.

10. Francis-Xavier Sosu

Legal practitioner and Member of Parliament for Madina, Francis Xavier Sosu

As Member of Parliament for Madina and a trained human rights lawyer, Francis-Xavier Sosu fuses activism with legal advocacy. He has challenged police brutality, pushed for prison reforms, and filed cases against state overreach.

His method is simple: relentless legal pressure. Sosu petitions, sues, and speaks out, even when the political cost is high. His courage and consistency have earned him both admiration and caution within legal and political circles.

The impact of legal excellence

These ten lawyers exemplify the highest standards of legal practice in Ghana. From Tsatsu Tsikata’s awe-inspiring advocacy to Martin Kpebu’s radical transparency, they each bring unique approaches to law that have shaped Ghana’s Fourth Republic.

Their contributions go beyond individual court victories.

Through landmark cases, constitutional interpretation, public advocacy, and legal reform, they continue to define the boundaries and possibilities of Ghana’s legal system.

They have earned both fear and admiration in equal measure.

Here the big man himself may have been caught weeping (maa maa maa) like a baby.

Men’s tears at women’s funeral are often unknown except for widowers, whom custom permits to shed a few tears to appease relations of the dearly departed. A widower’s dry eyes could raise suspicion.

‘Barima Nsu,’ (A real man avoids tears) is often the standard consolation by women who rather seek to arouse an overflow from men with stony eyes.

Whatever you do however, please avoid crocodile tears or else you may be whisked away to Paga for verification. Remember the famous crocodile pond which I visited in 2017 while on a formal visit to Bolgatanga Polytechnic (now University).

I did so partly with the eyes of a tourist, but also out of curiosity to witness crocodile tears. Were the tears of Debrah borrowed from Paga reptiles?

The problem with Julius Debrah is indeed shedding somebody’s tears in her absence. Dr Debrah seemed to say, “I do hereby weep uncontrollably on behalf of the CEO of Free Zones Board who made that offensive utterance, but has been unwilling to cry. I hereby wear her eyeballs to weep.” Julius seemed to be saying at his 60th birthday key soap concert.

Seeing a big man publicly cry in a celebratory garment is rare. In truth, though Julius refused to let bygones be bygones. His Government currently grappling with a reset agenda knows the political implications of offending a church leader who had millions of following. Votes in Election 2028 may indeed flee ‘Pentecostally’ if damage caused is not swiftly controlled. The public tears of Julius Debrah, a likely contestant for the presidency, thus had the trappings of Paga reptiles; but it was meant to seal the deal and clear the path for a presidency he eyes.

Very few however stop to ask the genesis of all this drama. On 22nd April, Apostle Dr Nyamekye, Chairman of Church of Pentecost in his State of the Church address lamented how polluted rivers had adversely affected Christian baptism in mining communities.

Within a day of two of this, the CEO of the free Zones Board issued a rather combative rebuttal: ‘If the church leader continues to behave like a politician, we will deal with him as a politician.’

The negative public uproar to this, across the country compelled the Chief of staff to quickly transform his 60th Birthday into a tearful anniversary, where he apologized profusely. But tears of a chief of staff would have been more patriotic if they were in response to the nation’s wider tragedy. Consider this excerpt from a viral essay by Tony Asare:

‘From Bekwai through Brofoyedru, Ofoase Ayirebi, to Oda to Nsawam and back to Accra; every single one was the color of clay. Thick. Dying, Poisoned. Dead. Shame. This is not water. This is running mercury, cyanide, and the fluid corpse of a nation flowing into the sea. Galamsey has won. Ghana has lost the fight.’

It is such a tragedy that qualifies to move a Chief of Staff to public tears, not a CEO’s imprudent rebuttal to wise words.

Please read also a recent letter by the Pediatric Society of Ghana addressed to His Excellency the President, lamenting a nation’s assault on her children. An excerpt:

‘Pre-natal exposure to mercury is associated with irreversible brain damage…It increases the burden of chronic diseases, infections and malnutrition of children. Galamsey isn’t just an environmental problem; it is a slow assault on the Ghanaian child…’

Julius, this is what should draw tears from you and the staff you lead. Your Boss indeed confesses that some of your staff are complicit in the assault on Ghana. Julius, weep Not for rude CEOs.

Cry for Mother Ghana:

‘The fluid corpse of a nation flowing into the sea.’

kyankah@ashesi.edu.gh 

Jimmy Aglah is a media executive, satirical columnist, and author of *The Uncommon Sense Playbook: Thinking Clearly in Noisy Times*. He writes from the Republic of Uncommon Sense—where logic is optional, but consequences are not.

Now, that drive is no longer pleasant. Right at the anchor roundabout is a coffee shop whose patrons park on both sides of the road, making it very difficult to enter and exit the branch roads and posing a danger to motorists.

Compounding the problem are individuals with motorbikes parked there, who I have been informed are land guards guarding a parcel of land opposite the coffee shop and ensuring that those developing the land are protected.

Again, I am reliably informed that the Ghana Police has been notified about the presence of the intimidating land guards, but they have adopted an attitude of ‘see no evil, hear no evil, and speak no evil.’

I am also reliably informed that the metropolitan authority has been informed about the presence of the coffee shop right at the confluence of roads and the traffic chaos it causes, but they too have adopted an attitude of ‘we don’t care, just pay your property rate.’

As I exit the anchor roundabout, I observe emerging developments on both sides of the highway, now filled with shops whose entrances literally front the roads. These shops have no parking spaces and therefore use the roads as their car parks. Again, the municipal assembly, LEKMA, appears not to care.

As I approach the second roundabout towards the Palace Mall, I notice motorbikes riding in the opposite direction, many of the riders not wearing helmets. The bus bays have now been taken over by coconut sellers and vulcanisers, making it impossible to park there, yet LEKMA does not seem concerned and appears only interested in collecting property rates.

At the Palace Mall roundabout, police personnel are always present directing traffic. They observe helmetless riders and overloaded Pragias driving recklessly, yet take no action.

Right after exiting the roundabout towards Action Chapel, the bus bay has been taken over by waakye sellers, coconut sellers, kenkey sellers, and others. Trotro vehicles refuse to use the designated bus bays even when they are vacant, all in the full view of police personnel who again take no action.

As I proceed towards the Airport Bypass, I notice illegal money changers operating openly on both sides of the road towards the Airport roundabout—just minutes away from the Airport Police Station.

At the Airport junction on Independence Avenue, I often see at least three policemen sitting on their motorbikes, with one moving from car to car checking vehicle documents. Meanwhile, motorbikes ride against traffic and even run red lights in full view of the police.

By the time I get to the office, I feel a deep sense of hopelessness and frustration with this country. Where are we headed as a nation, I ask myself?

My conclusion is that we are gradually slipping into an abyss of lawlessness, and if nothing is done soon, we risk becoming a failed state.

In Africa, migrant and asylum policies are mainly guided by the African Union’s revised policy framework for Africa 2018-2030. These policies emphasize safe, orderly, and dignified migration across nine thematic areas; labor migration. Border governance and human rights. While the AU promotes free movement of persons, actual implementation is fragmented.

Over the years, Europe has also implemented different policies to manage migration flow. This is because though Europe has always opened it doors to migrants, they believe one way to curb illegalities within migration is to ensure compliance with the policies. The migration and asylum policy of the European Union falls within the area of freedom, security and justice. EU member states have adopted increasingly restrictive and punitive asylum rules and are focusing on stopping people from moving, with devastating consequences.

From 2025, the Trump administration has also implemented a restrictive immigration policy focused on mass deportation and terminating humanitarian parole programs.

Civil societies over the years have engaged different unions to protect the right of migrants but there seems to be a never-ending road to proper immigration policies that seek the welfare of migrants.

In every part of the world, citizens occasionally protest the influx of people into their countries. This could stem from perception of inadequate jobs that serve both citizens and migrants. Others protest due to insecurities, while many also have various reasons for protesting.

The story from South Africa is one that breaks hearts and sends shivers down one’s spine. Almost every year, some citizens protest against migrants through mostly, inhuman ways.

The irony is that 80% of migrants in SA are from different African countries seeking greener pastures.

Economically, South Africa is among the top ten countries in Africa with a strong economy and it’s not rocket science that other Africans look to South Africa as a haven for financial freedom.

But what happens when dreams of betterment turn to tragedy? Who do you seek help from when your own continent rejects you?

What right channels can be used to seek redress in cases like this? Is it through Xenophobia?

The reoccurring violence on Africans in South Africa looks more serious than what the media even shares.

In 2015, South Africans violently killed many African migrants because they perceived their victims had taken their jobs, something that has never been proven.

After eleven years, the spirit of xenophobia has reemerged from the sea of violence. Many videos circulating online show South Africans assaulting Ghanaian migrants, while another person is seen at a government hospital evicting all foreigners seeking medical attention at the facility.

The question now is “Where must Africans go when Africa is rejecting them?”

Many years ago, South Africans sought asylum in different countries during the era of Apartheid. Other Africans stood firm to support them fight the system that victimized them.

And yet, here were are, Africans attacking their own; What changed? Are we no more one people?

Are there no migration policies that protect Africans on the African continent?

What is the essence of free movement and bilateral agreements in Africa if it does not offer basic protection?

What is the meaning of African Union when Africans are not united anyway? What would the fathers of the continent say if they were here? They must be turning in their graves as the united Africa they so fought for is being torn apart like this.

The Bank of Ghana has trimmed its benchmark Monetary Policy Rate (MPR), which stood at a punishing 30% at the close of 2023, in consecutive reductions through 2025 to reach 14.0% by March of this year.

Inflation, meanwhile, has plunged to 3.30% well below the central bank’s target band and the cedi has appreciated over 40% against the US dollar from 2025 to date.

This confluence of improved macroeconomic fundamentals is a structural opening for industry, manufacturing, and enterprise to flourish.

KEY INDICATORS AT A GLANCE

↓  14.0%                        3.30%  ↓                                  ↑    6.0%

MPR (Mar. 2026)              Inflation (Feb. 2026)              GDP Growth (Q4 2025)

The great unshackling: From 30%+ to 14.0%

Ghana’s current easing cycle did not happen overnight. It is the product of painful structural reforms, credible fiscal consolidation under an IMF-supported recovery programme, and persistent disinflation driven by tighter monetary policy over the preceding two years.

From a peak of 30% in late 2023, the Bank of Ghana’s MPR (monetary policy rate) stood at 27% at the close of 2024.

Then, in a series of increasingly bold moves through 2025, the committee slashed the rate by 300 basis points in July, another 350 basis points in September, and a further 350 basis points in November, bringing the MPR to 18%, its lowest level in several years.

The policy pivot reflects a broader macroeconomic reset, improved external buffers, a strengthening cedi, and growing domestic confidence.

Ghana’s 91-day Treasury bill rate, a key short-term benchmark that directly influences commercial lending, had similarly declined to around 4.76% by March 2026, down from the high-twenties territory that had frozen credit access for most businesses.

The trajectory is evident: Ghana’s monetary policy has become accommodative, with the private sector poised to reap the most benefits. To understand the magnitude of the current opportunity, one must recall the recent past.

In 2024, policy and commercial lending rates peaked at a staggering 47%, a level that made credit a luxury few businesses could afford.

This resulted in a vicious cycle, trapping companies in “survival mode” and preventing them from investing in new equipment, expanding capacity, or even maintaining optimal inventory.

Unlocking cheaper capital: The first gear of industrial growth

The primary conduit for the transmission of lower policy rates to industrial growth is the cost of credit. When the Bank of Ghana sets a lower benchmark rate, commercial banks, which borrow from the central bank, can in turn reduce the cost of loans extended to businesses.

For years, Ghana’s lending rates hovered between 30 and 40%, effectively shutting out small and medium enterprises (SMEs), start-ups, and even mid-sized manufacturers from the formal credit market.

Businesses that could not self-finance had to contend with debt servicing costs that consumed a disproportionate share of revenues.

The easing cycle changes this calculus materially. Even a reduction of several hundred basis points in commercial lending rates can shift investment decisions from negative to positive net present value (NPV), unlocking factory expansions, equipment upgrades, and working capital injections that were previously unviable.

For Ghana’s manufacturing sector, which represents a critical pathway to economic diversification, this is especially significant.

The Bank of Ghana itself cited credit-sensitive sectors; manufacturing, construction, and agribusiness, as primary targets of the monetary easing, signalling a deliberate intent to catalyze productive investment.

Beyond the headline rate, falling interest rates improve the overall financial environment for businesses by reducing their weighted average cost of capital.

Companies looking to raise equity financing also benefit indirectly, as lower rates tend to compress required returns and boost asset valuations, making Ghana a more attractive destination for foreign direct investment and domestic institutional capital alike.

The Bank of Ghana’s benchmark rate now stands at 14.0%, and this is already translating into lower commercial lending rates.

The Ghana Reference Rate (GRR), a key benchmark for bank loans, was recently reduced to 11.71%, a move that the Ashanti Business Owners Association (ABOA) hailed as a “timely and strategic intervention”.

A Competitive edge for Ghana’s manufacturing sector

Ghana’s manufacturing sector has long operated under a triple burden: high input costs, expensive energy, and prohibitively priced capital. The current rate environment addresses the third constraint directly.

With lending rates beginning to track downward, manufacturers can more feasibly finance plant and machinery, invest in automation and technology adoption, and expand production capacity to serve both domestic and regional markets.

Sectors with strong potential stand to gain enormously. Agro-processing, where Ghana has abundant raw materials in cocoa, cashew, shea, and palm oil has been constrained by the inability to invest in value-added infrastructure, which has limited the sector’s growth and competitiveness in international markets.

Cheaper credit enables processing firms to move up the value chain, export finished goods rather than raw commodities and capture a larger share of the global value chain.

The same logic applies to textile and garment manufacturing, light assembly industries, and the growing pharmaceutical sector.

It is worth noting that real GDP in Ghana expanded by 6.0% year-on-year in the last quarter of 2025, with non-oil GDP accelerating to 7.1%.

Agricultural and services growth were primary drivers, but the signal from the broader economy is one of momentum and lower interest rates provide the fuel to sustain and broaden that momentum into the industrial and manufacturing base.

Strengthening the ecosystem: SMEs and the banking sector

Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are the backbone of Ghana’s economy, accounting for the overwhelming majority of businesses and a significant share of employment.

Yet they have historically been the segment most disadvantaged by high interest rates. Banks, wary of lending to smaller borrowers who lack collateral or credit histories, price risk heavily into SME loans making formal credit essentially inaccessible.

As benchmark rates fall and liquidity conditions ease, this access gap can begin to narrow. Lower rates reduce the risk-adjusted return required by lenders, making it economically viable to extend credit to a broader base of businesses.

Government-backed credit guarantee schemes and development finance institutions can help more businesses get affordable credit in this lower-rate environment, especially in sectors that are productive but often overlooked.

Furthermore, the banking sector itself is becoming a more willing partner in growth. As Kwamina Asomaning, Managing Director of Stanbic Bank Ghana, noted, lower interest rates lead to lower loan defaults because businesses become more viable and their ability to repay improves.

This creates a positive feedback loop: banks, seeing a healthier borrower base, are more inclined to lend, further accelerating business expansion.

Attracting investment: The foreign direct investment multiplier

Interest rate trends are among the variables foreign investors and multinational corporations consider when evaluating emerging market destinations.

A country with a stable, declining rate environment signals macroeconomic credibility, lower operational risk, and a business climate that is improving rather than deteriorating.

Ghana’s current trajectory of declining inflation, a stable exchange rate, and a central bank confidently easing policy represents precisely this kind of favourable signal.

The cedi’s appreciation of 40% against the US dollar in 2025 further strengthens Ghana’s attractiveness as an investment destination.

For foreign investors, a strengthening currency reduces the risk of capital erosion on repatriated earnings and reduces the cost of importing capital goods, machinery, and technology needed for industrial projects.

Ghana’s progress under its IMF-supported programme has also restored institutional credibility, an underrated but powerful magnet for investment.

Multilateral endorsement of Ghana’s fiscal and monetary management reassures private sector actors that the policy environment is durable, not transient.

Infrastructure and construction: Building the backbone

Few sectors are as sensitive to interest rates as infrastructure and construction. Long gestation periods and high upfront capital requirements mean that even modest changes in borrowing costs have an outsized effect on project viability.

At a 30% interest rate, the internal rate of return (IRR) required to justify a major infrastructure project whether a logistics park, industrial estate, or energy facility is extraordinarily difficult to achieve.

As rates fall toward the high teens and eventually lower, an entire class of infrastructure projects that were previously unfinanceable becomes economically viable.

This shift matters enormously for Ghana’s industrialization agenda. Industrial estates and special economic zones require roads, utilities, warehousing, and connectivity infrastructure.

The IMF programme’s need for fiscal consolidation means that the public sector can’t pay for all of these projects on its own. Lower interest rates pave the way for public-private partnerships, sovereign bond issuances, and project finance structures that can mobilise private capital for critical infrastructure, thereby creating the physical foundation for industrial growth.

The construction sector itself is a significant employer and multiplier of economic activity. A revival of construction driven by lower financing costs generates jobs, increases demand for domestic building materials, and stimulates upstream and downstream economic activity across cement, steel, logistics, and professional services.

Challenges and the path forward

We must temper the optimism surrounding Ghana’s rate-easing cycle with a clear-eyed acknowledgement of residual risks.

The Bank of Ghana has itself cautioned that utility tariff adjustments could introduce renewed inflationary pressure, potentially complicating the disinflation narrative.

Global commodity price volatility, external demand shocks, and any slippage in fiscal consolidation could also interrupt the easing cycle or even force a policy reversal.

Critically, the transmission of lower policy rates into actual lending rates is not automatic or immediate. Commercial banks, still processing legacy non-performing loans from the crisis period, may remain cautious in their credit extension even as the policy environment improves.

Building a more competitive and efficient banking sector, one that passes on monetary easing rapidly and fully to borrowers remains a structural priority that complements the cyclical benefits of rate cuts.

The long-term interest rate on Ghana’s 10-year government bond also remains elevated relative to the policy rate, reflecting lingering risk premiums embedded in sovereign debt pricing.

As fiscal credibility deepens and the debt restructuring process matures, these long-term rates should decline, further reducing the cost of long-horizon capital that industrial projects require.

In this context, sustaining the rate-easing cycle requires continued vigilance on inflation, disciplined fiscal management, and structural reforms that enhance the business environment including improvements in the ease of doing business, land titling, and contract enforcement.

Monetary easing is a necessary condition for industrial growth; it is not, by itself, sufficient.

The writer, Daniel Afari-Djan, is the Business Development Manager in charge of Personal & Private Banking at Stanbic Bank Ghana. He is also holds an MSc in International Business from the University of Ghana Business School.

Such moments do not always arrive with policy papers or theological treatises. Sometimes, they come in the form of a woman standing up in church and saying, with disarming clarity: “Give me my tithe and let me go.”

In that instant, what was meant to be a routine service took on the character of a public hearing—one in which faith, finance, and fairness were all called to testify.

Ghana, as we know, is a deeply religious society.

We pray before meetings. We pray after meetings. Occasionally, we pray about meetings that have already happened.

In such a setting, the institution of the church occupies a sacred space—not merely as a place of worship, but as a centre of community life, moral instruction, and social support.

It is therefore not surprising that matters arising from within the church often resonate far beyond its walls.

Tithing, in particular, has long been understood as an act of devotion—an offering given not under compulsion, but in acknowledgment of divine providence.

At least, that is how the story begins.

Somewhere along the journey, however, the story appears to have acquired a subplot.

In this subplot, giving is no longer just an expression of faith; it is also a marker of standing. Records are kept. Histories are remembered. And in certain instances, benefits—subtle or explicit—seem to follow patterns that would make even a seasoned accountant nod in quiet approval.

It is here that the discomfort lies.

Not in the act of giving itself, but in the possibility that giving may have taken on a character it was never meant to have.

For when a member begins to wonder whether their access to communal care—be it in times of bereavement, illness, or need—depends in part on their financial consistency, the question quietly shifts from theology to structure.

And structure, unlike faith, is rarely invisible.

The reactions to the viral incident have been predictably diverse.

Some have expressed concern over what they see as a growing tendency to commercialise spiritual practice.

Others have defended the church, pointing out—quite correctly—that institutions require resources to function, and that members who benefit from such structures have a responsibility to contribute to their sustainability.

Both positions carry a measure of truth.

But between them lies a space that deserves closer attention.

It is the space where encouragement becomes expectation.

Where expectation becomes policy.

And where policy, if left unexamined, may begin to resemble something that feels less like fellowship and more like qualification.

One is reminded of the Ghanaian marketplace, where transactions are clear, prices are known, and expectations are understood by all parties.

The church, by contrast, has traditionally operated on a different logic—one in which grace is not negotiated and belonging is not itemised.

When the language of one begins to sound like the other, even the most faithful observer may pause.

To raise such questions is not to undermine the church.

On the contrary, it is to take it seriously.

For institutions that shape the moral and spiritual life of a people must continually examine themselves—not only in doctrine, but in practice.

And where there is even a perception of imbalance, it is worth asking whether adjustments are needed—not to weaken the institution, but to strengthen its integrity.

The woman at the centre of this moment may not have intended to spark a national conversation.

Her words may have been spoken in frustration, even in anger.

Yet, like many such moments in our public life, they have been carried further than she might have imagined.

They have reached living rooms, workplaces, and, perhaps most importantly, quiet corners of reflection.

In the end, the question is not whether tithing is right or wrong.

It is whether the spirit in which it is practised still reflects the values it was meant to embody.

For faith, at its core, has never been merely about what is given.

It has always been about why.

And sometimes, it takes an unexpected voice—rising at an inconvenient moment—to remind us of that distinction.

About the Author

Jimmy Aglah is a Ghanaian media executive, writer, and satirist. He is the General Manager of Multimedia Group Limited, Kumasi Business Unit, and the author of The Uncommon Sense Playbook and Once Upon a Time in Ghana: Satirical Chronicles from the Republic of Uncommon Sense. He writes from the Republic of Uncommon Sense, where reflection meets quiet irony.

Why Banks Still Say No

For decades, the problem was simple: no traceable identity, no loan. Banks lend deposits, so they fear default. Most SMEs run informal businesses and cannot offer collateral. Digital ID systems are fixing the first hurdle. Ghana’s upgraded Ghana Card now links citizens to verifiable, traceable identities and even works for payments. Nigeria’s NIN and BVN, Kenya’s Maisha Namba, and Rwanda’s national digital ID do the same. “Once we can authenticate and trace a borrower online, we can lend faster, safer, and at greater scale,” says one Accra-based credit head.

From Collateral to Cashflow

The second shift is how banks judge risk. Collateral-heavy models are giving way to cashflow-based lending. Banks now read MoMo histories, POS data, and supplier payments to score SMEs. Non-interest banking is also opening doors. By using risk-sharing and partnership models instead of interest-bearing loans, NIB eases collateral pressure for firms with irregular cash flows. Nigeria and Kenya already run Islamic finance windows that serve traders locked out of conventional credit.

Mobile Money Isn’t Enough

Digital channels cut costs and speed up approvals. But current products still miss the mark. MTN’s Qwikloan in Ghana offers quick, collateral-free loans – yet caps out at GHS 2,500. Kenya’s M-Pesa has Fuliza Biashara and Taasi Till for MSMEs, with limits up to KES 400,000. Better, but network downtime and thin business data still block bigger tickets. Add rural connectivity gaps, and it is clear: digital lending has arrived, but most SMEs still cannot fund real working capital.

The GHS 400,000 Question

Beyond microloans, SMEs need trade finance to grow. Letters of credit, invoice discounting, and supply chain finance free up cash and cut risk for importers, manufacturers, and agribusinesses. The catch: SMEs lean on risky advance payments instead of documentary credits. That can trigger regulatory trouble with central banks. Banks must guide them toward safer instruments.

De-Risking With Government

Governments now see SME finance as a national priority. Banks are tapping credit guarantee schemes, interest rate subsidies, Development Financing Institutions (DFI) co-financing, and partial risk-sharing facilities to reach youth- and women-led firms. These public-private partnerships lower the cost of lending to segments that banks once avoided.

Finance Alone Won’t Work

Credit without skills still fails. Leading banks now bundle loans with bookkeeping training, cashflow tools, market access, and digital skills. When SMEs keep better records, survival rates rise. That strengthens bank portfolios and the wider economy.

The Road Ahead

Africa’s SME finance future rests on five things: innovative credit assessment, digital delivery, public-private partnerships, data-driven risk management, and AfCFTA market integration.

Financial institutions sit at the centre, but fintechs, credit bureaus, telcos, governments, and DFIs all have roles. The World Bank, IFC, and other development partners are already backing stronger financial sector capacity. By moving from collateral to cash flow, and from paperwork to data, banks can unlock millions of entrepreneurs. If they do not, Africa’s 80% jobs engine stalls. If they do, they power the continent’s next decade of growth.

Short Profile – Oliver Tackie

The writer, Oliver Tackie, is a seasoned banker with over nineteen years of experience in Ghana’s financial and banking sector. He is currently the Sector Head, Government & Parastatals at Prudential Bank LTD. His work spans a broad range of areas, including financial institutions, investment analysis, private sector development, government and public sector, and the assessment of risk across diverse debt and equity financing structures. He is an award‑winning chartered banker and a chartered accountant, bringing a strong blend of technical expertise and strategic financial insight to his work.

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Globally, entrepreneurs create jobs, finance infrastructure through taxes and fees, and deliver practical solutions to local problems. Yet in many Africa countries, private sector development has benefited mostly privileged foreign firms, who are often backed by their home governments, while local entrepreneurs struggle with limited support, unfair competition and regulatory hostility.

In some cases, governments turn openly against their own businesspeople in a sad spectacle that was almost being normalized across our country.

More heartbreaking is the basis for those hostilities. They are often rooted in suspicions of political differences and ties to adversaries, resulting in years of sweat and budding ideas being grounded or destroyed, using the state’s mighty power. In every practical sense, I have, sadly lived this experience in recent years.

For those who know me, it is clear I did not begin my business journey in cozy offices. For brevity, it is fair to say I began in the buzzling Nima Market in Accra, trading rice, sugar and cooking oil during which I played every role there is to help sustain the business. I offloaded rice, helped manual trucks cart them to market women traders, some of whom still remember it and jokingly describe me in those hustles, and also acted as accountant, driver and CEO all put together.

Back in those days, I was just an ordinary person trading ordinary goods for ordinary people. Those early years shaped my outlook, which, as you will see later, became handy when adversity came roaring about nine or so years ago.

From opportunity to ambition
Trade teaches discipline in a way life and classrooms can sometimes fail to. It teaches money movement, trust, and resilience. From the Nima Market, the opportunities had grown into ambition, strengthening my belief that indigenous resources, if properly governed, could build institutions that would outlast individuals.

With support from fellow committed partners, the belief and ambition started translating into investments across media, finance, education, manufacturing and services.

Every business created increased the number of jobs available to our compatriots, taking more families out of a scorching unemployment market and giving them hope. Of course, taxes were paid and expansion plans were drawn.

Burning my dreams
By 2015–2017, growth felt natural, if not inevitable. Like many Ghanaians with the country at heart, I believed that operating within the law, strengthening governance, and committing capital locally were enough to guarantee protection and continuity.

But time soon showed me that I was wrong, totally!

From 2017 through 2024, my businesses entered a prolonged period of contraction. Growth was grounded and existing operations weakened and we were forced to switch from momentum to survival.

Over time, the monetary losses turned into watching my years of disciplined effort, sweat and dreams break under forces that were sudden but overwhelming.

One moment captured the cruelty of that period. Class FM, part of a media platform that hosted our multiple stations and sustained dozens of livelihoods, was destroyed by fire.

Reflecting on that incident, I now feel it was more than a building that burned. It was an attempt to incinerate a voice and its trust and ultimately erase the moments and dreams of a humble boy from the dusty patches of the rocky Upper East Region.

Separately, I was subjected to prolonged prosecution and persecution. For almost eight years, my life was reduced to the courtroom. From Monday to Friday, I reported to court from 8 a.m. until sunset, under constant threat of warrants if I faltered. My entrepreneurship dream, which requires presence and guidance was replaced by legal survival, ultimately crumbling my businesses.

Heritage Bank’s take down
There was also the collapse of Heritage Bank Limited, perhaps the most significant one, to many readers.
Heritage was a licensed, operating bank with staff, depositors, assets and obligations with astute people heading it. The venerable Prof Kwesi Botchwey as Chairman, using his years of experience as finance minister among others to steer affairs.

The bank was solvent and resilient, as Bank of Ghana reports confirmed and a plan to make it a tech-driven consumer centered bank was in full plan. Then the Bank of Ghana pulled the plug, shocking us and all fair-minded people. Meanwhile, other indigenous banks in distress were supported finally to stand alone or guided to merge.

Obnoxious ‘not fit and proper’ tag
In revoking Heritage’s licence, BoG designated me as “not fit and proper,” in their wild search for basis to back the rather targeted action.

That label had sweeping consequences on me. Banks immediately closed my personal and corporate accounts, effectively locking me out of the formal financial system, the structure I was aiming to help better. With one regulatory stroke, I was rendered financially untouchable. I was unable to transact, operate, and function as a normal businessperson.

The obnoxious tag quickly spread beyond banking, as company registrations were blocked on grounds of alleged non-compliance. Opening new bank accounts became impossible. In official circles, I was increasingly portrayed not as an entrepreneur in distress, but as a risk and branded a danger to the very financial sector I had spent years helping to build.

Inequality in business
Heritage’s assets were later auctioned and properties, including branches acquired, refurbished and equipped with millions of cedis, were abandoned. Some of those buildings remain vacant and deteriorating to this day, serving as silent monuments to how politics destroys value rather than preserving it.

From where I stood, the treatment felt unequal. And as I have said before, when inequality enters regulation, confidence exits the system.

What is often missing in conversations about business failure is the human cost. Businesses are not abstractions but institutions filled by humans – workers whose dreams and hopes depend on the survival of the business. When they collapse, lives are shattered and those affected will have to hope a miracle comes up.

Lessons and picking up the pieces
For seven years, I watched people who trusted my leadership struggle with uncertainty they did not create. That weight stays and can sometimes be haunting.

But it teaches lessons. I learned that optimism does not replace sustenance, and that legality and compliance alone does not guarantee protection in our society. For indigenous businesses, rules may exist but their application can be selective and I also learned that resilience is not about quick recovery, but about enduring without surrendering your values and life goals.

To young entrepreneurs, I advise you build with resilience, not bravado. Document everything and prepare emotionally for reversals, because in our environment, shocks often arrive without warning. To the political class, business has no party colors. When companies collapse, families face the high possibility of life without a decent meal, lifesaving drugs and relevant educations for kids – the future of Ghana.

But I do not regret building. I regret only the innocence with which I assumed that good faith was permanent and reciprocal.

And so I wrote this not written in anger. I wrote it in memory of the system that created to suppress ideas, not support them as is the primary objective of governments.

Like air, life roles fizzle out but the consequences of our actions remain and endure . Power must be exercised with discretion and absolute commitment to the true interest of the state.

And if there is a message for policymakers from my experience, it is that business confidence is fragile. Indigenous enterprise should not become collateral damage in the exercise of authority.

For when one business is weakened unfairly, the many youngsters question why they should stay and potentially become the next victims.

Fortunately, I am still standing, believing in Ghana and hoping to pick up the pieces.

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For the most part, we have let this happen without asking too many questions. The phone kept the children quiet. The Wi-Fi kept the peace. But the questions we didn’t ask are now showing up as statistics that should stop every parent cold.

In 2024, there were over 23,000 reports of child sexual abuse material linked to Ghana — up from just 750 in 2016. A survey of senior high school girls in Accra found that one in three had been blackmailed on social media, either for money or for sex.

These are not stories from faraway places. These are our children. And this is why governments around the world — including, slowly, our own, are finally deciding that enough is enough.

One in three female SHS students in Accra has been blackmailed on social media. These are not faraway statistics. These are our children.

What the World Is Doing

Countries are moving fast. Australia passed a law in December 2025 banning children under 16 from social media platforms, including TikTok, Instagram, Facebook, Snapchat, and YouTube. It was the first national ban of its kind anywhere in the world. Platforms that break the rules face fines of up to AU$50 million.

Greece announced in April 2026 that children under 15 will be blocked from social media entirely from January 2027. The UK, France, Spain, Germany, and Denmark are all passing or considering similar laws. The European Union is discussing a single legal standard across all 27 member states, with fines of up to 6% of a tech company’s global income for non-compliance. For a company like Meta, that could mean tens of billions of euros.

The message being sent is simple: children are not small adults. They deserve specific protection online, and the platforms that profit from their attention have a legal obligation to provide it.

Australia — Online Safety Amendment Act, 2025 — Bans under-16s from major social media platforms. Platforms face fines up to AU$50 million for non-compliance.

Greece — Announced April 2026 — Under-15 ban on social media, effective January 2027. Prime Minister pushing for an EU-wide standard.

EU — Digital Services Act — Platforms with over 45 million EU users face fines up to 6% of global annual turnover for child safety violations.

Where Ghana Stands

Ghana is not starting from zero. We have something many African countries don’t — a genuine legal foundation in the Cybersecurity Act, 2020 (Act 1038). This law, passed by Parliament and signed in December 2020, takes child protection online seriously in ways that matter.

It makes it a criminal offence to take, possess, or share indecent images of children online. It criminalises grooming — the process of an adult befriending and manipulating a child online for sexual purposes.

Crucially, even an attempt to groom a child is treated as seriously as the act itself. And it holds internet service providers accountable: platforms and networks that knowingly allow grooming to take place on their services can be charged as accomplices. Penalties range from five to twenty-five years in prison.

The Cyber Security Authority (CSA), created by the same Act, is specifically mandated to promote the protection of children online, run public awareness campaigns, and push platforms and telecoms to do better.

More recently, the Ministry of Communications and the CSA have proposed using the Ghana Card as an age-verification tool — so that when a young person tries to access adult content online, they have to prove who they are through the National Identification Authority database. Minister Samuel Nartey George confirmed in December 2025 that this proposal is heading to Cabinet. The National Identification Authority has already begun issuing Ghana Cards to children aged 6 to 14 as of October 2025, which gives us the infrastructure to actually make this work.

Ghana — Cybersecurity Act, 2020 (Act 1038), Sections 62–65 — Criminalises grooming, indecent images of children, and online sexual exploitation. Penalties of 5–25 years imprisonment. ISPs can be held liable for aiding and abetting.

Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 — Ghana was the first country in the world to ratify this convention in 1990. It requires states to protect children from all forms of exploitation and abuse, including in digital environments.

African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child — Obliges African states to protect children from social and economic exploitation and harmful practices.

The Gap We Need to Close

Here is what our law does not yet do: it does not restrict a child’s access to social media in the first place.

Act 1038 is a criminal law — it punishes exploitation after it happens. What it does not address is the quieter, everyday harm that runs perfectly legally: the algorithm that keeps a 13-year-old awake until 2am, the feed that bombards a teenage girl with images that make her feel inadequate, the endless notifications engineered to make putting the phone down feel impossible.

Research from Imperial College London found that children who use social media heavily in early secondary school are significantly more likely to develop anxiety and depression in later years, mostly because it destroys sleep.

Children who spend more than three hours a day on social media face double the risk of mental health problems. These harms are not accidents. They are features. The platforms are built this way on purpose, because time on screen is how they make money.

UNICEF’s assessment of Ghana’s legal framework said it plainly: there is no clear statement in our laws about the virtual environment, and Ghana has signed international child protection treaties without fully ratifying them. Signing a treaty and living by it are two different things.

Act 1038 punishes the predator. It does not restrain the algorithm. The everyday harm, the sleepless nights, the anxiety, the engineered addiction, is still entirely legal.

What We Can Do Right Now

Laws take time. While Parliament deliberates, there are things every family can do today.

Talk to your children, not as a lecture, but as a conversation. Ask them what they see online. Ask them how it makes them feel. Children who can talk to their parents about what they encounter online are far better protected than those who can’t. The CSA’s own campaigns have shown that awareness is one of the most powerful tools we have.

Set real boundaries around screens at night. The research is clear: late-night scrolling is the single biggest driver of the sleep disruption that leads to mental health problems in adolescents. A phone charging in the living room overnight is a small change with a significant impact.

Report harmful content. Ghana has reporting mechanisms through the Cyber Security Authority. If your child encounters grooming, exploitation, or abuse online, report it. Every report helps build the evidence base that lawmakers need to act.

And hold platforms accountable. Ask the apps your children use what they are doing to protect minors. Demand answers. The more citizens push, the more platforms are forced to respond.

Every evening, in homes across Ghana, a familiar scene plays out. A parent asks a child to put down their phone. The child resists. The phone wins. It has been winning for years, because the phone was built by people who are paid to make it win.

The law’s job is to change the rules of that game. Ghana has the foundation in Act 1038. We have the infrastructure in the Ghana Card. We have ministers who say they are ready to act. What we need now is the follow-through — before another generation of children pays the price of our delay.

This article was compiled with additional information from Ghana Cybersecurity Act, 2020 (Act 1038) | UNICEF Ghana — Child Online Protection | CSA Survey, Accra SHS 2022 | UNICEF Ghana — Ending the Silence (December 2025) | Imperial College London — Adolescent Social Media and Mental Health (2024–2026) | Ministry of Communications / Sam George, December 2025 | National Identification Authority, October 2025 | Tech Observer — ‘Your Child Is Online. Now Governments Are Coming for the Apps’ (April 16, 2026) | Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 | Australian Online Safety Amendment Act, 2025 | EU Digital Services Act.

The headline figure, nearly GH¢500 million per month lost for every GH¢1 cut from fuel taxes, is dramatic. But what does it actually mean when weighed against Ghana’s hard-won stabilisation gains? Let us strip away the rhetoric and return to first principles.

1. The Arithmetic of the Pump Price

Every litre of petrol sold in Ghana carries a composite of taxes and margins that are neither optional nor negligible. According to the National Petroleum Authority’s (NPA) official pricing formula, taxes and levies per litre stood at GH¢3.35 as of mid‑2025, following the introduction of a new GH¢1 Energy Sector Levy. This brought the total number of fuel‑related levies to eleven. These include the Energy Debt Recovery Levy (49 pesewas), Road Fund Levy (48 pesewas), Special Petroleum Tax (46 pesewas), BOST Margin (12 pesewas), and others.

When margins for distribution, strategic stockholding, and price equalisation are added, the total levy and margin burden per litre of petrol reaches GH¢4.27, roughly 31 percent of the pump price.

From a public finance perspective, this structure matters profoundly. The tax component (GH¢2.90) flows directly into the consolidated fund. The margin component (GH¢1.37) flows to state agencies such as BOST, the NPA, and the Unified Petroleum Pricing Fund (UPPF). A GH¢1 cut could target either category. The fiscal impact is identical in cash terms, but the consequences differ sharply: cutting taxes widens the budget deficit directly; cutting margins starves operational agencies of their working capital.

2. From One Cedi to Half a Billion: The Multiplication Principle

The leap from “GH¢1 per litre” to “GH¢500 million per month” is elementary multiplication by consumption volume.

Ghana’s total petroleum product consumption reached 17.5 billion litres in 2025, representing a 15.29 percent increase over the 6.46 billion litres recorded in 2024. Within that total, petrol consumption reached 3.10 billion litres and diesel 2.76 billion litres. This yields average monthly consumption of approximately 258 million litres of petrol and 210 million litres of diesel, totalling 468 million litres of combined petrol and diesel per month.

Thus, the calculation is straightforward: 468 million litres × GH¢1 per litre = GH¢468 million per month

Rounding to “nearly GH¢500 million” accounts for variations and the inclusion of other refined products. The key takeaway is immutable: a one‑cedi reduction per litre translates into a half‑billion‑cedi monthly hole in public revenue.

The Centre for Environmental Management and Sustainable Energy (CEMSE) has independently estimated that the government’s recommended tax cuts would result in a monthly revenue loss of about GH¢422 million, comprising GH¢142 million from petrol and GH¢253 million from diesel. Independent industry estimates for the government’s proposed one‑month relief package place the total cost at approximately GH¢553 million (GH¢460 million for diesel at GH¢2 per litre plus GH¢93 million for petrol at 36 pesewas per litre). These figures all converge on the same underlying reality: fuel tax cuts carry a very high price tag.

3. The Macroeconomic Context: What Has Been Achieved

To understand the stakes, one must appreciate just how far Ghana’s economy has travelled in the past fifteen months.

Growth and Inflation: Real GDP growth rose to 6 percent in 2025, up from 5.8 percent in 2024, while inflation collapsed from 23.8 percent at end‑2024 to 3.2 percent by March 2026, a stunning disinflation representing thirteen consecutive months of decline. The January 2026 inflation rate of 3.8 percent was the lowest recorded since August 1999 and the lowest since the Consumer Price Index was rebased in 2021.

Fiscal Consolidation: The overall budget deficit on a commitment basis narrowed to 1.0 percent of GDP in 2025, beating the target of 2.8 percent, while the primary balance improved from a deficit of 2.9 percent of GDP to a surplus of 2.6 percent of GDP.

Debt Reduction: Ghana’s public debt stock fell sharply from GH¢726.7 billion (61.8 percent of GDP) in December 2024 to GH¢641.0 billion (45.3 percent of GDP) in December 2025, one of the sharpest single‑year reductions in the country’s history. By October 2025, total debt had already fallen to GH¢630.2 billion.

Currency Stabilisation: The cedi appreciated by more than 40 percent against the US dollar in 2025, reversing a 19.2 percent depreciation recorded in 2024. International reserves strengthened to US$13.8 billion, covering 5.7 months of imports.

Interest Rates: The 91‑day Treasury bill rate fell from 27.7 percent at end‑2024 to 6.5 percent in February 2026, while average commercial bank lending rates declined from over 30 percent in 2024 to 20.45 percent in 2025.

These are not abstract statistics. They represent the tangible fruits of disciplined fiscal management, tighter spending controls, and successful debt restructuring. A GH¢500 million monthly revenue hole would put these hard‑won gains at risk.

4. The Opportunity Cost: What GH¢500 Million Buys

Every economic choice has an opportunity cost. Consider what GH¢500 million per month could finance:

• The monthly salaries of approximately 50,000 public school teachers (assuming GH¢10,000 average).
• Approximately 20 percent of Ghana’s total non‑oil tax revenue shortfall recorded in 2025, when non‑oil tax revenue fell GH¢6.98 billion short of its target.
• A substantial portion of the GH¢5.7 billion projected annual yield from the new GH¢1 Energy Sector Levy, which was introduced to address the energy sector’s US$3.1 billion debt as of March 2025.

Alternatively, a GH¢1 billion monthly revenue loss (if a GH¢2 relief were implemented) would wipe out nearly half of the government’s annual oil tax revenue, which totalled GH¢22.197 billion in 2025, exceeding its target by 31.2 percent and representing 35 percent year‑on‑year growth.

5. The Revenue Leakage Problem

Before the government considers further revenue reductions, it is worth noting that significant revenue is already being lost through unaccounted products. The 2025 Petroleum Product Analysis Report revealed that the government lost more than GH¢600 million in tax revenue in 2025 due to 199 million litres of unaccounted petroleum products. This represents a structural inefficiency that should be addressed before any tax cuts are contemplated.

6. Policy Design: Temporary Relief vs. Permanent Fiscal Damage

The proposed relief is explicitly temporary, an initial one‑month period. This is economically sound. A temporary suspension allows the government to absorb a defined external shock without permanently restructuring the tax system.

However, there is a well‑known behavioural risk: temporary measures often become permanent. Ghana’s own experience with the COVID‑19 Health Recovery Levy is a cautionary tale. Citizens are right to be sceptical.

Moreover, timing matters. Ghana’s petroleum revenues are projected to rise from US$770 million in 2025 to US$985 million in 2026, driven by a rebound in Brent crude prices to an expected average of US$78.8 per barrel. This offers a potential window to offset temporary relief without permanent fiscal damage, but only if the relief is truly temporary and carefully targeted.

7. Concluding Remarks

Let me leave you with four clear takeaways for the business and policy community:

First, the GH¢500 million monthly loss is real, not rhetorical. It follows directly from Ghana’s high fuel consumption volume of approximately 468 million litres per month. Any serious discussion of tax relief must start with this arithmetic.

Second, the macroeconomic context is unusually favourable but fragile. Ghana has achieved a remarkable turnaround: inflation down from 23.8 percent to 3.2 percent, debt‑to‑GDP down from 61.8 percent to 45.3 percent, and the cedi appreciating by over 40 percent. A permanent revenue shock could undermine this stabilisation.

Third, not all cuts are equal. A cut from margins affects operational agencies differently than a cut from taxes. Policymakers must be transparent about which component they are reducing, because the consequences differ for the budget versus state agencies.

Fourth, fuel tax relief is a form of government spending. Every cedi not collected is a cedi that must be borrowed, not spent elsewhere, or printed (with inflationary consequences). The government should state explicitly how it will fill the monthly revenue hole, or accept the resulting deficit.

In economics, as in engineering, one cannot repeal the laws of arithmetic. The debate over fuel taxes is not about whether relief is desirable; it is about who ultimately pays. The consumer pays at the pump, or the taxpayer pays through higher debt and reduced public services. Ghana’s hard‑won macroeconomic recovery deserves a policy response that respects both the suffering of consumers and the arithmetic of fiscal sustainability.

Disclaimer: The author is Professor of Economics at KNUST. The views expressed are educational. The sources were verified against official publications, parliamentary records, and industry reports to ensure accuracy. Where multiple sources were available, the primary source (e.g., Ministry of Finance, Bank of Ghana, NPA, GSS) was preferred.

Footnotes

[1] JoyNews Research, Total Petroleum Product Consumption Hits 17.5 Billion Litres in 2025, MyJoyOnline, 13 April 2026. www.myjoyonline.com[reference:0]

[2] Chamber of Oil Marketing Companies (COMAC), COMAC Report Reveals Surge in Fuel Demand, Rising Imports and Revenue Losses in 2025, Energy Crossroad, 13 April 2026. energycrossroad.com

[3] Ministry of Finance, 2025 Petroleum Product Analysis Report, cited by MyJoyOnline, 13 April 2026.

[4] National Petroleum Authority (NPA), Fuel Pricing Formula, data provided to JoyNews Research, April 2026. See also: The Ghana Report, GH¢1 Fuel Levy Will Collapse Our Businesses – Oil Marketers Lament, 4 June 2025, which notes that statutory levies on petrol rose to GH¢4.27 per litre effective 1 June 2025.

[5] Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Real GDP Growth 2025, press release, 17 March 2026. Reported by Ghana News Agency, 17 March 2026.

[6] Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Consumer Price Index (CPI) Report, March 2026, 1 April 2026. Reported by Nairametrics, 1 April 2026.

[7] Ministry of Finance, 2025 Fiscal Performance Statement, February 2026. Reported by The Ghanaian Chronicle, 23 February 2026.

[8] Ministry of Finance, Public Debt Stock Report, December 2025, February 2026. Reported by GBC Ghana Online, 23 February 2026.

[9] Bank of Ghana, Summary of Economic and Financial Data, July 2025. Reported by GBC Ghana Online, 30 July 2025. See also: News Ghana, Ghana Cedi Records Historic 2025 Performance After Decades of Decline, 7 January 2026 (40.7% appreciation).

[10] Bank of Ghana, Treasury Bill Auction Results, February 2026. Reported by Citinewsroom, 25 February 2026 (91‑day T‑bill at 6.45%).

[11] Bank of Ghana, Summary of Economic and Financial Data, December 2025. Reported by News Ghana, 23 February 2026 (average lending rate fell from 30.25% in 2024 to 20.45% in 2025).

[12] Public Interest and Accountability Committee (PIAC), 2025 Petroleum Revenue Report, April 2026. Reported by Citinewsroom, 8 April 2026 (US$770 million in 2025; US$985 million projected for 2026).

[13] National Petroleum Authority (NPA) / Chamber of Oil Marketing Companies (COMAC), 2025 Petroleum Product Analysis Report, April 2026. Reported by GhanaWeb, 13 April 2026 (199 million litres unaccounted; GH¢600 million revenue loss).

[14] Ministry of Energy, Energy Sector Levies (Amendment) Bill, 2025, assented to June 2025. Reported by GBC Ghana Online, 7 June 2025 (GH¢5.7 billion annual projected yield).

[15] Benjamin Nsiah, Lack of Transparency in Unified Petroleum Pricing Fund Sparks Concern, Happy Ghana, 30 July 2025 (UPPF margin at 90 pesewas per litre).

[16] National Petroleum Authority (NPA), Price Floors Announcement, April 2026. Reported by NewsCenta, 1 April 2026 (petrol at GH¢13.30, diesel at GH¢17.10 per litre). See also: COMAC data (petrol at GH¢15.19, diesel at GH¢17.85).

Back to Basics: The Fiscal Arithmetic of Fuel Tax Relief

By Professor E. F. Oteng-Abayie, PhD
Department of Economics, KNUST

The proposal to suspend fuel taxes has reignited a familiar debate: relief for consumers versus discipline for the fiscal purse. The headline figure—nearly GH¢500 million lost per month for every GH¢1 cut—sounds dramatic. But what does it actually mean? Let us go back to basics.

The arithmetic of the pump price. Every litre of petrol carries GH¢4.27 in taxes and margins—roughly 31% of the pump price. Of this, GH¢2.90 are taxes (Energy Debt Recovery Levy, Road Fund Levy, Special Petroleum Tax, etc.) that flow into the consolidated fund. The remaining GH¢1.37 are margins that go to state agencies like BOST and the Unified Petroleum Pricing Fund. A GH¢1 cut could target either, but the cash loss is identical.

From one cedi to half a billion. Ghana consumed 17.5 billion litres of petroleum products in 2025, with petrol and diesel totalling 468 million litres per month. Thus:

468 million litres × GH¢1 = GH¢468 million per month ≈ GH¢500 million.

This is not a scare tactic; it is elementary multiplication.

The macroeconomic context. Ghana has achieved a remarkable turnaround: inflation fell from 23.8% (end‑2024) to 3.2% (March 2026); the budget deficit narrowed to 1.0% of GDP; public debt dropped from 61.8% to 45.3% of GDP; and the cedi appreciated by over 40% against the dollar. A GH¢500 million monthly revenue hole would put these hard‑won gains at risk.

What GH¢500 million buys. That sum could pay the monthly salaries of 50,000 public school teachers or cover a fifth of last year’s non‑oil tax shortfall (GH¢6.98 billion). A GH¢2 cut would cost nearly GH¢1 billion monthly—half of the government’s annual oil tax revenue (GH¢22.2 billion in 2025).

The revenue leakage warning. Before cutting taxes, note that the 2025 Petroleum Product Analysis Report found 199 million unaccounted litres costing the state over GH¢600 million in lost revenue. Structural inefficiencies should be fixed before relief is offered.

Temporary vs. permanent. The proposed one‑month suspension is sound in principle—it absorbs an external shock. But Ghana’s experience with the COVID‑19 levy warns that temporary measures often become permanent. Citizens are right to be sceptical.

Four takeaways for policymakers.

1. The GH¢500 million loss is real.
2. The macroeconomic recovery is fragile.
3. Cutting taxes is different from cutting margins—each has distinct consequences.
4. Tax relief is government spending by another name; every cedi not collected must be borrowed, printed (inflationary), or cut elsewhere.

In economics, one cannot repeal the laws of arithmetic. The question is not whether relief is desirable, but who ultimately pays—the consumer at the pump or the taxpayer through higher debt. Ghana’s hard‑won stability deserves a policy that respects both.

Footnotes (abridged for column format):

[1] JoyNews Research, 13 April 2026. [2] Ministry of Finance, 2025 Petroleum Product Analysis Report. [3] Ghana Statistical Service, GDP & CPI Reports, March 2026. [4] Ministry of Finance, 2025 Fiscal Performance Statement. [5] Bank of Ghana, Summary of Economic Data, 2025–2026. [6] PIAC, 2025 Petroleum Revenue Report. [7] NPA/COMAC, 2025 Petroleum Product Analysis Report (GH¢600m loss). [8] Ministry of Energy, Energy Sector Levies (Amendment) Bill, 2025.

It was after that the General Manager of the Adom Brands of the Multimedia Group Limited, Abdulai Awudu reminded us to celebrate him.

Adom FM’s Programs Manager, Joshua Tigo, went on to provide further details about his life, and I became compelled to learn more about Joris Nana Benyin Wartenberg.

My search revealed that he was a man wrapped in mystery as a thinker, a writer, and a cultural force; a figure whose life straddles power, controversy, identity, and history itself.

Now, this is the story of Joris Nana Benyin Wartenberg, an enigmatic Ghanaian whose journey stretches from Sekondi to the global corridors of influence, and from colonial legacies to an ancient biblical identity.

A BEGINNING ROOTED IN HISTORY
Born in Sekondi in Ghana’s Western Region, Wartenberg’s early life was shaped by deep historical roots.

His family traced its origins to Elmina once a hub of European trade and cultural exchange before relocating to Sekondi in pursuit of commercial opportunities.
He began his education at Sekondi Methodist Primary School and, in 1964, earned admission into the prestigious Achimota School after passing the Common Entrance Examination.

His contemporaries are the venerable Ekow Ansah the Playwriter, Poet who set up TV Africa in Ghana and great musicians like Gyedu Blay Ambolley.

But his journey was far from straightforward.
Despite a suspension during his final years, Wartenberg returned with remarkable determination eventually emerging as the top A-Level student in West Africa.

The late Jerry John Rawlings was his senior at the Achimota school.

THE MAKING OF A CULTURAL FORCE
At the University of Ghana, Legon, where he studied Law and one of his mate is the revered now Professor Kwamena Ahwoi, another passion was quietly taking shape writing.

What began as an interest soon evolved into a defining legacy.

Wartenberg started crafting English-language drama, eventually authoring works that would gain academic recognition across Africa.

His intellectual curiosity extended beyond literature into physics, mathematics, and theology fields he boldly sought to connect.

He argued that creation itself could be explained through nuclear and atomic principles, positioning himself as a thinker far ahead of his time.

POWER, POLITICS, AND PERIL
Wartenberg’s brilliance brought him unusually close to power at a remarkably young age.

At just 21, he reportedly served as an advisor to then Head of State. General Ignatius Kutu Acheampong but proximity to power came at a cost.

He resigned from the Acheampong government on the advice of his father, who believed he was rising too quickly in life and that it could cut short his journey.

Nana Benyin Wartenberg then left for London and the United States.

Wartenberg later returned to Ghana and, in 1978, went straight to General Acheampong, the Head of State at the time, and advised him to resign and return the country to constitutional rule.

In a dramatic twist, he was subsequently arrested by the same regime and detained for two weeks over suspicions of involvement in a coup plot.

Though he was released, the experience marked the beginning of a series of controversies that would follow him across borders.

Upon his return to London, Wartenberg was again arrested this time by British authorities over alleged links to a cocaine dealer.

A GLOBAL ODYSSEY
From Ghana to London, and onward to Egypt and the Middle East, Wartenberg’s life unfolded like a global expedition.

He ventured into international business, navigating complex cultural and political landscapes.

Yet beneath these experiences lay a deeper, more personal discovery one that would redefine his identity.

THE REVELATION OF IDENTITY
Somewhere along his journey, Wartenberg uncovered what he describes as a profound truth: his Jewish ancestry.

This revelation reframed his understanding of history, culture, and self. He began to explore connections between West African heritage and ancient biblical lineages particularly the relationship between Judah and Joseph.

For Wartenberg, identity was no longer confined to geography. It became a bridge between continents, histories, and spiritual traditions.

SHAPING GHANAIAN MEDIA
Long before these revelations, Wartenberg had already left an indelible mark on Ghana’s cultural landscape.

While still a student at Legon, he was commissioned by a producer at the
Ghana Broadcasting Corporation
to script a television drama.

The result was Osofo Dadzie a groundbreaking Akan-language series that aired from 1972 to 1981. More than entertainment, the show was a cultural revolution.

It spoke directly to Ghanaian audiences in their own language, reflecting everyday realities with authenticity and depth.

Through this work, Wartenberg helped redefine Ghanaian television storytelling.

THE “JOSEPH PRINCIPLE” AND A BIGGER VISION
Never one to think small, Wartenberg later conceptualized what he called the “Joseph Principle.”

It was a bold ideological framework aimed at reconnecting the African diaspora with the continent linking history, identity, and destiny in a shared narrative with the then Tourism Minister and Diasporan Relations, Jake Obetstebi Lamptey and Kwamena Bartels who served under Kuffuor’s government from 2001 to 2008.

LEGACY OF A MYSTERIOUS LIFE
Former Channel Manager of Adom TV, Paa Kwesi Ackon, who worked with Wartenberg at Ghana Films, reflected on the late Wartenberg:
“He was a versatile figure in the creative arts industry.

We have lost a colossus whose footprints in the industry are indelible.”
Film Consultant, Ernest Abbeyquaye, also shared his thoughts:

“I’m shocked to hear that Wartenberg is gone. I spoke with him regularly, and it is sad that he is no more. He has many unpublished manuscripts, and it would be prudent for the family to preserve them for publication so that his works and legacy can endure.”

Joris Nana Benyin Wartenberg’s story is not easily categorized.
It challenges conventional narratives. It provokes difficult questions about history, power, and belonging.

And it offers a rare glimpse into a life lived at the intersection of cultures, ideas, and identities.
In the end, his journey is more than biography.

It is a mirror reflecting Ghana’s past, its global connections, and the enduring search for identity in a complex world.

Not an ordinary hunter, mind you—but one with a reputation. Sharp eyes. Steady hands. A man trained for one purpose: to chase down the most elusive antelope in the land.

For years, this antelope had embarrassed the forest.

It appeared when it wanted.
Disappeared when pursued.
And seemed to possess an uncanny ability to outrun not just hunters—but consequences.

So the people gathered and said:

“Enough. Let us appoint a hunter who fears no antelope.”

And thus was born the Office of the Special Prosecutor.

THE HUNT BEGINS

The hunter entered the forest.

He studied footprints.
Read the wind.
Followed the broken branches and disturbed earth.

Slowly, patiently, he closed in.

The antelope ran—as antelopes do—but this time, the hunter was prepared. He cornered it. Took aim. Held his breath.

For a brief, beautiful moment… the Republic held its own breath too.

Justice, it seemed, was finally within range.

ENTER HEADQUARTERS

Then, just as the hunter steadied his hand, a voice echoed across the forest:

“Please, kindly consult headquarters before proceeding.”

The hunter froze.

“Headquarters?” he asked.

“Yes,” came the reply. “All final actions must be cleared by the Attorney-General. It is… constitutional.”

The hunter lowered his weapon—slightly confused, but obedient.

He reached for paperwork.

THE GREAT ESCAPE

Now, while forms were being filled, reviewed, stamped, and respectfully resubmitted…

The antelope did what antelopes do best.

It ran.

Not hurriedly. Not anxiously.
But with the calm confidence of a creature that understands the system.

By the time approval would arrive, the antelope had relocated to another part of the forest—possibly with a forwarding address and a legal team.

THE DAY JUSTICE DEVELOPED A SPLIT PERSONALITY

Back in the Republic, something even more fascinating was happening.

In one courtroom, a judge declared:

“Let the hunter proceed. Justice must move forward.”

In another courtroom—same laws, same Constitution, same Ghana—another judge responded:

“No. The hunter may track, but he cannot strike. Kindly refer the matter to headquarters.”

And just like that, justice achieved what even science struggles to explain:

It existed in two states at the same time.

The matter now rests before the Supreme Court.

A NEW JOB DESCRIPTION

The hunter’s role has now been updated:

Track the antelope with diligence
Study its patterns carefully
Gather strong evidence
Then… seek permission before pulling the trigger

One imagines the exchange:

Hunter: “I have located the antelope.”
Headquarters: “Excellent. Kindly attach a covering memo.”

THE RETURN OF FAMILIAR COMFORTS

For some observers, this is not a crisis—it is a homecoming.

After all, the Constitution has always placed prosecutorial power in the hands of the Attorney-General.

So perhaps, they argue, the hunter was never meant to shoot—only to scout.

But others are less convinced.

Because in the Republic of Uncommon Sense, timing is everything.

You do not interrupt the hunt just when the antelope is within sight—unless the antelope has friends in high places.

THE PEOPLE AND THEIR EXPECTATIONS

The real loss here is not merely legal—it is psychological.

For a moment, the people believed the forest had changed.

They believed the antelope could finally be caught—not just chased.

They believed the hunter had teeth.

Now they are asking a quieter, more uncomfortable question:

“Was the hunt ever meant to succeed?”

A MODEST PROPOSAL

If the Office of the Special Prosecutor cannot prosecute, then perhaps we should rename it:

Office of Special Tracking
Bureau of Advanced Pursuit
Department of Evidence Gathering and Forwarding

Or simply:

The Office of “Please Refer to Headquarters”

FINAL WORD FROM THE REPUBLIC

In the Republic of Uncommon Sense, we do not dismantle institutions.

We refine them.

We polish them.

We redefine their mandates—mid-hunt, if necessary.

And when the antelope escapes, we hold a press conference… to assure the public that the footprints remain under investigation.

As for the politicians…

They are watching the forest from a safe distance.

Because in any system where the hunter must seek permission before pulling the trigger…

The antelope sleeps very well at night.

Jimmy Aglah is a seasoned media executive, writer, and satirist, and the founder of the Republic of Uncommon Sense—a platform dedicated to interrogating society, governance, and everyday absurdities through wit, satire, and sharp cultural insight.

Further Reading & Books
Once Upon a Time in Ghana: Satirical Chronicles from the Republic of Uncommon Sense

The Uncommon Sense Playbook

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To discharge this mandate, the police are granted extensive powers of arrest, detention, and reasonable use of force.

These powers are necessary for effective law enforcement; however, they also carry a high potential for abuse if exercised without strict constitutional control. 

This article is part one of a series on police powers and human rights in Ghana.

This first article in the series is to make an examination of the scope of the powers of the police under Ghanaian law and evaluate their compatibility with the fundamental human rights guarantees contained in the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.

Subsequent articles in the series will focus extensively on areas of police powers such as searches, arrests, detentions, use of force and then human rights provisions such as bail applications and how these are maintained.

The relationship between police power and human rights lies at the core of constitutional governance.

The 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana establishes Ghana as a democratic state founded on constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, and respect for fundamental human rights. 

Within this framework, the police are entrusted with law enforcement and public security functions that necessarily involve coercion and restraint of individual liberty in the discharge of their lawful duties.

For this reason, police powers constitute one of the most constitutionally sensitive forms of state authority.

Necessity of police power

The Constitution does not deny the necessity of police power but rather regulates its exercise.

Article 14 guarantees the right to personal liberty and further provides an exhaustive list of circumstances in which liberties may be lawfully restricted.

Article 15 further protects the dignity of the human person and expressly prohibits cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment as well as torture.

These provisions impose substantive limits on police authority and require that all exercises of power conform to constitutional standards.

The Supreme Court has consistently emphasised that fundamental rights bind all organs of state.

In Tuffuor v Attorney-General [1980] GLR 637, the Court affirmed a broad and purposive approach to constitutional interpretation aimed at advancing the protection of individual rights.

For instance, in the case of the arrest of any person in Ghana, Ghanaian law expressly requires that the arrest be founded on a reasonable suspicion that a person has committed or is about to commit a criminal offence.

Article 14(2) of the Constitution further requires that an arrested person must be informed promptly, in a language they understand, of the reasons for their arrest and of their right to legal representation.

These guarantees are reinforced by the Criminal and Other Offences (Procedure) Act, 1960 (Act 30).

In practice, however, arrests are frequently carried out without adequate explanation or lawful basis, particularly during police swoops, routine patrols, and public demonstrations.

A good example of such arrests is the arrests made by the Ghana Police Service during the protests popularly dubbed “Occupy Julorbi House” in 2023. Such practices amount to arbitrary deprivation of liberty and undermine the constitutional requirement of reasonable suspicion, which operates as a substantive safeguard against abuse of power.

Contentious issue

A contentious issue that requires immediate redress is the use of force by the police, especially during arrests.

The use of force by the police is permitted only where it is necessary and proportionate to the circumstances.

Reports of excessive force during arrests and crowd control operations suggest that this power is sometimes exercised disproportionately, potentially violating the constitutional right to life under Article 13.

Equally troubling is the use of arrest and detention as instruments of extortion, which constitutes a gross abuse of authority and severely undermines public confidence in law enforcement institutions.

There are safeguards that have been put in place to help protect the fundamental rights of the Ghanaian.

Judicial oversight is a key mechanism for the protection of fundamental rights.

The courts under the 1992 Constitution have adopted a robust rights-protective stance.

In Mensah v Attorney-General [1997-98] 1GLR 227-281, the Supreme Court affirmed that fundamental human rights are directly enforceable against the state and that violations attract constitutional remedies.

This jurisprudence underscores the principle that police powers are subject to constitutional scrutiny and judicial control.

Constitutional safeguard

One of the most important constitutional safeguards against abuse is the forty-eight-hour rule under Article 14(3), which requires that an arrested person be brought before a court of competent jurisdiction within forty-eight hours.

This requirement reflects the constitutional commitment to due process and the presumption of innocence guaranteed under Article 19.

Detentions beyond this period without judicial authorisation are unconstitutional.

Nonetheless, prolonged detention remains a recurring problem, particularly for suspects who lack legal representation or financial resources, effectively resulting in punishment before trial.

To reinforce accountability, Article 14(5) entitles a person who is unlawfully arrested or detained to compensation.

In Appiah v Attorney-General, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that violations of the right to personal liberty cannot be justified by administrative convenience or investigative delay.

The availability of compensation serves both a remedial and deterrent function in the enforcement of constitutional rights.

Constitutional protection also extends to the conditions of detention. Overcrowded cells, inadequate sanitation, denial of medical care, and restricted access to legal counsel may amount to degrading treatment in violation of Article 15.

Such conditions also place Ghana in breach of its international human rights obligations, including those under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which informs the interpretation of constitutional rights.

Accountability mechanisms such as judicial review, the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ), and internal police disciplinary bodies exist, but their effectiveness remains limited in practice due to several factors.

Fear of retaliation, lack of legal awareness, and prolonged litigation often deter victims from seeking redress, thereby perpetuating impunity.

In conclusion, the legitimacy of police authority in Ghana’s constitutional democracy depends not on the breadth of coercive power, but on strict fidelity to the Constitution and respect for human dignity.

Effective policing and human rights protection are mutually reinforcing.

Strengthening human rights training, enforcing constitutional limits on detention, expanding access to legal aid, and ensuring meaningful accountability for misconduct are essential to aligning police practice with the constitutional values of the 1992 Constitution and the rule of law.

On October 26, 2017, during parliamentary deliberations on the bill to establish the Office of the Special Prosecutor, Mr. Iddrisu raised significant constitutional concerns.

He argued that the proposed law was “pregnant with constitutional flaws” and cautioned that it risked creating what he metaphorically described as “an illegal child called a Special Prosecutor.”
Citing 1992 Constitution of Ghana, which vests prosecutorial authority in the Attorney-General, Mr. Iddrisu questioned the necessity and legal standing of an independent Special Prosecutor.

He emphasized that the Attorney-General already possesses the constitutional mandate to initiate, conduct, and discontinue prosecutions on behalf of the state.
He further challenged the principle of prosecutorial independence as outlined in the bill, noting that both the Attorney-General and the proposed Special Prosecutor would be appointed by the same President, thus undermining claims of autonomy.

Mr. Iddrisu also highlighted potential institutional overlaps, arguing that granting the Special Prosecutor investigative and prosecutorial powers could blur roles with established bodies such as the Ghana Police Service and the Economic and Organised Crime Office (EOCO).

In his submission, he proposed a clearer delineation of responsibilities suggesting that investigative bodies like EOCO should focus on fact-finding, while prosecutorial authority remains firmly within the remit of the Attorney-General.

Years later, this position has gained judicial backing. The Accra High Court, presided over by Justice John Eugene Nyadu Nyante, has ruled that the Office of the Special Prosecutor does not possess independent authority to prosecute criminal cases.

The ruling followed an application for quo warranto filed by Peter Archibold Hyde, who challenged the legal basis of the Special Prosecutor’s prosecutorial powers.

In his judgment, Justice Nyante directed that all cases initiated by the anti-corruption body must be referred to the Office of the Attorney-General for prosecution.

The decision marks a significant moment in Ghana’s legal and governance landscape, effectively affirming concerns raised during the bill’s formative stages. For many observers, it underscores the enduring relevance of constitutional interpretation and the importance of legislative scrutiny.

As the debate over institutional mandates and anti-corruption frameworks continues, this ruling serves as a reminder that, in the pursuit of justice, time often brings clarity and, in some cases, vindication.

I have been trying to find answers to why, na after sixty solid good years, we are still struggling to make ends meet.

I have read several articles and newsletters about how successive governments have made several policies to put this country on the track of excellent economic growth, yet we still struggle to create jobs for the ever-increasing youth who complete schools every year and troop onto our streets.

We always have challenges with energy, water, education, health, and I imagine how we have failed in using agriculture to our advantage, then I weep for Mother Ghana.

Switching back to what prompted me to write this piece was that, earlier last week, I heard the Ministry of Transport took delivery of a fleet of a hundred new buses aimed at reducing ongoing road transport difficulties across the country.

This struck me to read more about the buses. Upon my further reading, I got to know that the buses were assembled in Egypt. And even the Government of Ghana is in anticipation of receiving two hundred more buses to augment what has arrived.

Frankly, I found this strange and was very dismayed about the procurement of ONLY three hundred buses imported from Egypt, and everyone is happy about it, including government officials.

Ghana, at 69 years, we import assembled buses from Egypt. In 1974, the Ghana Government signed a joint venture with Neoplan Ghana Limited from Germany, which set up an assembly plant in Kumasi, making Kumasi West Africa’s first bus manufacturing plant. Neoplan Ghana Limited was a key bus manufacturing hub in Kumasi, with service facilities in Accra, producing specialised buses for African conditions.

The joint venture sought to ensure that the Ghanaian government had 55% stake in the company, and the German investors owned 45%.

The company was renowned for producing robust “Tropic” buses and was supplying buses to other West African countries. It is on record that the company, throughout its operations, manufactured over 4000 buses to the sub-region, with Nigeria taking the highest procurement.

It is also worthy to take note that Circle Neoplan Station had its name from the luxurious and robust buses that started plying from there to Kumasi.

I remember very well that in the nineties, Neoplan Ghana Limited manufactured more than five hundred buses for GPRTU, which were nicknamed Awudu Issaka. They were named after Ghanaian football legend Awudu Issaka, who was part of the Ghana U-17 Squad that won the World Cup in Ecuador in 1995.

The buses were launched in the very year the Starlets won the world honour, and most of the buses had the colours of Ghana. So, I believed that made Ghanaians nickname the buses as such.

The public patronage of the buses was very high, and it made the GPRTU a much stronger private transport operator from then.

Besides that, the Government of Ghana, through the ministries of Education, Health, Agriculture, and Finance, procured these Neoplan buses for some second-cycle, tertiary institutions, departments and agencies.

Some second-cycle institutions, such as Legon Presec, Suhum Secondary Technical School, Adisadel College, Prempeh College, Accra High School, Accra Academy, University of Ghana Medical School and many others were allocated some of these buses. I strongly believe some schools continue to use theirs.

But, interestingly, the same Ghana Government that had 55% stake in the company was frequently procuring buses from Germany and the Netherlands for the State Transport Company. Buses such as Setra Kassbohrer and Daf were procured in, whilst Neoplan Ghana was still in operation.

Now, the argument is that a company that has the Ghana Government as a majority shareholder, providing direct employment to over 1000 youth and more than 10,000 indirect jobs, the government watched it collapse just like that.

We lost the opportunity to be the first African Country to assemble buses here in Ghana and supplied to the sub-region.

It is also on record that Neoplan Ghana has supplied over 450 buses to Metro Mass Transit since the transport operator was established in 2002.

Even though the company faced stiff competition from giant international bus manufacturers like Hyundai, KIA, Marcopolo and several others, the Ghana Government should under no circumstances watch this company collapse.

Because it would have helped solve our ever-escalating youth unemployment, it would have supported our foreign exchange policy by stabilising the Cedi against major currencies.

My prayer is that we may identify what we need as a country, work towards it to achieve maximum satisfaction for our people.

The story was written by Baffuor Owiredu-Amoh, Senior Journalist/Presenter at Multimedia Group Limited.

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As a journalist, I have attended countless events across the country where start times feel more like suggestions than commitments. A programme scheduled for 9 a.m. begins at 10:30am or even later.

Organisers often brush it away. They say key guests have not arrived or attendance is still low. But over time, what this creates is something more damaging than delay. It creates a culture of waiting.

And when you are constantly made to wait, something shifts even in the people who are meant to document the event. Journalists begin to adjust too. You hear people say, “If I go early, nothing will start, so why rush?”

It sounds harmless, but it slowly changes discipline. It affects planning, deadlines, and the ability to do proper work. A programme meant to end at midday drifts into late afternoon, and by the time it is over, even the simplest post-event interviews become a struggle against time itself.

The irony is that we are capable of absolute discipline when it truly matters to us. Nobody jokes with a flight. If it is 3 p.m., people are at the airport early, alarms are set on multiple devices, and time suddenly becomes sacred.

That is because the consequences are clear. You either respect the time or you miss the opportunity entirely. The question then is simple: why can we not extend the same seriousness to our own events?

In the middle of this culture, however, there are moments that stand out sharply, almost like reminders of what is possible. One of those examples is the celebrated Ghanaian playwright and founder of Roverman Productions, Uncle Ebo Whyte. Attending his productions feels different from the usual experience.

If a show is scheduled for 4 p.m., it begins at 4 p.m. precisely—no minute later. The structure is firm, and the audience quickly learns that punctuality is part of the experience itself.

That consistency does something powerful. It retrains the audience. People no longer stroll in casually assuming there is extra time to spare. They plan around the schedule because they know it will be respected.

A two hour production means exactly that, from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m., and anything outside that window simply does not exist.

What makes it even more striking is that the discipline holds regardless of circumstance. Even if there are only a few people seated at the beginning, the show still starts. There is no waiting for the hall to fill. Time is treated as fixed, not flexible.

But beyond the stage, there is another layer that often goes unnoticed. The way he treats people who come to cover his work, especially journalists. Moments where, even while engaged with guests, he acknowledges journalists immediately and makes space for them first.

In one instance, when he noticed journalists waiting, he simply said, “Please excuse me for a moment, I need to speak with the press first.” That small shift in priority changes everything. It signals respect not only for the work being done but for the time it takes to do it well.

However, in many spaces, media professionals are treated as an afterthought, often made to wait long after events have ended. Interviews become negotiations, sometimes delayed so much that the moment itself begins to lose relevance. It begins to feel as though you are asking for a favor rather than doing your job.

I have personally heard remarks like, “Please hold on, our star is still getting ready or engaging with guests, give us a few more minutes.” Minutes that often stretch far beyond what was promised, leaving journalists in limbo.

I have seen fellow journalists walk away out of sheer frustration, not because the story was not worth telling, but because the delays made it impossible to stay.

But that is exactly where the difference becomes clear. When time is respected, everything else falls into place more smoothly. The audience is more present. The coverage is cleaner. The work becomes more meaningful.

Perhaps this is the real conversation we need to have. Not just about lateness, but about what lateness slowly teaches us to accept. Because when delay becomes normal, excellence quietly suffers.

And maybe, just maybe, the standard has already been shown to us. Uncle Ebo Whyte is already proving it; being on time isn’t impossible, we’ve just not made it a habit.

However, the outlook is increasingly exposed to downside risks, including higher energy prices, tighter financial conditions, and trade disruption linked to ongoing conflicts. In volatile times, business leaders and government departments turn to their finance and accounting professionals for trusted guidance.

This evolving economic environment is reshaping the demands placed on organisations. Governments, businesses and investors are operating amid heightened uncertainty, ongoing regulatory reform, rapid digital transformation, and growing expectations around corporate sustainability. In response, finance teams are being asked to move beyond traditional reporting roles to provide strategic insight, manage complex risks, and support decision‑making that drives performance and long‑term value creation.

Yet as expectations of the finance function rise, skills constraints are becoming increasingly apparent. In countries like Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa, shortages of qualified finance and accounting professionals continue to constrain capacity in both the public and private sectors. Africa’s accounting skills deficit is well recognised, particularly in areas such as financial analysis, risk management, auditing, and public finance where demand significantly outstrips supply. In South Africa, several finance and accounting roles including management accountant, tax professional, external auditor, financial accountant, forensic accountant, and internal auditor appear on the national list of occupations in high demand, a pattern mirrored across many African economies.

Closing this gap requires a rethinking of how the finance and accounting talent is developed. The profession must move beyond traditional technical training towards education that reflects how organisations now operate – complex, data‑driven, technology‑enabled and increasingly expected to make decisions that are commercially sound, resilient, and sustainable over time. Professional bodies have a pivotal role to play in this shift by modernising learning models and widening access to the profession.

The CGMA Professional Qualification – prepared for the future of finance

The Chartered Global Management Accountant (CGMA) Professional Qualification, by The Chartered Institute of Management Accountants (CIMA), is designed with this reality in mind. Rather than focusing solely on traditional finance and accounting competencies, it develops professionals who understand strategy, performance, governance and decision‑making.

To keep pace with the rapid transformation of business, we have moved beyond the traditional, linear model of learning. Instead, we have adopted a spiral curriculum – a dynamic framework that builds and reinforces interrelated skills at every stage of the qualification. This means students do not simply accumulate knowledge level by level – they revisit and deepen their ability to solve increasingly complex business problems and add value as they progress. 

From day one, learners begin developing critical thinking, problem-solving, and communication skills – no longer waiting until the final stages of their qualification. As a result, they are equipped to tackle real-world business challenges early in their journey and deliver meaningful value to their employers from the outset, including:

• A future‑ready, strategic mindset – CGMA professionals are trained to support strategic decision‑making, value creation and long‑term performance, skills increasingly demanded by employers across sectors.
• Stronger credibility and employability – The CGMA designation, achieved upon completing the CGMA Professional Qualification and gaining the required experience, is globally recognised, enhancing career mobility, and positioning professionals for leadership, finance partnering and strategy roles.
• Relevance in a technology‑driven environment – The CGMA Professional Qualification develops digital and analytical capabilities, enabling professionals to operate effectively as finance and accounting roles evolve in a world shaped by AI and data.
• The ability to drive sustainable and ethical outcomes – CGMA professionals integrate sustainability, governance, and risk into decision‑making, supporting resilient and responsible organisations.
• Professional confidence and influence – Beyond technical expertise, the CGMA Professional Qualification strengthens communication, judgement, and stakeholder influence, enabling CGMA professionals to be high-performance finance business partners and act as trusted advisers.

Developing future‑ready professionals also means widening access to the profession. This is why the CGMA Professional Qualification offers multiple entry points, enabling young people, graduates and career changers to enter the profession and progress based on ambition and capability, not just prior exposure to finance and accounting. School leavers can begin at the Certificate level, while graduates and degree holders are often able to enter directly into the Professional levels.

The impact of these capabilities extends beyond individual careers to the organisations and economies they serve. Organisations that employ CGMA professionals also see clear advantages:

• Stronger decision‑making and strategic insight, driven by finance and accounting professionals who connect data to business strategy.
• Finance teams that operate as true business partners, aligned with leadership and operational teams.
• Improved governance, risk management, and organisational resilience, particularly in complex and volatile environments.
• Greater readiness for digital and technological change, including the responsible adoption of AI.
• More sustainable long‑term performance, balancing financial outcomes with broader economic, environmental and societal considerations.

Africa’s growth potential is real but realising it depends on people as much as it does policy or capital. Without a strong pipeline of skilled, forward‑looking finance and accounting professionals, organisations will struggle to build resilience and create long‑term value. Investing in modern, accessible and globally relevant qualifications is therefore not optional, it is essential to building future-ready organisations that can withstand the test of time and support sustainable growth across the continent.

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It was an unassuming morning at our local congregation. Elder Joseph Baabu was leading a study on a topic many of us often take for granted: Forgiveness.

At the time, the room was sparsely populated, the usual “late comers” were waiting outside for the main service to begin. Little did we know, the most important soul in the building had already arrived.

The Man at the back

He was a well-built man, pensive and still. He sat in the back, a silent observer of a message that seemed light-years away from his reality. As Elder Baabu spoke about releasing pain and surrendering vengeance to God, an uneasy shift occurred in the atmosphere.

The man stood up.

With a deliberate pace, he walked toward the front. The room grew cold with a sudden, intuitive fear. As he reached the Elder, he reached into his side and pulled out a dagger.

For a heartbeat, time froze. We expected blood; we expected a headline of tragedy. Instead, we witnessed a surrender. He didn’t raise the blade; he handed it over.

A Promise Broken, a Heart Hardened

The story that followed is one of betrayal and the dark underbelly of the drug trade. Years prior, this man had served as a “mule” for a wealthy businessman in Achimota, carrying cocaine abroad.

When the law caught up with him, he chose the “code of silence,” believing the “Big Man” would protect him or secure his release. He was wrong.

The businessman vanished. No visits, no legal aid, no support for his family. For years, behind prison bars, the man’s heart didn’t just harden, it sharpened, much like the weapon he bought the moment he was released. He had one mission: go to Achimota and end the life of the man who had abandoned him.

The “Miracle” of the Closed Bar

Vengeance, however, has its own rituals. Before committing the act, he sought a “hard drink” to numb his conscience and steady his hand. But it was Sunday morning in Ghana. He searched frantically for an open spot, but every door was barred.

In his desperation, he asked a passerby where he could find a drink. The stranger pointed—not to a bar, but to our church.

Perhaps it was the architecture, or perhaps it was a Divine detour, but he walked in expecting a bottle and found a Bible study. He was met not with judgment, but with an usher’s welcome and a seat.

Rewriting the Ending

As he sat there, the words of Elder Baabu began to dismantle his armor. The message of leaving vengeance to God acted as a salve on a years-old wound. Right there, between the pews, he realized that killing his betrayer wouldn’t free him, it would only return him to a different kind of prison.

After the service, in our first-time visitors’ group, the transformation was evident. He didn’t want a performance; he wanted peace. He gave his life to Christ and prepared to head back to his home in Takoradi to start over.

When I offered him transport fare, he declined with a quiet dignity. He had his discharge pay from the prison, and more importantly, he had a clear conscience.

A Living Testimony

We often look for God in the spectacular, but this man’s story reminds us that God speaks in whispers and “closed bars.” He is the God of the detour. He didn’t just save a businessman’s life that day in Achimota; He saved the soul of a man who was moments away from losing himself forever.

Indeed, you can tell when a man has truly encountered the Divine—not by what he takes, but by the weapons he is finally willing to lay down.

“God steps into our story and rewrites the ending.”

The writer, Agyenim Boateng is the host of “Beginning with Jesus” a morning devotional programme on Hitz 103.9 FM.

But that sense of security and familiarity can sometimes hide small dangers that go unnoticed until an issue occurs. The reality is, many home-related accidents come from everyday things that you stop paying attention to.

​To ensure you set your home up for safety and peace of mind, here are some of the hidden risks in your home that you probably haven’t noticed but should investigate.

​The danger of normal

One of the biggest risks in any home is routine. You would think that if you walk the same path every day, you would know if something changes. However, what actually happens is your brain goes into autopilot, and you actually stop noticing the smaller details around you.

A slightly raised rug corner or a loose floorboard may seem harmless, but over time, these are small issues that can become serious tripping hazards and cause someone some pain. But because they have always been there, they are easier to ignore.

​Lighting that falls short

Lighting is always underestimated in the home. A dim staircase or a shadowy hallway might not seem like a big issue, especially during the day, but at night it can significantly increase the risk of falls, especially if you have young children or elderly parents in the home.

This could be caused by something as simple as a poorly positioned lamp or a light bulb that has gone out and never been replaced, creating blind spots.

You can make your home a lot safer with some small changes, such as combining overhead lights with softer, lower-level options. Also, auditing the bulbs and replacing any broken ones with LED bulbs.

​Everyday items in the wrong places

Clutter doesn’t have to mean mess, but in some cases, it does. Even tidy homes can have items placed in inconvenient or unsafe locations.

Shoes left near doorways, bags left on the stairs, cables trailing across floors; these are all small things that can add up to big risks. They blend in the background as every occurrence or things that will be cleared up later, but they can quickly lead to accidents.

Being aware of this and clearing up regularly is a good start. Alternatively, it might be a good idea to assess your home for a new place to keep the items that keep ending up on the floor.

​Overlooking age-related changes

As people age, their needs change too. However, the home often stays the same. Whether you are getting old, or you care for elderly parents, homes can become more hazardous with reduced balance, slower reflexes and changes in vision.

The hard reality is that small changes are necessary and can make a significant difference. For example, integrating a personal medical alert system for older adults into daily life can provide an added layer of security without being intrusive.

​ Home safety isn’t just about obvious dangers, but about recognising the subtle risks that build up over time and adapting to the changing needs of family members

A verified story can take hours, even days, to report, check, and publish. But it takes only seconds for a misleading version of that same story to capture attention and shape public perception.

That gap between accuracy and visibility is where journalism is now being tested, and increasingly, where it risks losing ground across newsrooms and societies worldwide.

Not long ago, the process was simple: verify the facts, publish the story, and the audience would follow. That reality has changed.

A carefully researched report can now go largely unnoticed, while a short, emotional, or loosely framed version spreads rapidly and reaches far more people. I have seen this happen more than once.

During a recent breaking news situation, I saw multiple versions of the same story circulating within minutes. Some were incomplete, and others were clearly misleading.

In recent years, AI-generated political deepfakes and manipulated election content have shown how quickly false narratives can gain traction before verified journalism even enters the conversation. By the time accurate reporting emerged, many people had already formed firm opinions based on what they saw first, not what was later confirmed.

This raises a difficult question: Is journalism losing ground in the very space it helped build?

This is where the idea of “journalism out loud”, a theme of shaping conversations at the DW Global Media Forum 2026, becomes more than just a concept. It reflects a growing recognition that journalism must adapt not only in what it reports, but also in how it reaches and engages its audience.

The challenge is no longer just misinformation; it is also about visibility.

We are now operating in an environment where attention is constantly shifting. Audiences consume information quickly, often in fragments, and move on just as fast. In that crowded space, journalism competes with everything: entertainment, opinion, viral content, and sometimes pure speculation.

The challenge is no longer just to inform. It is to be seen, to be heard, and to remain relevant.
Based on my experience and analysis, audiences are not necessarily rejecting journalism. In many cases, they simply do not encounter it early enough. By the time verified information reaches them, their understanding of the story has already been shaped elsewhere.

That is the real shift, and it is one being discussed globally among journalists, editors, and media leaders.

The question is no longer only “Did we get it right?”
It is also, “Did it reach the people who needed to see it?”

This does not mean journalism should sacrifice accuracy for attention. But it does require rethinking how stories are presented and shared. Timing, clarity, and format now matter as much as the facts themselves.

At the same time, journalism cannot afford to lose its depth. Once accuracy is compromised, trust begins to erode, and rebuilding it is far more difficult.

The goal is not to be louder, but to be clearer, more present, and more intentional.
Because in a world where attention shapes belief, truth cannot afford to whisper.

Christian Ahiati is a journalist focused on global media trends, digital communication, and the evolving impact of technology on press freedom. His work explores how information is shaped, distributed, and understood in an increasingly complex media environment.

Children scooping muddy water out of rooms that should have protected them. And somewhere in the distance, the hum of traffic resumes as if the city has collectively agreed to move on too quickly. But beneath that silence lies a truth the world is yet to fully confront: for many in Ghana, climate change is not a future threat; it is a daily negotiation with survival.

Globally, climate change is often discussed in statistics, rising temperatures, carbon targets, policy frameworks. It is a language of graphs and projections. But here in Accra, climate change speaks a different dialect.

It sounds like a mother calculating whether to sleep or stay awake when it rains. It looks like a trader rebuilding her stall for the third time in one season. It feels like a father watching his life savings float away in brown, unforgiving water.

These are not isolated incidents. Flooding has become a recurring chapter in the urban experience. Yet the stories rarely travel far enough. They remain local, almost invisible, overshadowed by larger global narratives that often overlook the human texture of climate vulnerability. And that is the gap we must confront.

Accra is expanding fast. New buildings rise. Communities stretch outward. Opportunity pulls people into the city with the promise of a better life. But beneath this growth lies a fragile truth: the city is not growing with climate resilience in mind.

Drainage systems are overwhelmed. Wetlands are disappearing. Informal settlements continue to expand in flood-prone areas, not out of ignorance but out of necessity. This is not just an environmental issue. It is an economic one. A social one. A governance challenge.

When it rains, it exposes everything: the inequality in urban planning, the absence of long-term climate adaptation, and the quiet resilience of people forced to adapt on their own. The result? A city where the poorest pay the highest price for a crisis they did not create.

There is a group of people in Accra called “The Invisible Workforce of Survival” who rarely appear in climate reports, yet they are on the frontlines of its impact: informal workers. They are the market women, the street vendors, the waste collectors, the transport operators — the engine of the city’s everyday economy.

When floods come, businesses collapse overnight. Goods are destroyed, and daily income disappears instantly. There are no insurance buffers. No structured recovery systems. Just resilience — raw, unfiltered, and often unsupported. And yet, these same individuals are also part of the solution.

Waste pickers, for example, play a critical role in managing the city’s plastic crisis, reducing the very blockages that worsen flooding. But their contribution is rarely recognized within formal climate strategies.

This is the paradox of Accra: those most affected are also those most actively adapting, without acknowledgment or support.

Let’s be honest: climate change is a story of inequality. Climate change is not experienced equally. The air-conditioned office feels different from the flooded compound house. The policy discussion room feels different from the roadside kiosk washed away overnight.

In Ghana, as in many parts of the world, climate vulnerability follows the lines of inequality. And this is where the global conversation often falls short. There is a tendency to speak about Africa as a single, uniform climate victim.

But the reality is more complex. Within cities like Accra, there are layers of vulnerability shaped by income, location, occupation, and access. If the global climate agenda is to be truly effective, it must move beyond broad narratives and begin to engage with these lived realities.

For too long, African climate stories have been told about us, not by us. Images of flooded streets circulate. Headlines emerge. But the deeper stories — the context, the nuance, the lived experience — are often filtered through external lenses. This is where a shift must happen.

Ghana does not just need climate solutions. It needs climate storytellers: voices that can translate lived experience into global understanding. Because storytelling is not just about awareness. It is about influence. It shapes policy. It attracts funding. It drives action. And most importantly, it humanizes a crisis that is too often reduced to numbers.

If there is one message the world must take from Accra, it is this: climate change is not waiting for policy alignment. It is already disrupting lives.

The conversations in global forums must begin to reflect the urgency on the ground — not just in theory, but in practice. That means investing in urban resilience in rapidly growing African cities, supporting community-led adaptation strategies, recognizing informal systems as part of the solution, and amplifying local voices in global climate discussions.

Because the solutions we need will not come from a single perspective. They will emerge from a collaboration between policy, community, and lived experience.

Despite everything, Accra does not surrender. It is a city that refuses to sink. It adapts. It rebuilds. It continues. There is strength in that resilience, but there is also a danger in romanticizing it. Because resilience should not be a permanent substitute for systemic change.

The people of Accra are not asking for sympathy. They are demanding visibility. They are demanding inclusion. They are demanding action.

The next time it rains in Accra, the world may not notice. There will be no breaking news. No global alert. But somewhere, a family will stay awake through the night. Somewhere, a business will be lost.

Somewhere, a child will learn far too early that survival is part of daily life.

And if the world is serious about climate change, then these are the stories it must begin to hear — not as distant realities, but as urgent calls to action.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

This sole sourcing scandal involving the Roads Minister, Governs Agbodza has dented my confidence significantly. And it should affect yours too. According to the 4th estate, out of 107 road contracts reviewed, 81 or about three out of every four were awarded by non-competitive tendering.

On the face of it, that should worry every Ghanaian. Indeed, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in opposition did an excellent job educating us about the evils of sole-sourcing using the NPP cocoa roads as a textbook case.

Led by the National Communications Officer now Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana Gold Board (Goldbod) Sammy Gyamfi, they spoke eloquently about possible corruption and price inflation.

In 2025, President Mahama re-emphasized the evils of sole-sourcing using a poultry bid as his example. He deplored how ” government bleeds with everybody cutting their pound of flesh”.

The NDC and President Mahama were right. The World Bank procurement frame emphasizes ” value-for-money, efficiency, integrity and transparency to ensure project funds are used for intended purposes “.

The Government Contracts Regulations of Canada states, ” One of the fundamental principles of federal construction is openness and the practice of providing potential suppliers with opportunities to submit bids for government contracts.

For this reason, when departments choose a non-competitive procurement strategy, it must be fully justified and recorded.” In the US, “full and open competition is the default acquisition process, and federal regulations specify the circumstances under which a procurement agency is allowed to limit competition. ”

Indeed, these points are fully echoed in our PPA( Act 663 as amended by Act 914). Our procurement law requires sole-sourcing to be approved by the PPA board in advance and be for well-justified, exceptional situations.

Indeed, a 2022 review by Bosto et al of 187 countries showed that strict laws on tendering led to positive outcomes in low resource countries, with prices decreasing by about 6%. So when this scandal broke, I expected members of government and the NDC to be as scandalized as I was.

They were not. From now Minister for Government Communications and Abura Asebu Kwamankese Felix Ofosu Kwakye through Sammy Gyamfi to the President, there was a resort to legalistic explanations that lacked the moral clarity and resonance they had in opposition.

If this scandal will not lead to firings, resignations or suspensions, what will? If the reset will tolerate this level of malfeasance, what will it NOT tolerate? Does the Minister have written justification for each of the sole-sourced contracts?

Does he have permissions from PPA? Sadly, this case gives me the sad impression that despite the good intentions of the President, there are higher, more powerful forces at work who are fighting the reset and working to entrench or perpetuate the “loot and share” that characterized the NADAA government.

It is obvious that many of the NPP members expressing outrage are only shedding crocodile tears. As someone told me perceptively,” the NPP members expressing anger at the corruption under NADAA are outraged, not at the corruption that went on but their exclusion from it”.

Mr. President, if this scandal does not move you to crack the whip on some person or entity, you can mark this scandal as the moment your RESET DIED! If you do nothing, you would be like former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, who would have also done nothing!

Parliament too, can do some pre-emptive executive oversight here. Mr. Speaker, this is an opportunity to put the tenets of your admirable National Integrity Initiative on display.

Parliament should not always wait for the Auditor General to unearth corruption before acting. The NLC didn’t wait for an audit report before demanding Gen Ankrah’s resignation.

Save the reset! The NDC founder defined his career on probity and accountability! Where are the priests who prayed for the reset? Where are those who marched against NADAA’s corruption?

Let’s save the RESET! Long live Ghana.

To keep a promise is to honor the trust of the people. Trust is the foundation of leadership. Without it, even the most brilliant policies lose their power. When leaders follow through on their commitments, they strengthen the confidence of the public, proving that leadership is not about power, but about responsibility. Each fulfilled promise becomes a brick in the foundation of a stronger, more united society.

On the other hand, broken promises do more than disappoint—they erode faith. They teach citizens to doubt, to disengage, and to believe that their voices do not matter. A nation where promises are routinely broken becomes a place where cynicism replaces hope, and where participation in governance declines. This is not just a political problem; it is a societal one.

Keeping promises also inspires others—especially the youth. Young people look to leaders as examples of integrity and accountability. When they see leaders who stand by their word, they learn the value of honesty, commitment, and service. It encourages them to become responsible citizens and future leaders who understand that true success is measured not by what one says, but by what one does.

Moreover, consistency between words and actions creates stability. Investors, communities, and institutions rely on predictability. When promises are kept, policies become reliable, systems become trustworthy, and development becomes sustainable. Progress is no longer a distant dream—it becomes a visible reality.

In the end, leadership is not defined by speeches, campaigns, or slogans. It is defined by actions.

When a leader decides to change his or her mind about a subject matter that he promised the people about, he must make it clear that he has changed his mind.

A promise kept is a light that guides a nation forward. It tells every citizen: you matter, your trust matters, and your future matters. And in that light, a stronger, more hopeful society is built—one promise at a time.

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This raises a fundamental question: why is Ghana investing in extending the life of infrastructure it has already deemed obsolete? The answer matters, not just for aviation policy, but for public financial governance, national security, and Ghana’s broader ambition to become a regional aviation hub.

A POLICY REVERSAL WITHOUT PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY

Historical records and institutional decisions point to a clear trajectory: Terminal 2 was assessed as inadequate, which justified the development of Terminal 3 as a modern replacement facility. That decision was not arbitrary, it was grounded in engineering realities, operational inefficiencies, and increasing passenger demands. Today, however, the narrative has shifted.

The ongoing works at Terminal 2 are being described as “repurposing.” But a closer technical examination suggests otherwise. Leak repairs, ceiling replacements, and structural patching are not repurposing, they are refurbishment.

This distinction is not semantic. It goes to the heart of procurement integrity and public accountability. Mischaracterising refurbishment as repurposing risks distorting the basis upon which contracts are awarded and public funds are justified.

THE ECONOMICS: SHORT-TERM SAVINGS, LONG-TERM LOSSES

Refurbishment is often presented as a cost-saving measure. In reality, it is frequently a false economy. Legacy infrastructure like Terminal 2 was not designed for modern aviation demands. Retrofitting it repeatedly results in escalating maintenance costs, operational inefficiencies, and constrained revenue potential.

By contrast, reconstruction, though capital-intensive, delivers long-term value through efficiency, scalability, and increased commercial viability. Even more concerning is the potential cannibalisation of Terminal 3’s return on investment. Fragmenting passenger traffic across suboptimal facilities risks undermining utilization rates and weakening Ghana’s competitive position in the regional aviation market.

LEGAL AND GOVERNANCE RISKS

Under Ghana’s public financial framework, the use of public funds must meet strict standards of efficiency, effectiveness, and value for money. The Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921) imposes a duty on public officials to ensure that resources are not applied in a manner that results in avoidable loss. Similarly, the Public Procurement Act, 2003 (Act 663) requires that procurement decisions be transparent, properly justified, and aligned with value-for-money principles.

Where a facility has previously been classified as obsolete, continued investment in its refurbishment raises legitimate concerns. It opens the door to audit queries, potential disallowances, and even surcharge by oversight bodies under Ghana’s accountability regime. Public institutions must not only act lawfully, they must be seen to act rationally and consistently with prior evidence-based decisions.

NATIONAL SECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE REALITY

Modern airport terminals are not merely buildings, they are integrated systems. From biometric processing to baggage handling and surveillance architecture, today’s aviation security framework depends on seamless system integration.

Terminal 2, by design, is a legacy structure. Its architectural limitations restrict the effective deployment of modern security technologies. Piecemeal refurbishment cannot resolve these systemic constraints. In an era of evolving transnational threats, fragmented terminal operations and outdated infrastructure introduce vulnerabilities that cannot be ignored.

THE STRATEGIC QUESTION: WHAT KIND OF AVIATION HUB DOES GHANA WANT?

Ghana has repeatedly articulated its ambition to become a leading aviation hub in West Africa. That ambition cannot be realized through incremental upgrades to outdated facilities. Global aviation hubs are built on purpose-designed, future-ready infrastructure, not on the prolonged life support of legacy terminals. The choice before us is therefore not technical, it is strategic.

Do we invest in infrastructure that meets international standards and supports long-term growth? Or do we continue to allocate scarce public resources to short-term fixes that defer, but do not solve, the underlying problem?

A CALL FOR TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY

In the public interest, a formal request has been made to Ghana Airports Company Limited under the Right to Information Act, 2019 (Act 989) to disclose key documents relating to Terminal 2. These include engineering assessments, board decisions, procurement records, and contractor details. The objective is simple: to ensure that decisions affecting national infrastructure and public funds are subject to scrutiny, transparency, and accountability.

THE WAY FORWARD

Ghana cannot afford policy inconsistency in critical infrastructure sectors. The evidence suggests that refurbishment of Terminal 2 is not a solution, it is a postponement of an inevitable decision. That decision is reconstruction. Anything short of that risks financial inefficiency, legal exposure, and strategic stagnation.

The time has come to align policy with evidence, investment with long-term value, and infrastructure with national ambition. Reconstruct Terminal 2. Don’t refurbish the past at the expense of the future.

Each year, an estimated 30,000 vessels pass through it. But these are not ordinary shipments. Flowing through Hormuz is nearly a fifth of the world’s seaborne oil and liquefied natural gas, alongside the invisible essentials of modern life: fertilisers that grow food, aluminum that builds cities, helium that cools semiconductors, and petrochemicals that sustain industries from medicine to manufacturing.

When Hormuz works, the world barely notices. When it fails, everything changes.

A waterway shaped by power

Hormuz has always been a prize worth fighting for. In 1622, Abbas I of Persia, with English naval support, seized control of the strait, marking the beginning of centuries of geopolitical struggle.

By the mid-20th century, the stakes had only grown. In 1951, Britain blockaded the strait to pressure Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh after he nationalised Iran’s oil industry. The blockade lasted more than two years and contributed to the 1953 coup that reshaped Iran’s political future.

Decades later, during the Iran–Iraq War, Hormuz became a battlefield. Between 1984 and 1987, attacks on commercial shipping left more than 430 seafarers dead and 546 vessels damaged. Yet even under fire, oil continued to flow, proof of the strait’s irreplaceable role.

THE INVISIBLE CARGO THAT FEEDS THE WORLD

While oil dominates headlines, Hormuz carries something even more critical: the building blocks of global food security.

More than 30 percent of the world’s ammonia, nearly half of its urea, and 20 percent of diammonium phosphate pass through this narrow passage. These are not optional goods, they are the backbone of modern agriculture.

Synthetic nitrogen fertilisers alone sustain nearly half of the global population.

If Hormuz closes, these supplies don’t just slow down, they stop.

WHEN HORMUZ FAILS

A shutdown of the strait would trigger a chain reaction unlike any other.

Oil prices would surge immediately, sending shockwaves through global markets. Energy-dependent industries would stall. Manufacturing costs would rise. Inflation would accelerate worldwide.

But the deeper crisis would unfold more quietly, in the fields.

Unlike oil, fertilizers cannot be easily rerouted. There are no pipelines for ammonia or urea. A disruption in March means missed planting windows in the Northern Hemisphere, and by September, lower harvests.

The result: rising food prices, shrinking supply, and growing insecurity.

For the Gulf region itself, the danger is even more immediate. Countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar import over 80 percent of their food. Wealth cannot compensate for blocked supply routes. When Hormuz closes, access — not money — becomes the defining factor of survival.

A SINGLE POINT OF FAILURE

For over 100 million people living around the Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz is not just a trade route, it is a lifeline.

Its closure would expose a harsh reality: the modern world, for all its complexity, still depends on a single, narrow passage of water.

The global economy is diversified. Supply chains are vast. Technologies are advanced. Yet all of it can be disrupted by the failure of a 39-kilometre chokepoint.

THE WORLD ON EDGE

Hormuz has endured wars, blockades, and decades of geopolitical tension. Each time, it has held; barely.

But the lesson is clear.

The world has now seen what happens when Hormuz falters: energy markets tremble, industries slow, and the foundation of global food systems begins to crack.

In an interconnected world, the fate of billions can hinge on a single stretch of water.

And if Hormuz fails completely, the consequences will not be regional.

They will be global.

A court injunction, filed by the Ekuona Royal Family of Parkoso and Nsuta, had stopped any gathering in the dead musician’s name. And so, in a moment that felt almost poetic in its defiance, organiser Papa Shee simply changed the fliers. The women had not come to mourn a legend. They had come, it turned out, to celebrate his first wife.

The Celebration of the Life of Akosua Serwaa came off that evening despite the legal storm around it, despite the University of Ghana management receiving a court order and formally asking the event to stop, despite everything. It proceeded anyway, and the women who showed up did so knowing full well the legal jeopardy involved. That is not devotion to a pop star. That is something older, angrier, and more urgent than fandom. That is solidarity.

Eight months after the death of Charles Kwadwo Fosu, the man the world knew as Daddy Lumba, Ghana has still not buried the conversation his passing started. And at the centre of that conversation, largely obscured by legal jargon and the noise of social media commentaries, are two women who deserve far more than the roles they have been assigned in this story.

Daddy Lumba died on 26 July 2025 at the Bank Hospital in Accra, aged 60, after what his family described as a short illness. Within hours, even as his music poured from every radio station in the country, even as tears fell from Accra to Kumasi, the private architecture of his life began to crack open in public. What spilled out was not a simple story of love. It was the story of what happens to women when a celebrated man refuses to make hard decisions while he is alive and leaves everyone else to live with the consequences after he is gone.

Priscilla Ofori, known publicly as Odo Broni, had lived with Daddy Lumba for fifteen of the last nineteen years of his life. She bore him six of his eleven children. She was there when his health declined, when the crowds thinned, when the glamour faded into the quieter reality of a sick man who needed care. By every measure of daily life, she was his partner.

She was also the woman who was publicly humiliated almost the moment his body was cold, when a radio presenter on DLFM, the station Daddy Lumba himself had built, went on air and dismissed Akosua Serwaa entirely, declaring Odo Broni the only wife that mattered. And when a gathering of dignitaries came to the family home to offer condolences, including former President Akufo-Addo, Daddy Lumba’s own manager introduced Akosua Serwaa as the musician’s “former wife” in front of people who had known both women’s names from his songs for decades.

And yet Odo Broni is the woman the internet largely decided to vilify.

Akosua Serwaa is the woman whose name Daddy Lumba wove into the fabric of his music with a tenderness that made millions feel they knew her personally.

He recorded “Makra Mo,” one of his most devastating songs, as a direct appeal to his siblings to care for his wife and children after his death. He sang about Yaa Tiwaa in “Me Mpaebo,” praying for her struggle with infertility with the intimacy of a man who considered this family his own. Fans who grew up with Daddy Lumba knew Akosua Serwaa’s name before they ever saw her face. Her name was embedded in his legacy the way a thread is embedded in cloth. You cannot remove it without unravelling everything.

Akosua Serwaa was also, by the account of music historians, the woman who made his career possible. When the young Charles Fosu and Nana Acheampong were trying to record what would become the groundbreaking debut Lumba Brothers album in Germany in 1989, it was Akosua Serwaa who came forward as producer and provided the financial backing that made it happen. Without her, there is a credible argument that there is no Daddy Lumba as Ghana knew him.

And yet when she arrived in Ghana after his death, it was to a legal battle. She did not stay at her late husband’s home. She went to businessman Kennedy Agyapong’s house to avoid the confrontation waiting for her at the East Legon property where Odo Broni lived, where the machinery of his estate hummed along under someone else’s hand. She went to court in October 2025, asking to be declared his sole surviving legal spouse, arguing that the civil marriage she contracted with him in Bornheim, Germany in 2004 made any subsequent customary union legally void. Her legal team could not produce the original marriage certificate. The court, presiding judge Justice Dorinda Smith Arthur, ruled in November 2025 that both she and Odo Broni were recognised as surviving wives and both were entitled to perform widowhood rites.

It was the kind of ruling that satisfied no one and left both women in the peculiar position of sharing a grief that neither could fully claim in public without the other contesting it.

Ghana’s social media did not respond with nuance. It divided, loudly and bitterly, into two camps that mostly but not exclusively split along the lines of who you believed was the “real” wife. Team Legal Wives rallied behind Akosua Serwaa with a fervour that was partly about her and partly about something much larger: the collective fury of women who have watched men build their most public declarations of love on a woman’s foundation and then quietly replace her. Team Odo Broni pointed to fifteen years of physical presence, to the children, to the woman who was there at the end. The argument on both sides sometimes descended into a viciousness that was uncomfortable to watch, women tearing into other women over the choices of a man who made no will, left no clear instruction, and is not here to answer for any of it.

That last point is the one that cuts through everything else. Daddy Lumba died allegedly without a registered will despite an estate that includes DLFM radio, property in East Legon, and a catalogue of recordings that will generate royalties for decades. He had eleven children across four women. He had two marriages, one potentially civil and one customary, whose legal relationship to each other he never formally resolved. He left two women who loved him, in different ways and across different decades of his life, to fight over his memory in court and on the internet while strangers voted on who deserved to mourn him.

The December funeral in Kumasi came off on 13 December 2025, itself preceded by a court injunction the day before that was reversed at the last moment. Akosua Serwaa and Daddy Lumba’s eldest sister Akosua Brepomaa were not in attendance. His children by Akosua Serwaa, Calvin, Charlyn and Ciara, did travel to Ghana to pay their respects, separating their grief from their mother’s legal battle with a dignity that was quietly remarkable. The estate remains in litigation. The letters of administration case continues. And as of this week, even the Celebration of Life that was meant to give Akosua Serwaa’s side of the family a moment of closure has been wrapped in fresh injunctions, counterclaims and court notices.

There is a conversation that Ghanaians are still reluctant to have about all of this. It is not a conversation about which wife was more legitimate, or about the complexities of Asante customary law, though both matter. It is a simpler, harder conversation about what we owe the people we love when we are still alive to show it. A man can be a genius and still be negligent. A man can sing about devotion with a lyrical precision that moves a nation to tears and still fail, catastrophically, at the private acts of care that protect the people who depended on him. Daddy Lumba asked in “Makra Mo” that his siblings care for his wife and children when he was gone. He did not leave a will to back that request up.

Both Akosua Serwaa and Odo Broni are survivors of a situation they did not design. One built the foundation. One kept the lights on. Neither of them is a cautionary tale. They are both women who gave significant portions of their lives to the same man, who are now fighting over what remains of that investment in public, with strangers issuing verdicts on their worth from the comfort of a phone screen.

The women who gathered at the University of Ghana Stadium on Saturday evening, who showed up despite court orders and institutional warnings and the general chaos of it all, were not naive. They understood what they were doing. They were saying, collectively, that Akosua Serwaa’s story deserves to be heard in a space larger than a courtroom. That a woman who helped build a musical legacy deserves more than to be airbrushed out of it by a radio announcement the week her husband died.

The melody still plays. But Ghana is slowly, and painfully, beginning to reckon with the silence behind it.

Bridget Mensah is a PR, Marketing & Communications professional and General Secretary of the Network of Women in Broadcasting (NOWIB). A dedicated feminist and advocate for women in media, she champions workplace excellence whilst empowering voices and building bridges across the industry. Bridget is passionate about amplifying women’s stories and driving positive change in Ghana’s media. She can be reached via email at mbridget634@gmail.com

9. In a formal petition I presented to the President yesterday, titled “Safeguarding Procurement Integrity, Market Confidence, and National Risk Governance in Ghana’s Insurance Sector”,

I stated that across multiple Insurance institutions, we at IMANI observe:

A. Shifts in renewal behaviour without clear evidence of competitive tendering

B. Reduced participation of non-SIC insurers in major state-linked placements

C. Increasing perception of predetermined outcomes in procurement processes

D. Emergence of formal petitions from market participants, including GLICO General Insurance, raising concerns about market distortion and regulatory neutrality.

10. These developments in our view, IMANI that is, suggest that policy encouragement may, in practice, be evolving into operational direction.

11. I reminded the President that “Notably, this is not the first time such concerns have arisen. In 2014, Ghana Insurers Association through the National Insurance Commission formally petitioned Your Excellency over a similar issue regarding the allocation of state insurance business. At the time, Your Excellency intervened with clarity, reversing the directive and reaffirming that placements must be guided by merit, value for money, and competitive process. That the issue has resurfaced during your return to office underscores a deeper structural persistence, but also affirms that you have the credibility, precedent, and institutional memory to correct this drift decisively.”

12. I know the President listens and he will.

More details on this after the Easter holiday.

Franklin CUDJOE

Without it, governments could operate without accountability, and citizens would remain unaware of decisions that directly affect their lives.

Yet, while press freedom is fundamental, it is not absolute. Alongside it exists another equally important value: the protection of individual reputation.

Every person whether a public official or a private citizen has the right to dignity and to be shielded from false allegations that may damage their name. The central challenge for any democratic society, therefore, is clear: how can we uphold media freedom while safeguarding individual reputation?

This question lies at the core of modern media law and ethics.

Press freedom plays a vital role in promoting transparency and accountability. Journalists serve as society’s watchdogs. Through investigative reporting, the media has uncovered corruption, exposed abuses of power, and drawn attention to injustices that might otherwise have remained hidden. In many instances, it is the work of the press that compels governments and institutions to answer difficult questions.

Without a free press, democracy becomes fragile. Citizens depend on accurate, timely information to make informed decisions about governance, elections, and public policy. The media does not merely report events it empowers the public with knowledge.

However, the influence of the media comes with profound responsibility. Words published in newspapers, broadcast on radio and television, or shared across digital platforms can significantly shape public perception. A single story can build or irreparably damage a person’s reputation.

When information is inaccurate, exaggerated, or deliberately misleading, the consequences can be severe. A person’s reputation is closely tied to their social standing and professional life. False allegations can result in lost opportunities, damaged relationships, and lasting harm to personal dignity.

In the digital age, this risk is even more pronounced. Information spreads rapidly and widely. Once a defamatory statement enters the public domain, it can be replicated thousands of times within moments, making it nearly impossible to fully repair the damage.

This is why the law recognizes the need to protect individuals against defamation. Defamation laws exist to ensure that freedom of expression does not become a license to harm others through falsehoods. They provide a mechanism for those whose reputations have been unjustly attacked to seek redress and restore their dignity.

At the same time, such laws must be applied with caution. If journalists constantly operate under the threat of legal action, the result may be self-censorship. Critical stories may go unreported as reporters shy away from investigating powerful individuals or institutions.

It is within this tension that the delicate balance between press freedom and reputation must be maintained.

Responsible journalism provides the bridge between these competing values. Ethical reporting demands rigorous fact-checking, fairness, and balance. It requires journalists to present multiple perspectives and to offer individuals a fair opportunity to respond to allegations made against them.

When these standards are upheld, journalism not only protects individuals but also strengthens public trust in the media. A responsible press demonstrates that freedom and accountability are not mutually exclusive, but mutually reinforcing.

Legal systems also play a crucial role in preserving this balance. Courts must carefully assess whether a publication serves the public interest or merely inflicts unjustified harm on an individual’s reputation. While public officials and figures are expected to tolerate a higher degree of scrutiny, they too are entitled to protection from statements that are false, malicious, or recklessly made.

The rise of digital media has further complicated this landscape. Today, the power to shape public narratives is no longer limited to professional journalists. Bloggers, influencers, and ordinary social media users can reach vast audiences instantly. The speed of online communication often leaves little room for verification or reflection.

In such an environment, the principles of accuracy and responsibility become even more critical. Freedom of expression must be accompanied by a culture of accountability one that recognizes that the right to speak also carries the obligation to speak truthfully.

Ultimately, press freedom and the protection of reputation should not be seen as opposing forces. Both are essential pillars of a healthy democracy. A press that is free but reckless can inflict serious harm through misinformation. Conversely, a system that overprotects reputation at the expense of press freedom risks concealing the truth and weakening democratic accountability.

The true strength of a democracy lies in its ability to protect both values simultaneously. A society that promotes fearless journalism while insisting on accuracy and fairness fosters a media environment that genuinely serves the public good.

In the end, the goal is not to choose between freedom and responsibility, but to ensure that both coexist. When the press is both free and ethical and when individuals are protected from unjust harm the result is a society where truth, accountability, and justice can thrive.

I’ve long admired Asantehene, so you can imagine my level of excitement when I greeted him, and he responded by first saying my name: Clement, he said, how are you? I responded, “I’m well, sir.”

As we sat on the stage waiting to play our various roles assigned to us by the 75th anniversary celebration committee of REAL AMASS, I couldn’t restrain my thoughts from generating questions.

But for the holistic power of education, would I have had the opportunity to represent my constituents, serve in John Dramani Mahama’s government, and meet the Asantehene?

The Asantehene and I sat next to each other, and as the event progressed, we exchanged a few ideas. His words of encouragement were reassuring.

I was billed to make my comments on behalf of my minister and government before Asantehene’s address. But the event was running late, and Asantehene had another scheduled event.

To make room for Otumfuo Asantehene to address the gathering before leaving the durbar ground, the event organisers persuaded me to keep my comments short when it came to my turn.

The adjustment was to allow Asantehene to speak and then commission a girls’ dormitory built by his friend in honour of his late mother before heading to the other scheduled event.

When the organisers and his team presented this proposal to him, to my surprise, he turned it down. Otumfuo turned towards me and said:

“My son, present your speech in full. I will no longer speak. I want to hear everything you have to say. I will wait for you to finish, and then we will go together to commission the dormitory before I leave.”

I couldn’t believe it. And true to his word, that is exactly what he did.

I finished my speech, joined him, the Ameer of the Ahamadiyya Mission, and Ashanti Regional Minister, Dr. Frank Amoakohene, to cut the anniversary cake. After that, we walked in a procession to commission the new girls’ dormitory in honour of the late Asantehemaa, Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem II, before he departed.

I returned to the event grounds in the company of the Ameer for the third phase of the event after Asantehene’s departure, which was the presentation of awards to deserving individuals.

On my way to the airport, as I sat at the airport, as I sat in the aeroplane, one thought occupied me: the humility of the Asantehene. It’s only humility that can explain his decision to decline addressing the gathering so that I could present my speech in full.

Otumfuo could have decided otherwise or even left the event sooner, in light of the other scheduled event. But he stayed and patiently listened to me.

I arrived home convinced now more than ever that:

1. Education is the most transforming force. But for education, what would be the chances of a Builsa man from Doninga sharing a stage with His Majesty the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II in Kumasi?
2. Humility is the true mark of greatness. But for his humility, why would His Majesty the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, yield to me and sit to listen to me present my statement in full?

Indeed, education is the most powerful transformative force, and humility is the true mark of greatness.

I had no choice but to share my exciting and thought provoking interactions with His Majesty the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, at the 75th Speech and Prize Giving Day of T.I Ahmadiyya Senior High School.

Yours truly,
Dr. Clement Abas Apaak
MP Builsa South and Deputy Minister of Education

For example, a Relationship Manager may feel subtle pressure to approve a borderline loan to meet lending targets or sustain business growth. However, sound judgment, regulatory compliance, and prudent risk management demand carefulness. In such moments, bankers must balance short-term performance with long-term financial sustainability, recognizing that safeguarding institutional trust is equally crucial.

Ethics in banking extends beyond policies or boardroom discussions; it guides everyday decisions. Nowhere is this more evident than at the teller’s counter. Tellers, stationed within the secured “cage,” occupy one of the most sensitive and trust-dependent roles in banking. They interact directly with customers and handle cash that does not belong to them. On any given day, large sums of money pass through their hands.

Daily operations present subtle ethical tests. A customer may leave without collecting part of their money, or a teller may accidentally count extra cash into a withdrawal. At the end of the day, a surplus may appear during reconciliation. These moments may seem minor, but they carry significant ethical weight: what should a teller do when no one is watching?

Modern banking relies on internal controls, reconciliation processes, and supervisory oversight to ensure accuracy. Yet technology and oversight cannot detect every ethical challenge immediately. Often, the right choice depends entirely on the teller’s sense of responsibility. Reporting an overpayment may require additional explanations and scrutiny, but staying silent undermines both personal integrity and institutional trust.

The teller’s role is unique: access to financial resources comes with the expectation of absolute honesty. Ethical failure at this level threatens more than account balances; it threatens trust—the foundation of banking. Customers entrust their money to banks with confidence that it will be responsibly managed. If trust erodes, reputational damage can ripple far beyond a single incident.

Ethical banking in Ghana and beyond must therefore go beyond written policies, embedding integrity into everyday practice. Controls, audits, and compliance frameworks are essential, but they cannot replace character. Training programs can teach procedures, yet values guide the choices individuals make when procedures are unclear or when temptation arises.

Institutions must intentionally cultivate a culture of integrity. Ethical awareness should be reinforced through ongoing training, open dialogue, and leadership by example. Staff must feel safe to report mistakes or irregularities without fear of punishment. Encouraging honesty strengthens both employee accountability and institutional credibility.

Ultimately, the teller in the cage is more than a transaction processor; they are a custodian of trust. Each note counted and each decision made contributes to the bank’s reputation. Ethical banking is not just about compliance—it is about integrity, demonstrated most clearly when individuals choose to do the right thing, even when no one is watching.

Profile
The writer is a seasoned banking professional and Head of Branch and Channel Monitoring under the Distribution and Channels Department at Prudential Bank Limited. Beyond her corporate responsibilities, Nancy is a preacher of the gospel and committed to empowering women, promoting faith-centered personal growth, and fostering community transformation. She is the Founder and Convenor of Mended Heart, a healing and support network dedicated to restoring individuals affected by heartbreak and fractured relationships, equipping them to rise as voices of strength and hope.

After the group split, Okyeame Kwame successfully transitioned into a solo artiste, releasing notable songs like Woso, Faithful, Small Small, and the widely celebrated Made in Ghana, cementing his place as a purposeful and consistent hitmaker.

Over the years, one might have expected Okyeame Kwame to fade from the music scene, as often happens with artists who break out from groups. However, the opposite has been true. OK remains one of the most consistent and visible figures in Ghana’s music industry to date.

His song Made in Ghana has, over time, become almost synonymous with March (Ghana’s Heritage Month), playing in homes and at national events across the country.

Each time it resurfaces, I ask myself: what is it about Okyeame Kwame that keeps him consistently relevant, producing hits for 29 years while continuing to receive endorsement deals?

In my exploration, I discovered that the answer lies in the depth and purpose of his music. His lyrics are not just entertaining; they are deeply didactic, often promoting national pride, social responsibility, and development-oriented thinking.

His work reflects a conscious effort to positively influence society and align with broader national goals and policies.

Okyeame Kwame turns 50 in April with an event titled “OK @50.”

This goes beyond entertainment. It is a recognition of a legacy built on impact, consistency, and cultural significance.

Curious about this recognition, I took a step back into history to understand why it will not be out of place to celebrate Okyeame Kwame on his 50th birthday.

Setting the Pace in Educational Development

Okyeame Kwame is one of the first Ghanaian pop musicians to return to university as an established artist, making higher education attractive to musicians like Stonebwoy, Samini, and others.

His academic qualifications are remarkable:
 KNUST – Bachelor of Social Sciences, Akan
 UGBS – Master of Arts in Marketing Strategy
 IPLS – Professional Master’s in Alternative Dispute Resolution
 UniMAC – Master of Philosophy in Public Relations
 Currently pursuing a PhD in Development Communication at UniMAC

He is also a co-opted member of the Chartered Institute of Marketing, UK, and serves as an adjunct lecturer at the University of Ghana, Legon, teaching Level 200 voice students in the Department of Music, School of Performing Arts.

Additionally, Okyeame Kwame is one of the few Ghanaian artists whose lyrics are studied in university literature courses.
When asked why he places such a premium on education in an interview, OK explained that his dedication stems from a desire to understand the theories behind learning and personal development.

Advocacy in Health and Wellness
OK is one of the first musicians in Ghana to consistently lead health advocacy projects, promoting them annually for over 16 years. Since 2009, the Okyeame Kwame Foundation has screened and vaccinated more than 10,000 Ghanaians.

His hepatitis campaign has contributed to policy development, primary school education, research data collection, and the promotion of a healthy lifestyle for people living with hepatitis.

Currently, in partnership with MDs Lancet Laboratories and the Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research, Okyeame Kwame is preparing to mark this year’s World Hepatitis Day with screening and vaccination exercises for inmates.

Contribution to Cultural Diplomacy

Okyeame Kwame was the first artiste in Africa to be given the key to the city and have his own day celebrated in Cincinnati, Ohio, USA. November 17 is officially celebrated as Okyeame Kwame Day in Cincinnati.

Contribution to Creative Arts

Okyeame Kwame has written and produced two stage plays (The Versatile Show), demonstrating his creativity beyond music. These productions blend drama, music, and cultural storytelling, highlighting his versatility and commitment to using performing arts as a tool for education and entertainment.

Literary Contributions

Okyeame Kwame is arguably the only Ghanaian/African artiste to have developed and launched his own brand book, reflecting a structured and intentional approach to personal branding. Globally, only a handful of artistes, including Taylor Swift, are known for building such clearly defined brand identities.

He is the author of two books under the Love Locked Down series. The first focuses on finding and sustaining meaningful long-term relationships, and the second explores maintaining lasting love. Through these works, he extends his influence into personal development, offering guidance on love, commitment, and emotional intelligence.

Climate Change Advocacy Efforts
Okyeame Kwame is currently the Climate Change Ambassador for the World Bank’s carbon credit sharing program, ENABLE. He has also served as Ghana’s Climate Change Ambassador since 2018, collaborating with the Forestry Commission’s REDD+ project, Solidaridad, and the World Bank-sponsored climate adaptation program, DGM (Dedicated Grant Mechanism).

A Global Development Agent

In 2011, the World Bank recognized Okyeame Kwame for his contributions to development through music. He has represented Ghana as a negotiator at UN annual COP programs.

In 2017, UNICEF appointed him as a UN Goodwill Ambassador for his parenting style, alongside figures like Hugh Jackman and David Beckham. He is widely regarded as the first Ghanaian celebrity family man to make it fashionable to publicly express love for one’s spouse and children, creating a trend in celebrity family lifestyle branding.

Sports Contribution

In 2016, on turning 40, Okyeame Kwame raised funds to support five Ghanaian Paralympic athletes to participate in the Desert Olympics.

Worthy Brands Ambassador

Okyeame Kwame has served as a brand ambassador for major companies including:
 MTN
 GTBank
 Coca-Cola
 Ghacem
 Waylead Properties

He has also launched his own brand of boxer shorts and, since 2021, spearheaded the “Made in Ghana” campaign, focused on:
 Building national pride among the youth
 Promoting Ghanaian businesses
 Encouraging export of Ghanaian artifacts
 Celebrating indigenous traditions and culture

He dedicates his social media platforms entirely to this campaign and has served as ambassador for:
 Ministry of Trade – promoting Made in Ghana goods
 Ministry of Creative Arts and Culture – promoting tourism
 National Commission on Culture – promoting culture
 Ghana Tourism Authority – promoting tourism

Contribution to Academic Development

Okyeame Kwame is the African Dyslexia Association Ambassador, influencing policy and encouraging African parents to recognize and support children with dyslexia and neurodivergence.

Okyeame Kwame stands out because he is much more than a musician. He is a cultural ambassador, educator, advocate, and thought leader. Over the past three decades, he has consistently used his platform to promote national pride, social responsibility, and positive change in Ghana and beyond.

From pioneering health advocacy and climate change campaigns to inspiring higher education among artists, Okyeame Kwame has shown that artistry can go hand in hand with meaningful impact. His ventures into literature, theatre, personal branding, and entrepreneurship demonstrate his versatility and vision, making him a rare figure in the African creative industry who blends talent with purpose.

Celebrating his 50th birthday is not just a tribute to his musical achievements, but a recognition of a lifelong commitment to shaping society, promoting Ghanaian culture, and influencing generations.

Honouring him at this milestone is a celebration of a life dedicated to excellence, integrity, and service, setting a powerful example for current and future artistes, proving that success can be meaningful, socially responsible, and impactful.

My deepest condolences go to the bereaved families, and my thoughts are with all those who have been affected. In moments like this, we must go beyond grief and ask the difficult, but necessary, questions that will help us prevent future occurrences.

This structure, believed to have been initiated over a decade ago as part of a public project, stood incomplete and unattended for years. Over time, it became accessible and was reportedly used for various activities.

Its condition, visible to many, posed an obvious risk. The critical question is: how did we allow such a known hazard to persist in the heart of a community?

This is not about assigning blame. It is about confronting a systemic issue within our governance and development processes.

At the heart of this tragedy lies a breakdown in three key areas: accountability, monitoring, and enforcement.

First, every public project must have a clearly defined chain of responsibility—from initiation to completion. When projects stall, there must be designated institutions or officers accountable for securing or repurposing them. Infrastructure cannot be abandoned without consequence.

Second, local authorities must be adequately empowered and resourced to carry out routine inspections of buildings within their jurisdictions. District and municipal assemblies are the first line of defense in identifying structural risks. However, this responsibility must be matched with the necessary logistics, personnel, and legal backing to act decisively.

Third, enforcement of safety standards must be non-negotiable. Where structures pose a danger to human life, swift action must be taken—whether through rehabilitation, restriction of access, or demolition. Delayed action often comes at a far greater cost.

This incident also raises broader national concerns. Across our towns and cities, there are numerous abandoned or uncompleted structures—both public and private—that silently threaten the safety of our citizens. We must ask ourselves: must we always wait for disaster before we act?

As a nation, we must transition from reactive responses to proactive governance. Prevention must become the cornerstone of our development strategy.

To this end, I call for:
• A nationwide audit of all abandoned and uncompleted structures.
• Immediate risk assessments and safety interventions for identified sites.
• Strengthened institutional coordination between central government agencies and local authorities.
• A clear policy framework that ensures no project is left unattended without accountability.

Equally important is community awareness and participation. Residents must feel empowered to report unsafe structures, and authorities must respond promptly to such concerns. Safety is a shared responsibility.

Let me emphasize: this is not a political issue. It is a human issue. The loss of even one life due to preventable circumstances is unacceptable. We must rise above partisanship and focus on building systems that protect our people.

The Accra New Town tragedy must not fade into silence. Let it mark a turning point—a moment when we collectively decide that neglect will no longer be tolerated, and that public safety will always come first.

If we fail to act decisively now, we risk repeating this painful chapter elsewhere.

Let us choose responsibility. Let us choose action. Let us choose life.

Yet these unsung heroes battle not just infernos and collapsing buildings. They fight with one hand tied behind their backs.

For years, the Ghana National Fire Service has been cruelly handicapped, starved of basic equipment while the Police Service receives wave after wave of shiny vehicles, motorbikes, and armored carriers from governments and corporations alike.

This is not mere oversight. It is a national shame, a betrayal that costs lives and exposes our country’s painful vulnerabilities.

The contrast cuts like a knife. Governments, across parties, have poured love and resources into the Police Service with open arms.

On December 23, 2019, President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo handed over 100 brand-new vehicles, proudly declaring peace and safety as national priorities. In February 2023, he returned with more: 100 pick-up vehicles, 600 motorbikes, 6 Armoured Personnel Carriers, and an upgraded Police Headquarters. Private sector giants followed suit.

The Electricity Company of Ghana donated 200 motorbikes in December 2023. Guaranty Trust Bank added 100 brand-new ones in July 2025.

And in December 2025, President John Mahama presented 40 armored vehicles at Police Headquarters, proving this favoritism knows no political color.

Vehicle after gleaming vehicle. Motorbike after motorbike. Headquarters facelifts and armored protection.

The message is loud: our police officers deserve the best to keep us safe.

But turn to the fire stations, and the silence is deafening, and deadly.

The newest fire tender in the entire national fleet is already 15 years old, the Interior Minister revealed in Parliament on March 18, 2025. Nearly half, 48 tenders, sit idle, broken and unrepaired because there is no money.

These are the very machines our firefighters depend on when tragedy strikes. Promises in the 2026 budget to “retool” with 100 new tenders feel like empty words after decades of neglect. One day, perhaps. But lives cannot wait for “one day.”

This abandonment turned tragic in the recent collapse of a multi-storey building in Accra New Town at the Experimental School premises.

Lives were trapped beneath tons of rubble. Three precious souls were lost. Firefighters arrived ready to save, but their outdated, faulty equipment left them crippled.

They had to rely on a foreign national who brought his own heavy machinery and tools to help extract the trapped victims.

What a heartbreaking exposure of our nation! While police fleets grow stronger, firefighters, our first line against fire and structural disaster, were forced to depend on outsiders because their own government had left them unequipped for years.

Families shattered. Children and adults pulled from debris too late. Heroes risking everything with tools from another era. Ghana, how did we let this happen?

Imagine the scene: sirens wailing as firefighters race to yet another emergency in vehicles older than many of the victims they try to save.

Engines sputtering. Equipment failing. Civilians turning angry, even assaulting them for “showing up with nothing.” T

hese men and women carry children from burning homes, battle choking smoke for hours, and crawl into collapsed structures knowing their own lives hang by a thread, yet they do it anyway, with hearts full of duty and hands empty of proper tools.

The pain runs deeper because both services wear uniforms of sacrifice. Both stand between us and chaos.

Police officers cruise in fresh armored vehicles and new motorbikes donated with fanfare.

Firefighters watch their tenders rust in yards, praying the next call doesn’t end in preventable tragedy. No parades. No luxury. Just the basic dignity of working machines.

Ghana, we must feel this shame in our bones. Every siren from a fire station now carries a whisper of despair: “We are here for you… but who is here for us?”

Our firefighters deserve the same urgency, the same national tears, the same resources poured so generously into policing.

They are not asking for parades, they are begging for the tools to do their sacred work without unnecessary risk to their lives or ours.

How many more buildings must collapse? How many more fires must rage unchecked? How many more heroes must die or watch victims slip away because we failed them?

It is time, past time, to end this orphaning of the Fire Service. Equip them now. Honor them as we honor their police brothers and sisters.

Until then, every flame that claims a life and every collapsed wall that buries hope will burn with the truth of our collective neglect.

These forgotten firefighters rush into hell so we don’t have to. The least we can do is give them the means to come home alive, and to bring more of us with them. Ghana, wake up, this is not about politics. WE ARE BLEEDING.

The writer, Ayisha Akua Ibrahim, is a reporter in the Adom Newsroom

Acting on behalf of the African Union and the entire continent, President John Dramani Mahama last week secured a landmark global recognition of slavery as the gravest crime against humanity.

By this, President Mahama and Ghana reminded the world of a truth that had long been buried under silence. From oral and written history, we have learned of the painful situation where millions of Africans were stolen, broken, and sold.

These enslaved Africans helped to build the present day wealth of Europe and the Americas through their bonded suffering, while Africa was left weak, fractured and hating each other.

In many ways, the recognition, which was voted against by the United States of America, Argentina and Israel matters. It restores dignity and tells African children that what happened to our ancestors was not normal, not acceptable, and not forgotten.

But like every situation, recognition is only a good beginning to something meaningful. Alone, it will not save us.

Economic dependence
If slavery was the crime of yesterday, then economic dependence is the danger of today. And unless we act, it could become the shame of tomorrow, haunting our children and bonding their dreams down like the chains used by the slave trades to shackle our ancestors.

This is more so because the chains may be gone, but the structure remains. We still dig the minerals, grow the crops, and export them raw. In return, we import finished goods at high prices, calling it trade. To help normalize and deepen this, many countries have signed duty-free or favourable export terms African nations, the latest being China, allowing our raw materials to be shipped abroad to feed their factories at the expense of our jobs and fragile industries.

In the business world, this is a softer, quieter form of control that keeps us at the fringes, where we cannot dictate how much we earn for our own resources. This explains why Ghanaian cocoa farmers, though the people toiling to supply the premium beans, will still earn penance from the global multibillion-dollar chocolate industry that their sweats sustain. The same applies to gold, bauxite, iron ore, copper, cobalt and lithium, which Africa has vast reserves of.

Harsh but relevant questions
These explain why Ghana’s success at the UN must now mean something at home and across Africa. It must force us to ask difficult questions about the kind of economy we are building and who it truly serves.

As has been said in multiple ways, true independence is not only about flags and speeches. It is about ownership, production and the ability of a people to turn their own resources into prosperity with their own hands.
Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah warned decades ago that political freedom without economic freedom was empty. Decades down the line, that statement has grown mightier in truth and with evidence.

While slavery, colonialism and the global financial architecture have largely worked against African nations, the continent is blessed with innovative and resilient minds, capable of turning of our challenges into business opportunities. A look around you reveals this.

Yet, Ghana and the broader Africa still export raw materials and jobs while our youth idle in droves. Our entrepreneurs are bypassed by governments for contracts and local businesses endure the full brunt of taxes and general fiscal policies while multinationals, some of them the fruits of slavery and colonialism, benefit from tax exemptions. While their governments speak for them in high-level meetings with our governments, it only takes demonstrations for the local entrepreneur’s concerns to be felt and heard.

Instructively, Ghana and Africa should be places where local businesses are not treated as afterthoughts. The continent should be where laws are written to help investors grow, not to permanently favour foreign capital. Our youth must be supported to dream of building factories and companies, not just chasing foreign visas.

I agree that foreign investment has its place in every nation’s development but evidence abounds that partnership is the winning equation in today’s world. Partnership involves creating platforms for local and foreign entities to co-create opportunities, share in their respective expertise and grow in ways that respect the uniqueness of one another. It allows the local entrepreneur to ride on the broad wings of foreign firms to grow while the multinational taps the indigenous expertise to deliver value in-country.

But this cannot be possible under our current policy structure, which literally favours FDIs over local capital. It requires that our laws change to protect local capital, reward domestic production, and encourage Ghanaians/Africans to take risks and build.

Push for domestic process
For us in Ghana, it is encouraging to note that President Mahama has started a process to revamp local processing of raw materials. It makes no sense for a cocoa growing, gold-and textile producing nation like us to import chocolate, jewellery and fabrics.

Over the years, we have made domestic processing an afterthought, suggested to multinationals rather than a policy priority backed by law. Where we have capacity, raw exports should be limited. Where we lack capacity, government should help build it. Public institutions should buy Ghana made products first. Ghanaians should be encouraged to consume what they produce.

That is why it motivating to hear Zimbabwe, Guinea and Gabon are mandating mining companies to process their lithium, bauxite, iron ore and manganese locally or risk losing their licences.

It is tough route, yes but if there is any lesson in the mighty rise of China, it is that no nation can grow its way out of poverty without industrialization. It is the surest way to internalizing, be it technically sophisticated processing such as surface one like making toothpicks.

Looking ahead
Thus, as we celebrate the win for our ancestors and our children’s children, we must know that it took as a century to achieve it and it must mean something beyond pride.
It must unite and galvanize us to meaningfully seek and achieve economic sovereignty.

To do that we must unite and rise above party politics. We must not belong to the NDC or the NPP or whatever party in Africa but belong to Ghana and the broader Africa.

Industrial policies should outlive governments. National priorities should not change every election cycle for serious nations do not start and abandon economic visions every time a new leader takes over.

As the new scramble for Africa intensifies, this time for our minerals, land and data, we must be interested in who benefits. We must be sure we are not chaining our wealth and generations away but creating linkages that grow local economies and retain values for communities.
We must break the chains, this time round through business and entrepreneurship.

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In many parts of Europe and Asia, the ATM is no longer a “cash dispenser.” It is an Automated Deposit Terminal (ADT) or a Cash Recycling Machine (CRM). To move Ghana forward, the BOG should mandate that top-tier banks transition to machines with the following technical specifications:

Cash Recycling Technology: These machines accept deposits, instantly verify the notes for authenticity using high-speed multispectral sensors, and then “recycle” that same cash for the next person’s withdrawal. This reduces the need for frequent armored van visits and ensures constant liquidity.
Optical Character Recognition (OCR) for Cheques: Modern terminals must be equipped with scanners that read MICR (Magnetic Ink Character Recognition) lines and convert handwriting into digital data instantly, allowing for “Real-Time Cheque Truncation” at the machine level.
Biometric Integration: Leveraging the Ghana Card, these machines should utilize fingerprint or iris scanning to authorize high-value deposits and withdrawals, removing the “human verification” requirement at the teller counter.
Bulk Note Processing: The standard should be the ability to process at least 200 mixed-denomination notes per transaction in under 60 seconds.

In Singapore and South Korea, the concept of a “bank teller” for cash handling is nearly extinct. Their “Smart Branches” feature rows of automated kiosks where customers perform 98% of all banking activities.
In Europe, specifically in Germany and the UK, banks have deployed Intelligent Teller Machines (ITMs). These devices allow for “little to no human interference,” but offer a video-link to a remote expert if a complex problem arises. This ensures the physical branch remains a high-speed transit point for capital, rather than a crowded waiting room.

The transition to automation cannot be left to the “discretion” of commercial banks. History shows that without regulatory pressure; institutions often prioritize short-term cost-saving over long-term national efficiency.
The Bank of Ghana (BOG) must lead this charge by: Setting Automation Quotas: Mandating that 80% of all cash-handling in “Tier 1” banks be processed via automated terminals by 2027; Productivity Audits: Evaluating banks not just on their balance sheets, but on their “Transaction Throughput Efficiency.”; Zero-Interference Policy: Ensuring that automated deposits are credited instantly to the customer’s ledger, removing the “back-office approval” lag that currently plagues the system.

We are currently wasting thousands of high-value man-hours in queues. I advocate for a clearway in our financial system. We must treat time as a critical national resource.
By incorporating global automation trends and enforcing them through the BOG, we can transform our banking halls from centers of frustration into hubs of efficiency. It is time to stop waiting and start automating.

Author Details:
Kobina Amo-Aidoo is a Transport Expert and a PhD Candidate in Highway and Transportation Engineering at the Transport Research and Education Centre, Kumasi (TRECK) – KNUST.
Contact: Kamoaidoo@hotmail.com

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While details vary depending on the case and jurisdiction, most civil disputes follow a very similar journey from initial dispute to final resolution. 

Below, we’ll take a look at some of the key stages of litigation and what typically happens at each step. 

Pre-action

Before a formal claim is issued, you have the pre-action stage.

This is when the dispute first occurs, after which information may be gathered and letters may be exchanged. Solicitors often recommend sending a Letter Before Action during this phase to explain the issue to the other party, present evidence and detail what compensation is expected.

Generally courts prefer it when parties have first tried to consider forms of alternative dispute resolution instead of taking a dispute straight to formal proceedings. After all, avoiding litigation saves time, money and stress. A party that demonstrates signs to settle a case out of court may also be viewed more favourably in some cases.

Issuing the claim

If the dispute cannot be settled informally, formal court proceedings will begin the moment a party files a claim.

This is done using a claims form. This document sets out essential facts of the case and the remedy that is sought out. The court then presents these documents to the defendant, who must respond within a set deadline.

The defendant’s response could be to admit the claim, present a defence or file a counterclaim. Once the claim and defence are in place, a timetable is set for the rest of the case including key deadlines and a provisional trial date. 

Exchange of evidence

The next stage is all about disclosure and discovery of evidence. This is evidence that will be presented during the trial to argue each party’s case. 

Witness preparation is a key part of this stage. Evidence in the form of writing, images or videos is also gathered. Nowadays, much of this evidence is in the form of digital files like emails, messages and documents – eDiscovery for law firms is crucial, and often requires specialist software to sift through all the evidence. 

Evidence is exchanged so that each party can build a fair case. The quality and completeness of this evidence greatly affects the outcome, so it’s important each party starts preserving evidence from the pre-action stage.

Trial

If the case doesn’t settle beforehand, it proceeds to trial.

At trial, each side presents its evidence before a judge in a court. In some cases, a jury may be assembled. 

The trial consists of four phases:

• Opening statements
• Examination and cross-examination of witnesses
• Consideration of documents and expert evidence
• Closing submissions from lawyers

The judge must determine the facts based on the evidence, consider the law and reach a decision. Many cases settle shortly before trial.

Post-trial

The litigation journey doesn’t always end with the judge’s verdict.

Appeals can be made if either party believes the court made an error. These appeals follow their own set of rules and timelines. 

Generally, however, the party that lost the case will be expected to pay compensation in some way. Failure to comply could result in extra penalties.

At the heart of the exercise is the mandatory linkage of SIM cards to the Ghana Card, as stipulated under LI 2112. From inception, stakeholders, including telecom operators, regulators, and technical developers, aligned on a central principle: the Ghana Card would serve as the single source of truth for identity verification.

The Importance of SIM Registration

The relevance of this exercise cannot be overstated.

1. Strengthening National Security

By linking every SIM card to a verified national identity, authorities can better trace criminal activities such as fraud, cybercrime, and mobile money scams. Anonymous SIM usage—once a major loophole—is significantly reduced.

• Enhancing Digital and Financial Integrity

With mobile money and digital banking forming a core part of Ghana’s economy, verified SIM ownership ensures accountability in financial

transactions. This is particularly crucial in combating identity theft and unauthorized financial activity.

• Building a Unified National Identity System

The integration between telecom databases and the NIA represents a major step toward a cohesive digital identity ecosystem. Once fully optimized, it simplifies access to public and private services.

• Legal and Regulatory Compliance

The framework under LI 2112 clearly mandates the use of the Ghana Card for SIM registration. The law does not necessarily require biometric capture at every stage, but it emphasizes identity verification through the NIA system— making the process legally sound when properly implemented.

How the System Was Designed to Work

From a technical standpoint, the initial phase of the exercise (Stage One) was relatively straightforward:

1. Users submitted their Ghana Card details via USSD or digital platforms.
   1. Telecom operators transmitted this data in real-time to the NIA.
   1. Verified identities triggered OTP confirmations, completing the SIM linkage.

This real-time verification ensured that only valid Ghana Card numbers— already authenticated by the NIA—were used. Additionally, the introduction of the *402# shortcode by the NCA provided a critical transparency tool, allowing individuals to check all SIM cards registered under their identity.

Challenges From The Previous Registration Exercise

Despite its strong conceptual foundation, the rollout has encountered several challenges:

1. Technical and Platform Limitations

Initial attempts using mobile apps and web portals were plagued with inefficiencies, pushing reliance onto USSD systems. While effective, USSD lacks the robustness and user experience of modern digital platforms.

• SIM Cloning and Identity Misuse Risks

Even with verified Ghana Card numbers, concerns persist about unauthorized SIM registrations using another person’s identity. Without widespread public use of verification tools like *402#, such issues may go undetected.

• Public Awareness and Compliance Gaps

Many users remain unaware of their ability to verify linked SIMs or remove unauthorized ones. The system’s effectiveness depends heavily on user participation in these verification processes.

• Logistical and Accessibility Constraint

Although the government anticipated widespread Ghana Card availability by 2023, some individuals—especially in remote areas—still face barriers in obtaining or updating their cards.

• Policy Communication and Misinterpretation

There has been public confusion around what the law actually requires. Some narratives incorrectly suggest that processes without direct NIA involvement are invalid, whereas the law primarily mandates the use of the Ghana Card—not necessarily continuous biometric validation.

The Way Forward

Experts argue that the next phase of the exercise should focus on system strengthening rather than reinvention:

• Mandatory SIM Verification: Making the *402# check compulsory could empower users to confirm and control all SIMs linked to their identity.
  • User-Controlled Authorization: Future SIM registrations, removals, or transfers could require direct approval from the Ghana Card holder.
  • Improved Public Education: Sustained awareness campaigns are essential to ensure citizens understand and actively engage with the system.
  • Enhanced Security Layers: Addressing risks like SIM cloning through additional authentication measures will further solidify the system.

Conclusion

Ghana’s SIM registration initiative is a bold and necessary reform with far-reaching implications for security, governance, and digital transformation. My thoughts in conclusion are:

1. The exercise is no longer a “re-registration exercise “but a registration exercise for the singular reason been that the first attempt was null and void due to its lack of linkage of persons to their biometric data. The exercise only linked most names to the growing National Register and nothing else.

• This registration exercise gives government a double prong benefit. One is all the stated benefits and secondly, the opportunity to capture individuals who are not in the NIA Database since all mobile centers will have staff from the authority as part of the team.

This is a more wholistic approach to anchoring the various arms of our economic growth indicators on IDENTITY which is now the most effective way to achieve a data driven economy.

Know the Demand

The first thing you need to do is understand the demand that you have for your products, and which target countries are supporting that demand.

Decide how you plan to send your orders to different countries, and take the time to answer basic questions. You should also understand the sales tax you need to pay. Depending on what you are selling and where you intend to sell it, you may also need to invest in a VAT number.

A VAT number UK can be checked online, and this is a great way for you to make sure that you stay on top of things like VAT checking, so you can assess your profitability and what prices you need to charge when you are out and about.

Controlling Shipping

It’s also so important that you take the time to control your shipping costs. Using a parcel consolidator is a good thing to do here. Most consumer eCommerce international packages don’t weigh that much, but at the same time, they can be expensive.

If you want to work around this, then you need to make sure that you are using a reputable parcel service and that you are also looking into shipping in bulk if you can.

If you do this, then you will find it easier to make sure that you are able to lower your shipping costs as well as any cross-border costs you may need to pay. If you can keep things like this in consideration, you will notice a big difference.

Create Predictable Processes

Creating predictable processes is so important. Express couriers can charge for delivery if they cannot deliver on the first attempt, and sometimes sellers have to provide their phone number or even a backup address.

If you want to help yourself here, then shipping automation is a good thing to invest in.

If you do this, then you can eliminate errors by checking your customer data, which will help you a lot. You can also purchase discounted postage labels, which will help you to track your orders while making sure that you are working from a centralised dashboard. Things like this can make a major difference to you, and they can also allow you to create your own rules so you can streamline your fulfillment.

If you can also make sure that you use technology-based rate shipping to estimate your shipping and delivery costs, then this will help you too. Different international shipping carriers will serve different countries, and they will also vary depending on their needs.

If you can consider things like this, then it will help you a lot, and it will also allow you to make the right changes so you can ultimately become more profitable.

At the centre of this effort is the National Identification Authority (NIA), the institution responsible for building and maintaining Ghana’s digital identity ecosystem.

Over the past few years, the NIA has laid a quiet but powerful foundation for Ghana’s digital transformation. Today, more than 19 million Ghanaians (from 15 years and above) have been enrolled on the National Identity Register, with the vast majority issued with their Ghana Cards. This represents over 90% of the population and is one of the most successful extensive biometric identity systems on the continent.

Yet the true measure of success is not just registration — it is usage.

Across Ghana’s financial sector, the Ghana Card has become indispensable. Virtually all major banks rely on the NIA’s platform daily to verify identities in real time. From account opening to loan processing and high-value transactions, millions of verifications are conducted seamlessly and securely.

Notably, this same model extends across key public institutions such as SSNIT and the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA). In these environments, there are no long queues for repeated identity capture or verification because processes are conducted directly against the Ghana Card database — the single source of truth. Once identity is verified once, it is trusted across systems.

This is the power of a unified identity infrastructure.

It also highlights an important risk: the moment parallel or duplicate databases are created, silos emerge. These silos introduce inconsistencies, enable duplication, and ultimately create opportunities for fraud. A fragmented identity ecosystem cannot deliver trust.

A key reason this system works so effectively is by design. The Ghana Card ecosystem was built to minimize — and in many cases eliminate — human intervention in verification processes. Identity authentication is conducted digitally, directly against the National Identity Register, ensuring speed, accuracy, and consistency. By reducing manual handling, the system significantly limits opportunities for manipulation, discretion, and fraud.

This raises an important question:
If banks — operating in high-risk, tightly regulated environments — trust the NIA system without hesitation, why has SIM registration faced challenges in the past?

The answer lies not in the absence of a credible identity system, but in how that system was applied.

Previous SIM registration exercises were conducted through a largely parallel process, where biometric data was captured independently and not consistently verified directly against the National Identity Register. In effect, the system attempted to replicate identity verification and validation rather than rely on the Ghana Card as the single, authoritative source of truth.

This approach created a critical disconnect.

While the NIA had already developed a ready-to-market, real-time identity verification platform — one that was actively being used by banks and other institutions with proven success — SIM registration workflows did not fully integrate with it. As a result, identity checks were fragmented, duplication occurred, and the full value of the national identity infrastructure was not realized.

Equally important, the previous model introduced inefficiencies that were both unnecessary and costly to the public. Individuals were required to undergo fresh biometric capture — often at a fee — despite the fact that their biometric data already existed within the National Identity Register. This duplication was not only redundant but fundamentally flawed.

When identity has already been established and securely stored within a central system, there is no justification for recreating that process elsewhere. Doing so introduces friction, increases cost, and weakens system integrity. It also creates room for perverse incentives, where processes become driven by volume and fees rather than accuracy and verification.

The lesson here is clear: identity verification must not become a transactional activity. It must remain a trusted, centralized public good.

Subsequent audits only reinforced this reality, revealing that biometric validations from the previous exercise did not meaningfully match records in the national database. This outcome was not a failure of the identity system itself, but rather a reflection of the missing link — direct, seamless verification against the Ghana Card.

Simply put, the foundation existed, but it was not fully utilized.

That gap has now been addressed.

Today, the NIA operates a robust, secure, and fully functional identity verification infrastructure. We have cleared historical backlogs, introduced instant card issuance, expanded nationwide coverage, and strengthened our systems to support real-time authentication at scale.

More importantly, the Ghana Card has proven itself.

Banks trust it because it delivers consistency, accuracy, and security. They rely on a single, authoritative source of identity — the National Identity Register — which eliminates duplication and ensures that every individual is uniquely identifiable. Through proper integration, identity verification has become a seamless part of their operations.

For telecom operators, this offers a clear lesson.

Success in SIM registration will not come from technology alone. It will come from how well systems are integrated, how effectively stakeholders collaborate, and how deliberately processes are designed around the user.

Encouragingly, the new SIM registration framework reflects these lessons. With the introduction of mobile app-based self-registration and assisted digital services, using NIA’s advanced technologies such as facial recognition and liveness detection, Ghana is moving toward a more efficient, secure, and user-centred approach.

Security, in particular, remains non-negotiable.

The Ghana Card is backed by biometric verification, ensuring that identities are tied to unique physical characteristics. NIA’s liveness detection technology will further strengthen the integrity of the system by preventing the use of static images or spoofed identities.

This is a major step forward for Ghana.

It will enhance national security, reduce fraud, and ensure that every active SIM card is linked to a verified individual. It will also reinforce trust in digital services — a critical requirement for a modern, inclusive digital economy.

At the NIA, we are ready.

Our systems are already working — proven daily through their use in banking, healthcare, taxation, and other essential services. The success of this SIM registration exercise will not be built from scratch; it will be built on a foundation that already exists.

A foundation of trust.
A foundation of security.
A foundation of identity.

The banking sector has demonstrated what is possible when that foundation is properly utilized.

The telecommunications sector now has the opportunity — and responsibility — to do the same.

Ghana must not repeat the mistakes of the past. The Ghana Card must remain the single source of truth, and all systems must align around it.

If we get this right, Ghana will not only solve the challenges of SIM registration — we will take a decisive step toward a future where identity is verified once and trusted everywhere.

And that future is already within reach.

What exactly is the real rent problem in Ghana? Is it that rents are too expensive? Or is it that tenants are forced to pay too much money upfront before they can even receive the keys to a room?

The answer lies somewhere between economics, law, and a housing system that has quietly drifted away from reality. On paper, Ghana already has rules governing rent payments.

The Rent Act 1963 (Act 220) clearly states that landlords are not supposed to demand more than six months’ rent advance from tenants. The law has existed for over six decades. The Rent Control Department is tasked with enforcing it.

Yet the lived reality in cities such as Accra, Kumasi, and Takoradi tells a completely different story. Two years’ rent advance has become the norm. In some cases, landlords even demand three years.

A single room that costs GHS 700 per month can require more than GHS 16,000 upfront before a tenant moves in. For the average Ghanaian worker, that is not simply rent—it is a financial mountain.

This is where the national conversation becomes blurry. When Ghanaians complain about rent, they often speak with one voice. But beneath that shared frustration lie two very different issues.

First, there is the cost of rent itself. Urban housing prices have increased steadily over the years, especially in fast-growing cities. According to the Ghana Statistical Service, Ghana faces a housing deficit estimated at nearly two million housing units. When demand for homes rises faster than supply, prices inevitably climb.

Second, there is the structure of rent payment—the advance system that forces tenants to pay huge sums of money upfront. For many people, the true pain is not necessarily the monthly rent. The deeper problem is that they must produce two years’ worth of rent in one day.

That requirement alone locks thousands of young workers, newly married couples, and migrating professionals out of the housing market.

So the real question becomes unavoidable: Do Ghanaians want cheaper rent, or simply a more humane payment system?

To understand the problem honestly, one must also listen to the other side of the story. Many landlords did not inherit large housing estates. They built their houses gradually, block by block, often with personal savings and informal loans.

Without strong mortgage systems or housing finance, the rent advance becomes a form of capital recovery. It helps landlords recover construction costs, protect themselves from inflation, and shield themselves from tenants who may stop paying.

In a country where legal processes can be slow and eviction disputes complicated, advance payments have become a form of insurance. So what appears to tenants as exploitation often appears to landlords as financial survival.

The Silent Failure of Governments
The tragedy of Ghana’s rent crisis is that it has lasted through many administrations. From Jerry John Rawlings to John Agyekum Kufuor, through John Atta Mills, John Mahama, and Nana Akufo-Addo, housing reform has appeared repeatedly in political speeches.

Yet little has fundamentally changed. Public housing programmes have been limited. The rent law has remained largely outdated. Enforcement agencies are underfunded. And urban populations continue to expand rapidly.

The result is predictable: the housing market now runs largely on informal rules, not on the laws written in books.

What Ghanaians Actually Want

Listen carefully to the conversations in workplaces, churches, and radio discussions, and a clearer picture emerges. Most tenants are not demanding miracles. They are asking for three simple things. First, a monthly or quarterly rent payment system, similar to what exists in many parts of the world.

Second, strict enforcement of the six-month rent advance rule. Third, more housing supply, particularly affordable housing for middle- and lower-income workers. In essence, the average Ghanaian tenant is saying something simple: “Let us pay rent in a way that allows us to live and breathe.”

Housing is more than shelter. It shapes mobility, productivity, and dignity, and this is why the nation must rethink housing.

When young professionals cannot move closer to jobs because they cannot raise two years’ rent advance, economic opportunity becomes restricted. When families must borrow heavily just to secure a room, financial instability follows.

The rent advance system has quietly become one of the biggest barriers to urban mobility in Ghana. Fixing it will require more than political statements. It will require serious housing policy, stronger enforcement institutions, and innovative rental financing systems that protect both tenants and landlords.

Until that happens, the Ghanaian dream of simply finding a decent place to live will remain what it has become for too many people: A struggle that begins long before the door to the house is even opened.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

Appointed in 2025, Razark has been instrumental in coordinating security agencies to tackle pressing issues like narcotic trafficking and ensuring peace across the nation.

One of his notable achievements is the intensified war on drugs, with major busts recorded since assumption of office in 2025, including the interception of 3.3 tonnes of cocaine worth $350 million at Pedu Junction near Cape Coast.

His team has also arrested several high-profile suspects, including a notorious Nigerian drug trafficker and a British national attempting to smuggle cannabis at Kotoka International Airport.

Razark’s coordination with agencies like NACOC, NIB, and the Ghana Police Service has led to significant seizures, including 713 slabs of suspected narcotics in Ashanti Region and 1,613 parcels on the Tema-Akosombo Road.

His emphasis on inter-agency collaboration and intelligence gathering has improved Ghana’s security framework.

The Silent Approach.

Razark’s top-notch approach is characterized by strategic planning, discreet operations, and effective collaboration.

His focus on cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and crisis management has made him a key player in Ghana’s security architecture.

Impact on Ghana’s Security.

The National Security Coordinator’s efforts have contributed to a safer Ghana, with reduced drug trafficking and improved public safety.

His work has earned him commendation, with some praising his ability to tackle security challenges with minimal resources.

COP Abdul-Osman Razark’s coordination with international security agencies has significantly boosted Ghana’s fight against narcotic trafficking.

Enhanced Intelligence Sharing.

Razark’s collaboration with agencies like NACOC, NIB, and international partners has improved intelligence gathering, leading to targeted operations and arrests.

Joint Operations.

Partnerships with some countries in the African sub region have resulted in joint task forces and awareness campaigns to tackle cross-border trafficking.

These efforts demonstrate Ghana’s commitment to combating narcotic trafficking, with COP Razark playing a pivotal role in strengthening international cooperation.

THE WRITER: WILLIAM GENTU.

COMMUNICATION & MEDIA PRACTITIONER,
MASTERS STUDENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY @ GIMPA.

EMAIL: FAFALIFA1@GMAIL.COM

The Original Argument No Longer Holds

To understand why this levy must go, we must revisit the rationale for its implementation. In June 2025, prices at the pump had indeed seen a decline. According to data from the Chamber of Oil Marketing Companies, prices had dropped for the seventh consecutive time that year, aided significantly by the Cedi appreciating by 34% against the dollar. Petrol had fallen to about GH¢12.38 per liter by June 2025 from GH¢14.99 per liter in January 2025, and diesel to GH¢12.88 per liter by June, 2025 from GH¢15.60 per liter in January, 2025. It was this “drastic decline” specifically a drop of GH¢2.61 for petrol and GH¢2.72 for diesel that the Minister used as a political shield to introduce the new tax.

His argument was simple, the consumer was paying less at the pump, the government could step in and take that margin to defray the energy sector debt. The Energy Sector Levies (Amendment) Act, 2025 (Act 1141) officially added approximately GH¢1 to the price build-up, bringing the total Energy Sector Shortfall and Debt Repayment Levy to GH¢1.95 for petrol and GH¢1.93 for diesel. The government effectively treated the global market disinflation as an opportunity to fill its own coffers, rather than a chance to provide lasting relief to households and businesses.

The Crushing Burden of March 2026

Fast forward to March 2026, and the market dynamics have violently reversed. The National Petroleum Authority (NPA) has announced significant hikes in price floors effective March 16, with diesel jumping to a floor of GH¢14.35 per liter and petrol to GH¢11.57 per liter. However, these are merely the minimum prices before overheads or markups are applied. The market as at Monday, 16th March 2025 saw the retail prices of diesel averagely sold above GH¢15.60 per liter and petrol sold averagely above GH¢12.60 per liter reverting to the peak prices seen in early 2025.

These increases are being driven by forces entirely outside the government’s control, same as observed in 2022 during the initial stages of Russia-Ukraine war. As of March 2026, escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East specifically the ongoing conflict involving America, Israel and Iran as well as strikes near the Strait of Hormuz have spiked global crude oil prices . This external shock makes the domestic levy untenable. In June 2025, the tax was absorbable because the Cedi had gained strength and world prices were low. Today, with global prices high and the exchange rate under renewed pressure, the GH¢1 levy is no longer a “small addition” it is the straw breaking the camel’s back.

The Mandate of the Levy Has Been Fulfilled

Perhaps the most compelling argument for the removal of the tax lies in the very success of the revenue mobilization it funded. The levy was sold to a skeptical public as a necessary tool to clear the energy sector’s legacy debt. By the government’s own admission, that mission has been accomplished.

According to the Ministry of Finance, between January and December 2025, the government paid approximately US$1.47 billion to reset the energy sector. This includes the full repayment of US$597 million drawn on the World Bank Partial Risk Guarantee, the settlement of all outstanding gas invoices to ENI and Vitol (approx. US$480 million), and the payment of roughly US$393 million in legacy debts to Independent Power Producers (IPPs). The World Bank guarantee has been fully restored, and the government has stated unequivocally that the “era of unchecked energy sector debt accumulation is over”. On pages 7 and 8 of the 2026 budget speech, the minister indicated that revenue collection has increased by about 90% and for that matter the sector was not accruing current debt.

The announcement by the finance minister on the defrayment of the sector debt nullifies any justification for the keeping Ghc1 per liter on the price build-up of petroleum products. Therefore, continuous collecting of the levy now transforms it from a “debt recovery” tool into a hidden general revenue tax. The consumer is being asked to pay for a problem that has allegedly been solved.

The Inflationary and Social Impact

Continuing this levy in the face of rising global prices is an economic own goal. CEMSE, in its commentary on the 2025 budget, warned that this levy would place “added pressure on consumers” through higher fuel prices, which would inevitably affect “transport costs and inflation”. With diesel price now exceeding GH¢15.60 per liter, highly inflationary figures are likely to rebound if the GH¢1 per liter per introduced on the price build up is not removed.

Diesel is the lifeblood of the Ghanaian economy because it powers the vehicles and cargos that carry food to the markets, the generators that back up our erratic power supply, and the machinery in the construction and mining sectors. A diesel price above GH¢15.60 will trigger an immediate spike in transportation fares and food prices. Simultaneously, petrol at GH¢13.00 will eat into the disposable incomes of commuters and private vehicle owners. To maintain a tax designed for a “debt crisis” during a “cost-of-living crisis” is to place fiscal policy at odds with the welfare of the citizenry.

Conclusion
The GH¢1 per liter levy was a product of its time introduced when prices were low to solve a debt problem. Today, prices are high and the debt is, by official record, cleared. The government has a choice to retain this tax and watch inflation spiral, or show empathy and economic prudence by withdrawing it. The consumers have paid their share and for that matter it is time for the government to fulfill its side of the bargain and remove this burdensome levy.

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The confirmation of news reports indicating former Finance Minister (2017-2024) Ken Ofori-Atta is seeking permanent residence in the USA is unfortunate as well as disappointing.

Some of us have known Ken since the 1980s – a pleasant and brilliant product of prestigious Achimota School, Columbia University and Yale University School of Management. He founded Databank in Ghana and our paths crossed in Liberia where Databank was opening.

Ken, now 66, is deeply familiar with the legal system in Ghana, and l believe that an honest bible-quoting Christian like him would have the courage of his convictions to face all odds.

From my personal experience in politics, l would agree that politics is an unpredictable path to pursue, yet a necessary avenue to serve public interest.

The position of a Finance Minister is a prestigious one, and any person in that role attracts more eyeballs than probably any other Cabinet minister or public servant. And all those put in that position have not been unaware of the kind of responsibility carried with it.

We have known Dr Kwesi Botchwey, Richard Kwame Peprah, Yaw Osafo-Maafo, Kwadwo Baah-Wiredu, Dr. Kwabena Duffuor, Seth Terkper, Dr. Mohammed Amin Adam (2024-2025), and NONE of them has sought permanent refuge abroad, and Ken knows this.

So why is Ken Nana Yaw Ofori-Atta seeking to abandon his traditional heritage, his old school mates and the values they inherited, his church fraternity and the teachings that held them together, the colleagues in the party which made him chairman of their Finance Committee, his cousin former President Akufo-Addo who appointed him as Finance Minister and who is still in the country, his many admirers who loved his regular white outfits?

The laws of Ghana, like the values in the villages and in the churches and mosques, have not changed; only the human beings and personalities keep changing positions.

I am not the only one who will be disappointed if Ken sticks to his word, as his US lawyers say: most of those I have mentioned here will also be.

For posterity, and for the history of the Republic of Ghana, this will be a bad precedent! Nothing to be proud of as part of Ghana Heritage! Come home, Ken! This is where you belong!

In the ever-colourful theatre of Ghanaian politics, a single statement can travel faster than a trotro in an empty lane. This week, the National Chairman of the National Democratic Congress, Hon. Johnson Asiedu Nketia, stirred public conversation with a remark that was as humorous as it was deeply reflective: “If all 500,000 become police officers, where will they find thieves to arrest?”

Now, to the casual listener, this may sound like a simple joke thrown into a political gathering to lighten the mood. But anyone familiar with Chairman Asiedu Nketia knows that beneath the humour often lies a serious message waiting to be unpacked. The man has a way of wrapping wisdom in satire, the same way our grandmothers wrapped bitter medicine in honey.

The facts themselves are telling. Nearly 500,000 young Ghanaians reportedly applied to join the Ghana Police Service, yet government resources can only absorb about 5,000 recruits this year. If that statistic alone does not provoke reflection about youth employment and national planning, then perhaps the Chairman’s humorous question will.

In essence, the statement highlights an important truth: a nation cannot function if everyone chooses the same path. Imagine a Ghana where half a million citizens suddenly wear police uniforms. Who then becomes the teacher to educate our children? Who grows the maize and cassava that end up on our tables? Who builds our roads, heals our sick, designs our technology, and drives our businesses?

In such a scenario, the police might eventually find themselves directing traffic for goats and chasing chickens across empty markets.

This is precisely the deeper point the Chairman appears to be making. A thriving nation depends on economic diversity. Security institutions are important, but they are only one piece of the national puzzle. The strength of any economy lies in the variety of professions and industries that keep the wheels of productivity turning.

There is also another layer of wisdom hidden in the remark. If society successfully creates opportunities for its citizens eg. jobs, businesses, skills training, and innovation. When that is highly achieved, the number of people tempted to commit crime naturally declines. In that sense, the best way to reduce crime is not simply to recruit more police officers but to build a society where people are productively engaged. It is preventive development rather than reactive policing.

Chairman Asiedu Nketia, known widely for his grassroots approach to politics, has built a reputation as a leader who speaks plainly and without unnecessary decoration. He says things as they are, sometimes with a touch of humour that leaves people laughing first and thinking later. That is the mark of a seasoned political communicator.

Of course, in today’s political climate, some observers, especially those in opposition may be tempted to search for hidden controversy in every sentence spoken by government or figures close to government. But a mature democratic society must rise above the temptation of petty political propaganda.

Opposition politics, at its best, is not about twisting statements for headlines or creating noise where none exists. It is about providing constructive criticism, proposing practical alternatives, and strengthening democratic accountability.

In this particular case, the Chairman’s remark should be seen not as an attack on aspiring police officers but as a humorous reminder that national development requires balance, planning, and realism. Governments must recruit security personnel responsibly, based on budgetary capacity and national needs, while simultaneously expanding opportunities across other sectors of the economy.

After all, a country cannot be policed into prosperity.

Ultimately, the comment reflects a deeper philosophy, the true measure of progress is not how many officers we recruit, but how many citizens we empower to live productive and dignified lives. When the economy works for the people, crime naturally becomes the exception rather than the norm.

And perhaps that is the real joke behind the Chairman’s statement: in a well-developed society with abundant opportunities, the police might indeed struggle to find thieves to arrest. Would that not be the best problem any nation could ever have?

Even when you step out of your air-conditioned vehicle to enter an office, shop, or home, you are still breathing the same polluted air. This invisible danger slowly damages our lungs and respiratory organs.

Every day, in our expanding cities, we breathe polluted air, regardless of our social status or where we live. Air pollution does not discriminate.

The transportation sector is one of the biggest contributors to this problem. Heavy traffic, ageing vehicles, and long hours of idling engines release harmful pollutants into the atmosphere. Anyone who has driven behind a vehicle releasing thick black smoke has witnessed this problem firsthand. At the same time, poor waste management systems mean that waste is frequently burned in many communities, adding more smoke and harmful particles to the air.

The health impacts of this pollution are serious. Breathing polluted air over long periods can lead to asthma, lung disease, heart problems, and other respiratory conditions. Studies have also shown that exposure to polluted air can affect unborn children and increase health risks for pregnant women.

What makes air pollution particularly dangerous is that it is often invisible. On many days, the sky looks clear, yet the air can contain tiny particles known as particulate matter. These particles are smaller than the width of a single strand of hair and can travel deep into the lungs and even enter the bloodstream.

People who spend long hours near busy roads may face the greatest risk. Market traders, street vendors, drivers, policemen, and traffic wardens often spend their entire working day in environments where vehicle emissions and dust are highest.

As our cities continue to grow, the problem could become even more serious if action is not taken.

Improving waste management is an important step. Reducing open burning and ensuring proper waste collection can significantly reduce pollution in many communities. Stronger vehicle emission standards and better public transportation systems can also help reduce pollution caused by traffic congestion.

But tackling air pollution is not only the responsibility of government and policymakers. As individuals, we also have a role to play. Avoiding the open burning of waste, maintaining vehicles properly to reduce excessive smoke, and supporting cleaner transportation options can help reduce pollution in our communities. Simple actions such as proper waste disposal and planting trees around our homes and neighbourhoods can also contribute to cleaner air.

Clean air is not a luxury. It is essential for our health and well-being. As Ghana’s cities continue to expand, protecting the air we breathe must become a priority for policymakers, communities, and individuals alike.

Clean air should not be a privilege for a few; it is a basic right that every Ghanaian deserves.

Author
Maame Serwaa Appiah

In many countries, citizens wake up each morning hoping their government succeeds. Success means better roads, stronger schools, stable prices, and opportunities for the next generation.

But in Ghana, a troubling political culture has quietly taken root, one where some people do not merely criticize the government; they pray for it to fail!

Not because failure serves the country. But because failure serves the next election.

It is a strange and dangerous psychology: a nation where political victory often depends on national disappointment. Ghana’s democracy, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1992, has largely revolved around two dominant political forces the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

Their rivalry is intense, deeply emotional, and often theatrical. Elections are fought fiercely, supporters defend their camps passionately, and political debate fills radio studios, television panels, and social media timelines. Competition in politics is not the problem. In fact, democracy thrives on competition.

The problem emerges when political competition transforms into something darker, when the opposition begins to see national difficulty as a political opportunity.

It is not unusual in Ghana’s political discourse to hear opposition voices amplify every economic hardship, every policy stumble, and every administrative misstep. That is their democratic role.

Opposition parties exist to question power, expose weaknesses, and propose alternatives.

But there is a subtle line between constructive criticism and strategic pessimism. Too often, that line disappears. In the heat of partisan rivalry, some political actors quietly begin to hope that the government’s policies fail, that the economy deteriorates, or that public frustration grows.

The logic is simple and brutally cynical: if the ruling party struggles, voters will punish them at the ballot box. In other words, the road to power is paved with national disappointment.

This mindset creates a perverse political incentive structure. Instead of contributing ideas that strengthen national programs, some actors focus on predicting collapse. Instead of offering solutions that improve governance, the emphasis shifts to highlighting failure.

Political debate becomes less about building the country and more about waiting for the government to stumble.

Ironically, opposition parties often sound their most reasonable and visionary when they are out of power.

Away from the burdens of governance, their policy ideas appear fresh, thoughtful, and people-centered. They speak passionately about accountability, fiscal discipline, and good governance. They promise transparency, humility, and national unity.

The deeper tragedy is that citizens sometimes become enthusiastic participants in this political theatre. Supporters of one party often celebrate the struggles of the other as though national hardship were a sporting victory.

Economic difficulties become partisan talking points. Governance challenges become ammunition for political insults. The conversation stops being about Ghana. It becomes about winning.

This “pull him down” mentality is not just a social habit; it has become a political strategy. Instead of building a culture where ideas compete, Ghana sometimes drifts into a culture where failure is weaponised. And that is dangerous.

Because when a government fails, the country does not pause until the next election. Businesses suffer. Families struggle. Young graduates searching for work cannot put their lives on hold until political power changes hands.

National development is not a football match where supporters cheer when the opposing team misses a penalty. When government programs collapse, everyone loses.

Infrastructure projects stall. Policy continuity disappears. Institutional confidence weakens. Investors hesitate. The economy absorbs the shock long before political actors claim their victory.

The uncomfortable truth is that a nation cannot sustainably grow if its political ecosystem quietly depends on failure. Democracy should not reward sabotage whether open or subtle. Instead, Ghana needs a different political philosophy.

A mature democracy is one where the opposition competes not by waiting for collapse but by presenting stronger alternatives. Where criticism is paired with policy. Where disagreement is grounded in ideas rather than partisan hostility.

Opposition parties should not pray for governments to fail. They should challenge governments to do better. They should design sharper policies, propose smarter reforms, and present credible visions that persuade voters through innovation rather than frustration.

The ruling party, on the other hand, must also accept that criticism is not sabotage. Healthy democracies depend on scrutiny. Governments that listen carefully to opposing ideas often become stronger, not weaker. And citizens must also rethink their role in this political ecosystem.

Partisan loyalty should not blind us to national reality. A struggling government does not hurt only its political leaders, it hurts market traders, taxi drivers, teachers, nurses, farmers, and young entrepreneurs trying to build a future.

We must learn to evaluate policies rather than slogans. Reward ideas rather than insults. And recognize that national success benefits everyone regardless of party colour.

Democratic stability alone is not enough. A democracy must also cultivate political maturity. It must encourage competition that produces better policies, not louder pessimism. It must inspire leaders who measure success by national progress rather than electoral advantage.

A country should never find itself in the uncomfortable position of hoping its government fails. Because when a nation begins to pray for political failure, it risks slowly praying against its own future. And Ghana deserves better than that.

The writer, Shadrach Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.