They become “Chop Money,” “Mo,” or “Tigo Cash.” And when brands send messages, they often start with “Hi Ama” or “Hello Kofi.” It feels normal. But new research says this everyday habit is a powerful business strategy.

A study titled “Naming Bonds: How Ghanaian Brands’ Use of Nicknames and Consumer Names Influence Trust, Perceptions, and Disposal Behaviors” looked at how Ghanaian consumers respond when brands use nicknames and personal names. The findings: it builds trust, improves how people see the brand, and even affects what happens to products after they’re used.

A Name Is More Than A Label

Ghanaian culture is built on community and relationships. People identify strongly with where they come from, the language they speak, and the groups they belong to. When a brand taps into that, it stops feeling like a foreign company and starts feeling like part of the community.

That’s exactly what happens with nicknames and name personalization. The study found that when brands use culturally familiar nicknames, consumers trust them more. The same applies when brands address customers by name in texts, emails, or app notifications. It signals attention and respect.

But the effect goes deeper when cultural identity is strong. For consumers who feel closely connected to Ghanaian culture, personalized messages do far more to improve brand perception. Without that cultural fit, personalization has much less impact.

In short: a name works best when it speaks the same cultural language as the customer.

Trust Grows, And So Does Responsibility

Two results stood out. First, trust. Both nicknames and personalized names significantly increased consumer trust. When a brand feels familiar and human, people believe it will be reliable and fair.

Trust is fragile, and in a competitive market, that familiarity gives brands an edge.

Second, disposal behavior. This was the surprise. Consumers who felt connected to a brand through names were more likely to handle products responsibly at end-of-life. That means reuse, resale, or proper disposal instead of dumping.

The reason is attachment. When a brand feels like “one of us,” products from that brand are treated differently. People are more likely to care for them and to follow through on messages about recycling or returning items.

For a country dealing with growing waste challenges, this link matters. It suggests that culturally smart marketing can support sustainability, not just sales.

What This Means For Ghanaian Businesses

Ghana’s digital economy is growing fast. More people are shopping online, using mobile money, and engaging with brands on social media. Standing out requires more than good products. The research points to three practical lessons:

1. Use culture, not just data

A nickname must make sense locally. The best ones come from how people already talk about a brand or product. Brands that listen to communities and reflect local language will be seen as authentic.

2. Personalize, but keep it human

Calling a customer by name can build trust. But it only works if it feels genuine. Overdoing it or using names without cultural context can feel intrusive instead of warm.

3. Connect branding to everyday behavior

Because naming builds bonds, brands have an opportunity to influence more than buying. Messages about product care, recycling, or safe disposal are more likely to be heard when they come from a brand that consumers already trust.

Why Ghana Matters To Branding Research

Most studies on naming and branding have focused on Europe, the US, or Asia. Ghana, and Africa more broadly, has been missing from the conversation. This study helps fill that gap.

It shows that in collectivist societies, branding is not just about logos and slogans. It’s about belonging. Social Identity Theory explains this well: people favour brands that reflect their group and values.

By testing these ideas in Ghana, the research extends the theory and gives local businesses evidence they can use. It also shows that marketing strategies cannot simply be copied from other markets. What works must be rooted in local culture.

The Bigger Picture

At its core, the study is about connection. Technology allows brands to reach millions. But connection is what makes people stay.

In Ghana, connection often starts with language. A nickname shared among friends. A greeting that uses a person’s name. These small gestures signal that a brand understands the customer.

The findings suggest that businesses which invest in culturally relevant communication will earn more than loyalty. They will earn trust.

And in return, consumers may treat both the brand and its products with more care.

For marketers, policymakers, and entrepreneurs, the message is clear: to grow in Ghana, speak with the culture, not just to it.

Sometimes, that starts with nothing more than a name.

The writer is a lecturer at the University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department.

Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan

Journal Article Information

Inkumsah, A.W., Duncan, A.E., Kwame-Adjei, M., Andoh, A.J. & Kodjie, K.P. (2026). Naming bonds: how Ghanaian brands’ use of nicknames and consumer names influence trust, perceptions, and disposal behaviors. Academy of Marketing Studies Journal, 30(3), 1-19.

Do you believe that it was the curse he claimed to have placed on England’s captain, Harry Kane, that prevented the latter from scoring?

So why did he not use his powers to push Ghana through to the final?

To this question, he has an answer.

Not only did he not help the Black Stars; he actually worked against Ghana.

He told a TikTok Live interviewer on July 9 that he “spiritually tied the Black Stars” because, according to him, Ghanaian football officials failed to acknowledge his contribution.

When it comes to religion and human beliefs, my observation is that in public ‒ among friends and relatives ‒ the average Ghanaian Christian is loud on Christ but is silent on visits to juju shrines.

How often, in serious illnesses, tragedies and unexplained fiascos, did our mothers and aunties not rush (and still rush) secretly to the jujuman ‒ while not missing church on Sunday!

So what is it about Kweku Bonsam’s claims?

Years ago, when I first saw him at the Ministry of Culture, he was coming out of his vehicle.

On it was written “Powers”. Other people sneered. I didn’t. 

As a Christian, I believe he, like the many other priests we call jujumen, has powers.

What and whom is the bible referring to when it states in Ephesians chapter 6, verse 12 that “our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realms”?

Hundreds of years ago, during the Fantes’ migration, an epidemic broke out. People were dying in droves after drinking water from the stream.

Weeks later, when the deaths continued, they consulted the okomfo, who, after divination, picked a leaf from the forest and dropped it in the stream.

The deaths ceased.  

In my years as a Christian, I have learned a lot from verse 9 of the Book of Jude.

It counsels Christians not to behave like the false teachers who heap abuse on celestial beings, and points out that “Even the archangel Michael, when he was disputing with the devil about the body of Moses, did not himself dare to condemn him for slander but said, ‘The Lord rebuke you’!”

Of course, the bible encourages Christians not to live in dread of satanic forces because God has placed “all things” under the feet of Jesus.

Juju in football

Talk about juju in football. The belief has been, and is, strong.

Ghanaian sportswriters will tell you how, in the 1980s, Hearts of Oak lost the African Cup of Champions Clubs tournament because a jujuman in Ghana warned that any player who scored a goal against their opponents in the final “away match” would die. 

In the match, Hearts needed one goal to snatch victory.

A penalty was awarded in favour of Hearts and Anas Seidu was elected to take it.

With the jujuman’s warning on his mind, he deliberately kicked the ball away from the opponent’s post. 

As the pioneer board secretary of Ashgold FC, I was aware of supporters’ insistence on “ways and means”.

They got so persistent that Sam Jonah, Managing Director of AGC and Board Chairman of the club, once told them: “If jujumen can influence the outcome of matches, why don’t we rather go for eleven jujumen to play for us?” 

Impossible

It’s almost impossible to convince Ghanaian soccer fans that God does not play football.

When Ghana drew with England in our second Group game, someone wrote on social media: “God helped Ghana”.

My question is, and has always been, “What has Ghana done particularly so well that God would favour us, and not our opponents?”

Scientific

Football has turned scientific. Remember Coach Arday (“Multi System”), Cecil Jones Attuquaye and their exploits. See what one coach did to the fortunes of the Black Stars at the 2026 World Cup?

The man has spent his entire life learning the science of winning matches.

Why would he not succeed? When he comes up against an opposing coach with superior skills, he will succumb to a loss.

So why don’t we put our money on world-class coaches instead?

There is a reason Kudus and Semenyo score goals with ease.

All Ghanaian footballers are talented, but these two, like Michael Essien, Abedi Pele, etc., have pushed beyond talent; they have acquired skills. Juju didn’t make them skilful.

At any rate, why, in spite of so many powerful juju shrines and jujumen, has Ghana never won the World Cup?

I ask myself: why does our spirituality – almost proverbial – not lead us into space exploration?

Well, let me come down to earth: why don’t we start from the ability to grow tomatoes and onions!!!

The writer is the Executive Director, Centre for Communication and Culture.

E-mail: ashonenimil@gmail.com

Delays in criminal cases largely caused by prosecutors, not courts –…

One Year of Excellence as a Legislator

In the realm of Ghanaian politics, where rhetoric rarely matches action, and the tides of public perception often shift unpredictably, standing out as a beacon of commitment to the tenets of honesty is a true testament to exceptional leadership.

Staying true to one’s campaign promise and making deliberate efforts to deliver as a Member of Parliament in Ghana are often exceptions rather than the norm.

Dr. Gideon Boako, a new entrant into Ghana’s House of Parliament, has already distinguished himself as a remarkable legislator. With his sense of reason, contributions to debates in the house, and the dexterity of his delivery, Dr. Boako has laid a solid foundation for a legacy of excellence that inspires confidence and hope for the future of governance, particularly for the younger generation.

One year into his parliamentary career, the evidence is not limited to his advocacy and debates on the floor of the House. It is also manifesting in the numerous developmental projects currently ongoing across the length and breadth of Tano North Constituency.

The dormitory blocks rising at Bomaa Senior High School, the boreholes breaking ground in over 45 communities, the 60-plus young men and women now in uniform through security service recruitment, and the 127 students who received direct educational support within a single year. This is certainly not the portrait of your usual young legislator. It is the manifestation of a servant who matches words with deeds.

The Legislator: A Voice That Commands Attention

In his first year in Parliament, Dr. Boako wasted no time establishing himself as a serious force on the national stage. As a member of the Finance Committee, he brought a rare combination to his oversight work—academic rigour, economic depth, and an uncompromising commitment to accountability.

His performance during the vetting of the Finance Minister and Deputy Minister drew widespread attention. His questions were pointed, data-driven, and unsparing—the kind that remind Ghanaians what parliamentary oversight is supposed to look like.

On the floor of the House, he contributed meaningfully to debates on both the 2025 and 2026 Budget Statements and Economic Policies, consistently anchoring national discourse in the lived realities of his constituents.

He raised the persistent concerns of Tano North, the deplorable state of roads, the infrastructure deficit, the quiet struggles of ordinary people, and gave them a national platform.

The most telling measure of his legislative impact? His contributions were formally commended by the Second Deputy Speaker of Parliament. For a first-term opposition MP, that recognition is not merely remarkable, it is extraordinary.

The Constituent: Always Home

Perhaps what distinguishes Dr. Boako most sharply from the average Ghanaian legislator is his conspicuous nature. Not a single month passed in his first year without his presence in the Tano North constituency.

Communities that had grown accustomed to seeing their MP only at campaign time found themselves receiving a visitor who came not to seek votes, but to listen, to engage, and to act.

He visited every community across the constituency, meeting constituents directly and mapping their needs. During Easter, he gathered with Tano North residents living in Accra, nurturing the bond between home and diaspora. He joined clean-up exercises—not as a spectator, but as a participant, rolling up his sleeves to desilt gutters alongside residents. On Ghana’s 68th Independence Day, he stood with the chiefs, students, and people of Tano North.

His reach extended far beyond Ghana’s borders. He engaged members of the Duayaw Nkwanta 58 Group in Atlanta, attended funeral rites for constituents in New Jersey and Georgia, and personally visited senior high schools across the constituency to encourage WASSCE candidates on the eve of their examinations.

This is not constituency service. This is devotion.

The Builder: Delivering Where It Counts

Words on the floor of Parliament matter. But what truly defines an MP’s first year are the things that can be seen, touched, and lived.

On education, which he identified early as the cornerstone of Tano North’s future, Dr. Boako moved swiftly and decisively. He supported the construction of dormitory blocks and a dining hall at Bomaa Senior High School. He donated 100 bags of cement to projects at Yamfo Technical Institute and Boakye Tromo SHS.

The boys’ dormitory at Terchire SHS has been successfully completed, with the girls’ dormitory at an advanced stage and expected to be ready in 2026. Beds were provided to students at Adrobaa TVET, ensuring that young people learning a trade do so with basic dignity.

He facilitated educational tours for selected students to Parliament House, exposing young constituents to national governance, civic leadership, the Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Museum, and the office of the Former Second Lady, Hajia Samira Bawumia. For many of these students, it was a transformative encounter with what is possible.

Fourteen basic schools have been designated as STEM Centres under his facilitation.

He is actively supporting schools to construct dedicated facilities for robotics equipment, chemicals, and scientific tools—investments not in the present, but in the engineers, scientists, and innovators of tomorrow.

His support for medical education has been equally impressive. He has supported approximately 20 medical students and successfully facilitated the admission of two constituents into the KNUST School of Medical Sciences in 2025, with numerous others placed in tertiary institutions across the country.

On energy, Dr. Boako worked closely with NeDCo, the Ministry of Energy, and local contractors to expand electricity access. Ansen and Nkrankrom in the Yamfo zone have been connected to the national grid.

Transformers have been mounted at Appiahkrom, Twenwaaho, and Koforidua. With cabling completed from Bomoden through Yaamokrom to Gyaakye, several communities are on the verge of their first connection.

Borehole construction has commenced in more than 45 communities, with completion expected in 2026, bringing the most fundamental of human needs—clean water—within reach of thousands of families.

Over 60 young people from across the constituency secured employment through recruitment into the security services in 2025, a quiet but life-changing achievement for families across Tano North.

On sport and recreation, Dr. Boako organised the maiden MP’s Scouting Games, a constituency-wide football event that attracted scouts from Europe and former Black Stars player Charles Taylor. Several outstanding players were identified, with trials currently being pursued. For talented young men who might otherwise never have been seen, this was more than a game. It was a door opening.

The Verdict

One year. Limited resources. But unlimited commitment.

In the political vocabulary of modern Ghana, “first-year MP” is often a euphemism for orientation, a period of settling in, learning the ropes, finding one’s footing. Dr. Gideon Boako appears not to have received that memo.

In twelve months, he has built, advocated, connected, travelled, engaged, and delivered in ways that would be impressive for a seasoned legislator in their third term, let alone a first-term MP navigating the realities of opposition from across the aisle.

But perhaps most importantly, he has shown Tano North and Ghana what public service looks like when it is driven not by ambition, but by principle. Not by noise, but by results. Not by seasonal appearances, but by constant presence.

The gem of Tano North is only just beginning to shine.

“One year in office. Not defined by loud promises, but by steady presence. For Dr. Gideon Boako, service is not seasonal. It is constant. For the lucky people of Tano North, this first year is only the beginning.”

Read quickly, that number invites alarm. Read carefully, it tells a more useful story — and points to what we should do next.

Look beneath the headline and the picture becomes more clear. Reported cases at banks actually fell by a third last year, and the value at risk within them declined — evidence that the sector’s investment in controls are having an impact.

The surge in fraud sits almost entirely in the digital and payment-service channels, where cases jumped by more than half and the amount exposed nearly doubled.

Fraud in Ghana has not simply grown — it has evolved. And this distinction matters, because it shows the sector’s traditional defences are holding while a new frontier opens up.

A generation of investment by Ghana’s banks in branch controls, teller supervision and cheque verification is paying off: where verification tools are deployed, institutions now recover the overwhelming majority of attempted forgeries.

The challenge is that digital finance has expanded faster than anyone anticipated, and convenience has outpaced the security frameworks meant to protect customers.

Fraudsters have followed the money into mobile wallets, instant transfers and e-money — channels where funds move in seconds and recoveries hover near zero.

The tactics have shifted with the terrain. The dominant threat is no longer a forged signature; it is a persuasive phone call.

Social engineering, impersonation and one-time-password theft now drive a large share of losses, because the weakest link is rarely the system — it is the moment a customer, or an employee, is manipulated into trusting the wrong person.

That human layer is exactly where today’s fraudsters concentrate their effort.

This is not a story about failing institutions. It is a story about a threat that has grown faster, more human and more industrialised than the controls built to stop it — one no bank, however well run, can hold back alone.

Canada faced a version of this same shift, and its response is instructive.

I believe the lesson that Ghana’s banking sector can take from its North American counterpart is simple: Canadian banks did not beat digital fraud by hiring more investigators to clean up after the fact.

They moved the intelligence to where the money actually moves — into the transaction itself.

In light of this realisation, here are three insights from the Canadian experience that I believe may translate directly to Ghana.

1. Decide in real time

Machine-learning models can score every transaction in milliseconds against a customer’s own behavioural pattern, flagging or halting the suspicious one before funds leave the account.

In a world of instant payments, a defence that acts only after settlement is no defence at all.

2. Retire the SMS code

Where attackers routinely defeat one-time passwords through SIM-swaps and stolen phones, device fingerprinting, biometric verification and liveness detection close the very door that social engineering walks through.

3. Defend together

Canadian institutions share fraud intelligence, so that a mule account exposed at one bank is flagged across the system within minutes.

Fraud networks operate across institutional lines; our defences must too.

None of this requires ripping out existing core systems.

The most effective deployments run alongside current controls, learning continuously and shifting decisions from static rules to adaptive intelligence only as they prove themselves.

The technology is mature and already operating at African scale: on the continent’s largest mobile-money networks, data-driven risk engines have cut loss rates by orders of magnitude while making decisions in seconds rather than days.

This is not a burden for any one government, regulator or bank to carry alone, and it is certainly not a matter of blame.

The Bank of Ghana has rightly called for collective action, and the industry has been candid about the gap.

What remains is execution: a shared commitment to embed intelligence in the transaction flow, verify identity at machine speed, and pool fraud signals across the sector.

Ghana has already shown it can win the fight it prepared for.

The task now is to prepare for the fight that has arrived.

The tools exist and the evidence is in, the only question is whether we deploy them before the next report — or after it.

About the author

Jon Sarpong is the Founder and Managing Director of the INNOVA Institute, a Canadian-credentialled AI training and workforce-enablement campus located in Abelenkpe, Ghana, with programming launching in September 2026.

The Institute equips Ghanaian professionals, graduates and institutions with applied skills in artificial intelligence, data and digital finance.

For more details visit: innovainstitute.ai

The answer will shape not only Europe’s future competitiveness but also the future of journalism.

Artificial intelligence is transforming how news is gathered, produced, and distributed. Journalists can analyse vast datasets, transcribe interviews, translate stories, and identify emerging trends faster than ever.

Yet these advances cannot replace the principles that distinguish professional journalism from the constant flow of online information.

Editorial judgement, ethical decision-making, contextual understanding, and independent verification remain fundamentally human. Technology may accelerate reporting, but only journalists can determine whether information is accurate, balanced, properly sourced, and worthy of public confidence. In an era when digital content can be created and shared instantly, credibility has become journalism’s greatest competitive advantage.

The urgency of that responsibility has become increasingly clear. During Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the conflicts in the Middle East, manipulated videos, recycled images, and AI-generated content spread rapidly across digital and social media platforms.

Investigative journalists and open-source researchers relied on satellite imagery, geolocation, eyewitness testimony, and forensic verification to distinguish fact from fiction. Their work demonstrated that rigorous verification remains indispensable in an age of sophisticated digital deception.

The challenge extends well beyond conflict reporting. Recent elections across Europe, North America, and other democracies have been accompanied by manipulated recordings, fabricated quotations, and coordinated disinformation campaigns. Public health emergencies have likewise shown how quickly misleading medical claims can spread online. These developments reinforce a simple reality: when misinformation is easier to produce, trustworthy journalism becomes even more valuable.

Independent journalism performs a public service that no algorithm can replicate. It verifies evidence, provides context, scrutinises those in positions of power, and corrects mistakes transparently. These responsibilities strengthen informed public debate, democratic accountability, and societal resilience.

Responsibility, however, is shared. Citizens also need the skills to navigate an increasingly complex information environment. The Reuters Institute’s Digital News Report has consistently shown that trust in news varies significantly across countries, underscoring the importance of transparent and accountable journalism in strengthening public confidence.

UNESCO likewise identifies media and information literacy as an essential democratic competency. Responsible journalism and media-literate audiences must therefore go hand in hand.

Innovation must be matched by accountability. News organisations should be transparent about their reporting methods, corrections, and the responsible use of artificial intelligence. Such transparency strengthens credibility and helps distinguish professional journalism from the growing volume of unverified online content.

The discussions at the European Forum Alpbach 2026 reflect a broader challenge facing Europe and the wider world. Technological leadership, democratic resilience, and economic competitiveness all depend on institutions that command public confidence, including a free, independent, and trusted press.

Artificial intelligence will continue to evolve, but journalism’s mission remains unchanged: to verify facts, provide context, challenge misinformation, and hold power to account.

As Europe debates how to thrive amid rapid technological change, one lesson is clear: innovation may drive progress, but trust gives it lasting value.

Three weeks ago, you called Ghana boring. Some of you didn’t stop at boring; you called us the “anti-football team,” the “most boring team” at the entire World Cup, a Sunday league side that had stumbled onto the wrong stage.

You wrote that our own fans should be embarrassed for celebrating a 0-0 draw like it was a trophy.

You mocked Carlos Queiroz’s low block as the football equivalent of turning off the lights and hiding under the bed.

Last night, your own team tried to do exactly what you mocked us for. And it fell apart in seven minutes.

Let’s not pretend this is a small point. England went 1-0 up against Argentina in a World Cup semi-final, made a string of defensive substitutions to protect that lead, sat deeper, and invited the pressure you spent weeks telling us was cowardly to invite.

Harry Kane said it himself afterwards: once England went ahead, they just tried to hold on, and at that level, holding on isn’t enough.

Enzo Fernández equalised from distance. Lautaro Martínez headed in the winner in stoppage time. A lead became a heartbreak in the time it takes to make a cup of tea.

So, here’s the letter you’re really owed: if low block football was that easy, why did the Three Lions fail at it with a place in a World Cup final on the line?

Because it isn’t easy. It never was.

That’s the part your back pages conveniently skipped when Ghana held out against you for ninety minutes while you had close to 79% of the ball and precisely nothing to show for it.

You called that game a “shocker.” You called it “Queirozball,” said with a curled lip, as if a coach organising eleven players to defend as one unit was some kind of cheat code rather than a football philosophy with a Real Madrid CV and two Premier League titles behind it.

Rio Ferdinand, one of your own, had to step in and remind everyone that Queiroz sets his teams up to be hard to play against and well drilled, and that you have to respect a coach who gets exactly what he asked for out of his players.

That’s the part that gets lost when a low block is dismissed as “boring.”

A back four holding its shape for ninety minutes without a mistake, a goalkeeper making his first World Cup start and not being beaten once, a midfield pressing in unison rather than chasing shadows; none of that happens by accident.

It happens because eleven players trust the structure more than they trust the temptation to freelance.

It happens because a coach has drilled it into muscle memory so that under the white heat of a World Cup, with Harry Kane and Jude Bellingham and Bukayo Saka running at you, nobody switches off.

Ghana didn’t get lucky against England. Ghana got organised against England. There’s a difference, and it’s the difference between a discipline and a default.

England, by contrast, backed into a low block on the fly, under pressure, with twenty-odd minutes left and a semi-final unravelling.

That’s not a system. That’s an improvisation dressed up as a system, and Lionel Messi made you pay for the gap between the two.

Paul Merson said he was devastated watching it happen. Your own pundits pointed out this is the same tactical retreat that’s haunted England for a decade, going back to some of Gareth Southgate’s most cautious nights.

The pattern didn’t start with Ghana, and it certainly won’t end with us.

So no, we won’t be taking lectures on “anti-football” from a press box that just watched its own team get torn apart trying to do, for twenty-five minutes, what we did for ninety with a straight face.

If parking the bus is so easy, so lazy, so beneath the purists, why couldn’t England park it for the stretch that mattered most all tournament?

Here’s the truth, and it applies whether you’re Ghana holding a scoreless draw or England trying to protect a lead in Atlanta: low block football is one of the hardest disciplines in the sport.

It demands positional intelligence from every single player, communication that never drops, legs that keep running in the eighty-eighth minute exactly as they did in the eighth, and a manager willing to absorb the criticism that comes with prioritising the result over the aesthetic.

England had one bad half against Argentina, panicked into their own version of it, and it’s already being dissected as one of the worst tactical calls of the tournament, for all the wrong reasons.

Carlos Queiroz didn’t invent the low block. He’s just one of the few coaches left willing to trust it completely, in public, under exactly this kind of criticism.

Maybe next time before you reach for “boring,” ask yourselves why the team you were comparing us unfavourably to couldn’t survive doing it for even one half.

We’ll be watching the final from home. You should be watching your own dressing room.

Yours, unbothered,

A Ghanaian who was taught that discipline isn’t a personality flaw.

The writer, Joshua Tigo, is a Ghanaian journalist who works for the Adom Brands of the Multimedia Group Limited.

Email: Joshua.tigo@myjoyonline.com

Media coverage ensues, public debate intensifies, and Parliament summons officials who provide explanations and pledge reforms.

Subsequently, public attention shifts until the next report discloses an even greater sum. This recurring cycle has become so routine that issues which should provoke alarm now elicit little surprise.

The latest Auditor-General’s Report indicates that financial irregularities reached GH¢5.26 billion in 2025, more than double the previous year’s figure. While this amount is significant, the more pressing concern is the persistence of these issues.

When audit reports serve as annual reminders of recurring failures, the underlying problem extends beyond accounting to the overall quality of national institutions.

A critical distinction must be made at the outset: financial irregularities are not synonymous with corruption.

Audit reports document a broad spectrum of deficiencies, such as unsupported expenditures, procurement breaches, payroll anomalies, unretired imprests, inadequate record-keeping, contract management failures, and violations of financial regulations. Many of these issues arise from negligence or weak administrative systems rather than intentional fraud.

Regardless of whether they result from incompetence or misconduct, recurring financial irregularities highlight systemic weaknesses in mechanisms intended to safeguard public resources. When the same institutions are repeatedly cited in successive audit reports for similar infractions, the focus must shift from individual errors to the overall effectiveness of these institutions.

The analysis of Nobel laureate Daron Acemoglu and political scientist James A. Robinson is particularly pertinent in this context. In their book “Why Nations Fail”, they contend that national prosperity fundamentally depends on the strength of institutions.

Development occurs not through the absence of mistakes, but through the establishment of institutions that enforce rules impartially, hold public officials accountable, and continuously learn from failures.

Conversely, when institutions fail to enforce accountability, inefficiency and poor governance become entrenched, thereby constraining economic development.

Viewed from this perspective, Ghana’s recurring audit findings should be interpreted as indicators of institutional performance rather than isolated financial lapses.

These findings prompt a critical question: Are accountability institutions merely identifying problems, or are they also ensuring that these issues are effectively addressed? He purpose of auditing extends far beyond documenting irregularities.

Audits exist to strengthen governance by identifying weaknesses, promoting transparency, and driving institutional improvement.

Their value lies not only in exposing deficiencies but also in ensuring that corrective actions are implemented and that similar failures do not recur. Unfortunately, Ghana appears to have become proficient at diagnosing problems but far less effective at treating them.

Annually, similar procurement breaches, unsupported payments, payroll irregularities, and failures in financial controls persist. If recommendations from previous audit reports had been fully implemented, these recurring weaknesses would likely have diminished over time. Their continued presence indicates that the primary challenge is not insufficient information, but rather a lack of effective follow-through.

This distinction is critical, as accountability is determined not by the publication of audit reports, but by the actions taken in response. Transparency without enforcement provides limited deterrence. An audit system that repeatedly identifies the same irregularities without effecting meaningful institutional change risks serving as a record of recurring failure rather than a catalyst for reform.

The economic implications of these irregularities are significant. Each cedi lost through avoidable financial mismanagement represents resources unavailable for education, healthcare, infrastructure, agricultural investment, or social protection.

Given Ghana’s ongoing fiscal constraints, high debt-servicing costs, and rising demands for public services, enhancing financial discipline must be viewed not only as a governance objective but as an economic imperative.

Public discourse frequently centres on strategies for government revenue mobilization through taxation or borrowing. While these discussions are important, they often overlook the equally critical challenge of ensuring efficient management of existing public resources.

Increasing revenue without addressing persistent financial leakage is analogous to filling a container that cannot retain its contents.

Strengthening public financial management requires more than producing comprehensive audit reports.

It necessitates the effective implementation of audit recommendations, the establishment of stronger internal controls, the timely imposition of sanctions for negligence or misconduct, the recovery of public funds where appropriate, and sustained institutional reforms.

Parliament, the Public Accounts Committee, the Internal Audit Agency, governing boards, chief executives of public institutions, and anti-corruption agencies all play indispensable roles in translating audit findings into measurable improvements in governance.

Acemoglu and Robinson emphasize that institutions form the foundation of national prosperity. Inclusive and accountable institutions foster investment, encourage innovation, and strengthen public confidence. In contrast, weak institutions perpetuate inefficiency, erode public trust, and diminish economic opportunities.

The greatest danger, therefore, is not that financial irregularities occur. No public financial management system is entirely immune from error. The greater danger is when recurring irregularities become normalised, when annual audit reports cease to shock us because we have come to expect them.

A nation undermines its development when repeated institutional failures are accepted as inevitable rather than addressed as urgent priorities for reform.

Ghana’s future will depend not only on policy design and revenue generation, but also on the quality of institutions responsible for implementation and resource protection.

Strong institutions are characterized not by the absence of mistakes, but by their capacity to learn, adapt, and prevent the recurrence of errors.

Audit reports should serve as annual indicators of institutional progress rather than recurring evidence of institutional failure.

Until such a transformation is achieved, financial irregularities may persist, and public confidence in institutions will likely continue to erode. As Acemoglu and Robinson assert, national prosperity results from effective institutions.

Ghana’s challenge is not merely to expose financial irregularities, but to develop institutions capable of ensuring their rarity. Only then will transparency be accompanied by accountability, and accountability by sustainable national development.

Over the past decade, Ghana has made significant progress in digital finance. Mobile money usage has expanded rapidly, with transaction values rising from GH¢447.4 billion in February 2026 to GH¢493.2 billion in April 2026, according to the Bank of Ghana Payment Systems Statistics. Consumers can now complete payments with just a few taps on their phones through platforms provided by fintech companies, while many banks have introduced mobile banking applications to facilitate seamless and convenient transactions.

On the surface, it appears that the economy is steadily transitioning toward digital payments. Yet across markets, shops, and everyday interactions, a different reality persists; cash continues to dominate.

The Reality on the Ground

From roadside sellers to small retail shops, cash remains the primary means of exchange. Even in environments where mobile money and other digital payment options exist, many transactions are ultimately settled in physical currency.

This is not due to a lack of awareness. Most Ghanaians are familiar with digital payment solutions and use them regularly. The BoG’s data also suggests that mobile money has become a dominant digital payment channel, with 83 million registered accounts and 26 million active accounts as of April 2026. In addition, banks and other financial institutions have deployed a wide range of digital channels, including mobile banking applications, internet banking platforms, card-based payment solutions, QR-code payments, and instant fund transfer services. These innovations have significantly improved the speed, convenience, and accessibility of financial transactions.

However, the issue is not access but preference and practicality. For many individuals and businesses, cash remains the most convenient, trusted, and widely accepted means of conducting everyday transactions.

Merits & limitations

Simplicity

One of the biggest advantages of cash is its simplicity. It is immediate, and transactions settle instantly, unlike some point-of-sale systems, which may take time to reflect. Cash is also visible, allowing users to clearly see and confirm the value exchanged, whereas digital funds may require access to applications or network connectivity to verify.

In addition, cash requires no intermediary system, removing the risk of network downtime or platform failures that can occasionally disrupt digital transactions. A cash transaction is final the moment it is completed; there are no delays, network issues, reversals, or system errors, and no uncertainty about whether the payment has gone through.

Charges

Another important factor is cost. In many cases, digital transactions come with associated charges, including transfer fees, withdrawal costs, and merchant service fees.

For small businesses operating on thin margins, these costs can have a direct impact on profitability. Accepting digital payments may reduce already limited earnings, making cash the more economical option.

For customers, these charges can also act as a deterrent. The desire to avoid additional costs often leads many to prefer cash for everyday transactions.

Nature of Transactions

The structure of everyday economic activity in Ghana further reinforces the use of cash. A significant portion of transactions takes place in informal markets, small retail settings, and service-based micro businesses. For example, boarding a trotro/taxi, making market purchases, paying artisans, or giving offerings in church are typically fast-paced, high-volume, and low-value transactions. These activities are built around speed and simplicity. Cash fits naturally into this environment because it requires no setup, no infrastructure, and no adjustment to existing routines.

Fraud and Cybersecurity

Trust also plays a critical role. While digital platforms have expanded rapidly, concerns around fraud and cyber theft remain a reality for many users. Instances of mobile money scams, unauthorized transactions, and account takeovers, often associated with activities such as “419” or “sakawa,” have made some individuals cautious.

For many users, especially those less familiar with digital systems, these risks create uncertainty. A failed or disputed digital transaction may take time to resolve, and in some cases, the recovery of funds is not guaranteed.

By contrast, cash provides a sense of immediate control. Once payment is made, the transaction is completed and visible. As a result, even individuals who actively use digital platforms may still prefer to convert funds into cash for their day-to-day transactions.

Digital Growth Without Behavioral Shift

What Ghana is experiencing is not a failure of digital adoption; it is more accurately a layering effect. Digital finance continues to grow, but it is being added on top of existing cash-based systems rather than fully replacing them.

Many people use mobile money and digital platforms for transfers, bill payments, and receiving funds. However, when it comes to everyday spending, cash often becomes the final step in the transaction process.

In effect, digital systems facilitate transactions, but cash often completes them.

What This Means for the Financial System

The continued dominance of cash has broader implications for the financial system. It affects how financial activity is tracked, how taxes are collected, and how fraud can be managed, as cash transactions are less visible and more difficult to measure.

It also highlights an important dimension of financial inclusion. While digital platforms expand access, the persistence of cash demonstrates that inclusion is not only about availability; it is also about behaviour.

More importantly, it underscores a fundamental reality: technology alone does not change systems, but people do! Until behaviour aligns, it may be difficult to implement a cashless system.

Looking Ahead

Ghana’s digital finance ecosystem will continue to grow. Infrastructure will improve, platforms will evolve, and access to financial services will expand.

However, the transition away from cash may not be immediate or automatic. It will depend on building trust in digital systems, reducing transaction costs, improving reliability, aligning digital solutions with how people transact, and civic education to affect the behaviour of people.

Because ultimately, the key question is not whether digital systems exist. It is whether they can become the preferred way of doing everyday business. Until then, cash, which is simple, reliable, and familiar, will continue to play a central role in the economy.

Short Profile – Oliver Tackie

The writer, Oliver Tackie, is a seasoned banker with over nineteen years of experience in Ghana’s financial and banking sector. He is currently the Sector Head, Government & Parastatals at Prudential Bank Ltd.

His work spans a broad range of areas, including financial institutions, investment analysis, private sector development, government and public sector, and the assessment of risk across diverse debt and equity financing structures. He is an award-winning chartered banker and a chartered accountant, bringing a strong blend of technical expertise and strategic financial insight to his work.

The caller introduces himself as a mobile money customer service representative. He tells you there has been suspicious activity on your account and asks you to confirm a one-time password so he can secure your funds. His tone is calm, professional, and convincing. Within minutes, your money is gone.

Stories like this are becoming increasingly common across Ghana. What once seemed like isolated incidents are now part of a much larger and more worrying trend.

According to the Cyber Security Authority (CSA), Ghana lost more than GH¢19 million to cybercrime between January and September 2025. During the same period, authorities recorded over 3,200 cybercrime incidents, with online fraud accounting for the largest share of reported cases. Mobile money scams, phishing attacks, fake investment schemes, and online impersonation continue to affect thousands of individuals and businesses across the country.

Cybercrime is no longer a problem reserved for banks, multinational companies, or government agencies. Today, if you own a smartphone, use mobile money, shop online, browse social media, or send emails, you are a potential target.

Ghana’s Digital Success Comes with New Challenges

Ghana’s digital transformation has been remarkable.

Mobile money and online banking have changed how millions of people send and receive money. Businesses increasingly rely on online platforms to serve  customers. Government services continue to move online, making transactions faster and more convenient.

These innovations have improved financial inclusion and accelerated economic growth.

Unfortunately, cybercriminals are evolving just as quickly.

Rather than relying solely on sophisticated hacking tools, many criminals exploit human psychology. They create urgency, impersonate trusted organisations, and manipulate victims into willingly handing over passwords, verification codes, or money.

Technology is rarely the weakest link; people are.

The Scams Ghanaians Encounter Every Day

The average Ghanaian is far more likely to encounter social engineering than a highly technical cyberattack.

Phishing remains one of the most effective methods used by cybercriminals. Victims receive emails, SMS messages, or WhatsApp links that appear to come from legitimate organisations, directing them to fake websites designed to steal passwords and financial information.

The Cyber Security Authority has repeatedly warned about fake online shopping websites, fraudulent business listings, and phishing campaigns targeting unsuspecting consumers, particularly during peak shopping periods. Many victims make mobile money payments only to discover that the seller never existed.

Mobile money fraud also continues to evolve. Criminals pretend to be telecom representatives, customer service agents, online merchants, or even relatives in distress. Their objective is always the same: create panic, build trust quickly, and convince victims to authorise transactions themselves.

Social media platforms have become another favourite hunting ground. Fake online stores, cloned Facebook profiles, romance scams, and fraudulent investment opportunities have become increasingly sophisticated, often using stolen photographs and AI-generated content to appear authentic.

Businesses Are Not Immune

Many people assume only large corporations attract cybercriminals.

In reality, small and medium-sized businesses are often easier targets because they typically have fewer cybersecurity controls.

A compromised email account can expose customer information. A ransomware attack can halt business operations. A successful phishing email can redirect company payments to fraudulent accounts.

For many businesses, the financial loss is only part of the damage. Rebuilding customer trust can take months or even years.

Awareness Is the Strongest First Line of Defence

Cybersecurity is often associated with expensive software, firewalls, and sophisticated monitoring systems.

While these technologies are important, they cannot replace informed users.

Most successful cyberattacks begin with a simple human decision: clicking an unfamiliar link, downloading an unexpected attachment, sharing a one-time password, or trusting an unsolicited phone call.

Fortunately, reducing risk does not always require advanced technical knowledge.

Simple habits can make a significant difference:

• Never share one-time passwords or verification codes.
• Enable multi-factor authentication wherever possible.
• Use strong, unique passwords for different accounts.
• Verify unexpected payment requests through official channels.
• Keep devices and applications updated with the latest security patches.
• Think carefully before clicking unfamiliar links.

Cybersecurity is not about living in fear. It is about making informed decisions.

Protecting Ghana’s Digital Future

Ghana’s digital economy will continue to grow. Artificial intelligence, digital banking, e-commerce, cloud services, and mobile financial technologies will become even more integrated into everyday life.

This progress should be celebrated.

However, every new digital opportunity also creates new opportunities for cybercriminals.

Creating a safer digital environment requires collaboration. Government agencies must continue strengthening enforcement and public education. Businesses should invest in both cybersecurity technologies and employee awareness. Schools should introduce digital safety as part of digital literacy education. Families should openly discuss online scams with children and older relatives who are often targeted.

Cybersecurity is no longer the responsibility of IT departments alone. It is a national responsibility. Everyone must be responsible.

As Ghana embraces an increasingly digital future, our greatest defence will not simply be better technology. It will be better-informed people who know how to recognise threats before they become victims.

Because in today’s connected world, cybersecurity is not just about protecting computers; it is about protecting people.

–

The author, Kennedy Bentum Jnr, is a cybersecurity professional and holds a Master of Science in Forensic Accounting from the University of New Haven. (United States of America).  He is CompTIA Security+ certified and writes about cybersecurity, cybercrime, fraud prevention, and digital safety.

The rains came, garbage and cars and people floated down our streets and we wailed!

Predictably, the President declared a National Clean-up exercise and piles of garbage have been dug from gutters-, waiting to be returned to the drains by future rains.

Comically, the leaders of Zoomlion have cynically assigned 2,000 people to help in the clean-up.

A member of the government that should have had policies in place to prevent the choking of drains and garbage floating in our streets has walked into a bank to berate a bank for doing its business instead of doing clean-up.

The President described the need to do better. There was no report of a national rainstorms/drainage plans-, no new budget, no accountability measures like dismissals for dereliction.

I am old enough to remember Rawlings’ clean-ups that led nowhere.

Sadly, it seems that barring a miracle, in a few years, after we have all moved on, the rains will come again, people will die, property will be destroyed and the cycle will repeat.

This country and this President are no strangers to rains and deaths. In 2014, there were rains, followed by deaths–some from cholera and these same noises were made, to no effect.

According to the World Bank, sanitation problems cost about 290 million USD or about 1.6% of our GDP annually. That does not count the malaria, cholera, etc and their toll.

Furthermore, 1 in 5 Ghanaians practice open defecation and only 25% have access to good sanitation.

That is in normal times and during these normal times, we generate garbage that we have no policy for disposing of.

We build, with the connivance of the government tasked with protecting us, in drainage plains, valleys and when it rains, there is wahala!

We need to ask ourselves some hard questions. What is our sanitation budget? Is it adequate? What is our sanitation National Sanitation policy? More people died in Central Regio than Accra.

When shall we join enlightened nations in converting waste to energy? When are we going to see MMDCEs and Ministers fired in response to some of these disasters for incompetence?

When shall we link galamsey’s growth to the deadliness of floods and attack it like a health issue? When shall we have a law requiring residences to be insured so that we can mitigate the effects of these disasters?

When shall we bring back “Tankase”? When shall we see sanitation as a source good, well-paying jobs? Here in the US and elsewhere, the 2014 rains would have led to hearings followed by the emplacement of policies.

Why doesn’t that happen in Ghana? How did Parliament permit the NADAA government which had pledged to make Accra the cleanest city in Africa to cut its sanitation budget by nearly 60% from 2023 to 2024?

A nation that regularly tolerates such preventable devastation while permitting scarce national resources to be used in funding pilgrimages and Cathedrals is not serious. Ghana deserves better. Let’s be up and doing.

May God strengthen our leaders so they can protect us and help us to resist incompetent leadership.

The Council of State has now answered, at least for now: no. In its recent advice on a proposed bill to allow dual citizens to serve in top offices, the Council pushed back.

The reason given is not about rejecting Ghanaians abroad. It is about loyalty, trust, and what it means to lead.

That position has set off a national argument that goes to the heart of the Constitution, the courts, and Ghana’s relationship with its diaspora.

How We Got Here

The Law and The Reality

Ghana recognizes dual citizenship. The 1992 Constitution and the Citizenship Act of 2000 made that clear. The idea was to keep ties with Ghanaians abroad. Millions live outside, send money home, build schools, and invest.

But the same Constitution drew a line. To be President, MP, Minister, or Chief Justice, one must be a citizen of Ghana only. Dual citizens were locked out. The reason back then was straightforward.

People who make laws, spend public money, and take decisions on war and peace should answer to one country alone.

That line has caused problems ever since. Qualified Ghanaians abroad could not serve. Some who tried were disqualified in court. Others had to renounce other citizenships at great personal cost.

What The Courts Have Already Said

The Supreme Court has weighed in before. In cases over the last decade, the bench stressed that public office is a trust.

The Constitution, the judges argued, was written to protect Ghana’s sovereignty. When MPs or appointees were found to still hold foreign passports, Parliament lost seats and the country went into by-elections.

The message from the courts was consistent: citizenship for ordinary life is one thing. Citizenship for leadership is another. The Council of State is now echoing that logic, but in policy terms.

The Council’s Case: Leadership Demands Undivided Allegiance

From the Council’s point of view, this is not about skills. It is about the nature of power. “Whose interest comes first?” A dual citizen owes duties to two states.

Taxes, military service, diplomatic protection. In a crisis, where does the final loyalty lie? The Council believes that question should not even come up.

“What does the office represent? “An MP or Minister does not just do a job. The person stands for the nation. The Council argues that symbolism matters. A leader with formal ties elsewhere blurs that image.

“Can the public trust it?” Ghana’s democracy is still young. Institutions are fragile. The Council seems to believe that allowing dual citizens into top roles, no matter how competent, would raise doubts in the minds of voters.

It is a conservative position. But it is also a deliberate one: keep governance separate from the complications of divided legal obligations.

The Other Side: Ghana Cannot Afford to Shut the Door

Those who disagree see waste. Ghana needs doctors, engineers, bankers, and policy experts. Many of them live abroad and have children, careers, and legal lives in other countries.

Asking them to renounce is asking them to cut ties. Other African countries have found middle ground. Nigeria and Kenya allow dual citizens in Parliament with disclosures. The UK has dual-national MPs and Ministers.

The argument is simple: test people by what they do, not by how many passports they hold. There is also a fairness point.

Many Ghanaians left not by choice but by necessity. To now bar them from serving feels like punishment for migration.

Beyond Law: What Kind of Republic Does Ghana Want?

Strip away the legal language and three hard questions remain. Is leadership about blood or about results? The Council is saying blood and legal allegiance matter most. Critics are saying results and commitment matter most.

Are we inviting the diaspora, or just their money? Dual citizenship welcomed Ghanaians abroad economically. But the political door stayed shut. That sends a message: help us, but don’t lead us.

Can rules fix the risk? If the worry is divided loyalty, can it be managed? Asset declarations, security clearance, and a promise to act only in Ghana’s interest during conflicts. The Council does not think that is enough. Others believe it is.

Where This Leaves Parliament

The bill will still go to Parliament. The Council’s advice carries weight, but it is not final. Lawmakers now have three options in front of them. Keep the ban. Clear, but costly in talent. Amend with conditions.

Allow dual citizens with strict rules on disclosure and conflict. This is what many democracies do. Remove the ban entirely.

Open the door fully and deal with the consequences. None of the options is clean. Each comes with trade-offs between inclusion and sovereignty.

The Bottom Line

The Council of State is defending an old idea: that to govern Ghana, one must belong to Ghana alone, in law as well as in heart. The counter-idea is newer but just as strong: that Ghana in 2026 is global, and leadership should reflect that.

Dual citizenship was created to keep the bond alive. The leadership question asks whether that bond can also include power.

How Parliament answers will say a lot about how Ghana sees itself as a country that protects its borders in law or as a country that draws strength from Ghanaians wherever they are.

The writer is a lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department

The behaviour and discipline of citizens through responsible waste disposal, compliance with land-use regulations, and maintenance of private drainage, amongst others, cannot be overlooked.

Whilst not a prime contributor in isolation, such behaviours help keep drainage systems functional and reduce the pressures placed on urban flood management infrastructure.

By 2035, Greater Accra’s population is projected to rise from approximately 5.6 million today to about 6.5 million people, an increase of roughly 900,000 additional residents within a decade.

This growth will place enormous pressure on land, housing, infrastructure, and waste management systems.

At the same time, daily solid waste generation could rise towards 4,000 tonnes per day, increasing the risks of drain obstruction, pollution of waterways, and reduced effectiveness of existing flood infrastructure.

Against this background, the current flood mitigation approach, including the Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development (GARID) Project and wetland demolition exercises, must be examined against the scale of the future challenge.

1. Demolition of structures on wetlands does not automatically restore flood protection

It has been reported by the anti-flood task force that thousands of structures have been constructed on wetlands, waterways, and Ramsar-designated areas. One response has been the removal of buildings from these environmentally sensitive locations.

However, demolition alone does not restore the original flood protection function of these ecosystems.

In many cases, wetlands and waterways have already been altered before construction takes place. Land is filled, raised, compacted, and reclaimed before buildings are constructed. When structures are demolished, the following may remain:

• imported fill material;
• foundations and concrete slabs;
• altered soil profiles;
• blocked natural drainage pathways;
• reduced water storage capacity.

Therefore, demolition may remove the visible structure but not necessarily restore the land’s ability to absorb, retain, and slowly release stormwater.

A wetland that has been physically transformed into urban land cannot simply return to its original condition through demolition alone. Restoration requires engineering, ecological rehabilitation, removal of illegal fill material where feasible, reopening of drainage channels, and long-term protection.

2. The time gap between demolition and restoration creates a future vulnerability

Flood restoration projects are often slow because they require significant financial resources, technical studies, land management, and sustained political commitment.

This creates a major vulnerability.

If restoration takes several years while Accra’s population continues to grow by approximately 900,000 people over the next decade, pressure on available land will intensify. The same economic and housing pressures that encouraged development on wetlands in the first place will remain.

Without permanent protection mechanisms, reclaimed flood-prone land may again become attractive for settlement, commercial development, or political intervention.

3. Weak enforcement creates a risk of repeating the same cycle

Accra’s flooding problem has historically been worsened by inconsistent enforcement of planning regulations. A demolition programme may initially receive public support, but its long-term success depends on whether future administrations maintain the same commitment.

Political transitions create risks:

• enforcement priorities may change;
• illegal developments may gradually return;
• communities may wait for political conditions to change before reoccupying restricted areas.

This creates a cycle where enforcement becomes reactive rather than preventive: demolish after disasters occur, rebuild after attention fades, and repeat the process after the next flood.

A sustainable flood strategy must therefore move beyond periodic demolition and establish permanent systems of land protection, monitoring, and enforcement.

4. GARID addresses important problems but may not match the scale of Accra’s future growth

GARID is a necessary intervention because it improves drainage infrastructure, flood management capacity, solid waste management and resilience in vulnerable communities. However, the projected growth trajectory suggests that it cannot be viewed as a complete solution.

The challenge is that flood risk is increasing from several directions simultaneously:

• more people producing more waste;
• more impermeable surfaces from urban development;
• greater stormwater runoff;
• loss of wetlands and natural retention areas;
• increasing pressure on existing drainage systems.

A drainage improvement project can increase capacity, but it cannot fully compensate for the continued loss of natural flood buffers or unlimited urban expansion.

The city could therefore find itself in a situation where upgraded drainage infrastructure is repeatedly overwhelmed because the underlying causes of flooding continue expanding.

5. Accra needs a metropolitan-scale flood engineering strategy

The future protection of Accra requires moving from a project-based approach to a comprehensive metropolitan flood management system.

This should include:

• restoration and permanent protection of wetlands and waterways;
• aggressive waste reduction, recycling, and collection expansion;
• strict land-use controls;
• expanded stormwater infrastructure;
• flood forecasting and early warning systems;
• climate-resilient urban design.

However, given Accra’s level of urbanisation and limited remaining natural drainage capacity, conventional drainage improvements may not be sufficient on their own.

Large-scale engineering solutions should therefore be investigated, including underground stormwater conveyance systems, tunnels, retention infrastructure, and other forms of major flood-control engineering used in highly urbanised cities worldwide.

The principle is simple: as Accra becomes denser, it has less space to manage water naturally above ground. The city may increasingly require engineered systems capable of moving large volumes of stormwater rapidly away from vulnerable urban areas.

Conclusion

Accra’s flood problem cannot be solved through demolition alone, nor through drainage upgrades alone. By 2035, the City will be larger, denser, and generating significantly more waste than it does today.

A strategy based mainly on removing buildings after wetlands have already been reclaimed risks treating the symptoms rather than the causes. Likewise, drainage improvements without addressing urban growth, waste generation, and land-use failures will provide only temporary relief.

The future flood resilience of Accra requires an integrated approach: protecting the city’s remaining natural flood systems, restoring degraded wetlands where possible, permanently enforcing land-use regulations, expanding waste management capacity, and investing in major engineering solutions capable of managing the runoff generated by a metropolis of 6.5 million.

The central policy question is therefore not simply “How does Accra remove buildings from flood-prone areas?”

“How does Accra redesign itself to safely manage water in a rapidly growing megacity where natural flood protection is declining, and urban pressures are increasing?”

In reality, that brotherhood was put to the test this week when it emerged that Ghana had called off a state visit by the South African president.

The reasons cited: continued xenophobic attacks against Ghanaians and other Africans in South Africa.

A state visit cancellation isn’t a small gesture in diplomacy. It is a signal. And this sign could herald a shift in the direction of African states’ reactions when Pan-African solidarity comes into conflict with domestic violence against Africans.

A relationship built on liberation, not just trade

To appreciate the importance of this, we must go back.

In 1957, Ghana broke free of British colonial rule under Kwame Nkrumah and took on the mantle of the leader of African liberation.

Accra was a haven for exiles, training of guerrillas, and diplomatic support for movements combating colonialism and apartheid.

One of the early beneficiaries was the African National Congress. Ghana granted ANC members Ghanaian passports and supported their struggle at the UN on the international stage when apartheid South Africa was isolated.

Following 1994, the relationship developed, with Nelson Mandela and Jerry Rawlings strengthening economic and cultural relations between Ghana and South Africa.

South African firms made big investments in Ghana’s telecoms, retail and banking sectors. Many thousands of Ghanaians also moved to South Africa to learn and work.

The reported cancellation was all the more shocking given its shared history of struggle. It implies that if you want to do diplomacy as usual, history is no longer sufficient.

What the cancellation means for bilateral relations

The state visit is the highest form of state diplomacy. Cancelling it comes at a cost.

First, it is a symbolic downgrade.

It communicates to Pretoria that its domestic governance issues have become a foreign policy issue. Second, it runs the risk of a de facto freeze.

Joint commissions, AfCFTA trade agreements, and investment protection arrangements may be stalled. South African-based companies doing business in Ghana may come under greater pressure and public criticism.

Thirdly, it establishes a precedent. Ghana is stating that bilateral ties cannot be divorced from the way citizens are treated.

African countries have been more inclined towards “quiet diplomacy” when it comes to xenophobia for decades. Accra has just made it loud.

A signal to the rest of Africa

Ghanaians are not the only Africans targeted in South Africa.

Over the last 10 years, Nigerians, Zimbabweans, Mozambicans, Congolese and others have been subjected to similar attacks. Other African governments have tended to speak out and then do nothing.

By cancelling the visit, Ghana has altered the equation.

There is a clear message to other African states: they can be used to defend their citizens overseas.

The message to South Africa is more unambiguous:

African solidarity has strings attached. When one state does not take care of another state’s citizens in Africa, it will pay a diplomatic price.

More nations could follow Ghana’s lead, and South Africa may face concerted pressure instead of individual protests.

Pan-Africanism at a crossroads

There are two pillars of Pan-Africanism: political unity and solidarity of people.

The vision of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens, is captured in the words of Agenda 2063.

This crisis reveals the disconnect between words and deeds.

We are commemorating continental integration in Addis Ababa, and in some townships, we are witnessing fellow Africans being attacked for trading or renting property.

Ghana’s action raises a much-needed discussion.

Is Pan-Africanism simply a series of declarations and speeches? Or is it a binding norm that needs to be enforced?

I believe the African Union and ECOWAS could set a precedent if they support Ghana because there could be regional repercussions if there is xenophobic violence in Africa.

Else, Pan-Africanism is in danger of being perceived as a charade.

The International Relations lesson

Three fundamental IR theories are at play in this episode.

Norms influence state behaviour from a Constructivist point of view. Nkrumah and Mandela established a norm of African solidarity. Xenophobia violates it.

Ghana is upholding that norm and demonstrating that ideas, not just power, propel diplomacy.

States, from a Realist point of view, act to protect their citizens.

Ghana did not, and that is why it resorted to diplomatic costs. History was secondary to national interest.

Institutions such as the AU and AfCFTA are trust-based, from a Liberal Institutionalist prism.

The persistence of xenophobia is eroding that trust. Ghana’s switch is an alarm bell that economic integration without social integration is not possible.

The bigger lesson is the obvious one:

In 21st-century Africa, domestic policy is foreign policy. The way other states treat a state will depend on the way that state treats migrants.

Conclusion

This is more than one cancelled visit. It is Ghana saying to South Africa, and the continent, that liberation history does not get immunity; it gets goodwill.

The relationship could be restored and further strengthened if Pretoria takes steps to provide protection to foreign nationals and prosecute perpetrators. Otherwise, it could be the first significant break in the post-apartheid era of diplomacy.

Pan-Africanism is not going to be assassinated in a summit hall. Its death will be in a township. With the cancellation of this visit, Ghana has refused to allow this to happen in silence.

Disclosure statement

Narayana Osei-Nyarko is a postgraduate student at the University of Gold Coast, Accra, in the Graduate School of Law. His research interests are international law, security, and diplomacy in Africa.

A city that drowns on schedule

The choreography of an Accra flood is now so familiar that residents could stage it from memory. The first serious downpour of the season arrives, usually in May or June. Within hours, the Kaneshie First Light interchange is a brown lake, traders at Kwame Nkrumah Circle are hauling goods onto rooftops, and the Odaw channel, the drain that carries most of the city’s stormwater to the sea, has burst its banks into Alajo, Adabraka and Avenor. The National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO) issues casualty figures. A minister arrives in gumboots. An excavator is photographed dredging a drain. Promises are made. Then the sun comes out, and the city forgets until the next time.

The rains invariably take the blame, which is odd, because by global standards Accra is not a wet city. Its coastal savanna location gives it roughly 800 mm of rainfall a year, which is less than rainfall in Amsterdam (838 mm), and barely a third of what drenches Singapore (2,166 mm). Cities that absorb double or triple Accra’s rainfall do not routinely lose lives to it. In 1976, disaster researchers writing in Nature urged “taking the naturalness out of natural disasters”, arguing that hazards are natural but catastrophes are made. Accra proves the point every June. Rain causes floods. Decisions, accumulated over thirty years of building, dumping, permitting and postponing, turn them into disasters.

Thirty years of warnings

The pattern was set early. On 4 July 1995, a downpour paralysed the capital and killed at least 17 people; a committee was formed and a report written. Serious floods returned in 2001 and 2002, and again through the late 2000s. In October 2011, at least 14 people died and tens of thousands were displaced; the president of the day, Prof. John Evans Atta Mills, toured the wreckage, and officials promised that structures on waterways would come down. Few did.

Then came 3 June 2015, the night that should have changed everything. Torrential rain met blocked drains, and floodwater spread across Kwame Nkrumah Circle, where hundreds of commuters sheltered at a GOIL filling station. Fuel leaked into the water; a fire ignited and raced across it. More than 150 people died in a single night, a catastrophe equal parts flood, fire and failed urban management. The government declared three days of national mourning and vowed, once more, to dredge the Odaw and clear the waterways. Within weeks, bulldozers had flattened part of Old Fadama, the informal settlement sprawled along the Korle Lagoon, rendering thousands homeless, and then the momentum dissolved into court injunctions, protests and an election year.

The decade since has followed the script. In 2017, a new president, Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo, pledged to make Accra “the cleanest city in Africa” and created a sanitation ministry. In 2019, the World Bank approved $200m for the Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development programme, targeting flooding in the Odaw basin. In 2022 Parliament established a Hydrological Authority. Yet the city flooded in 2018, 2020, 2022 and virtually every year since; in 2024 and 2025 the waters returned on cue to Kaneshie and Adabraka, while spillage from the Weija dam overwhelmed communities downstream. Thirty years of flooding is not a sequence of misfortunes. It is one failure, repeating.

The anatomy of a man-made flood

Let’s begin with the arithmetic. Greater Accra held about 1.4m people at the 1984 census; the 2021 census counted 5.4m, and the built-up area has expanded faster still. Savanna, farmland and marsh that once soaked up rainfall have been sealed beneath concrete and asphalt, so a storm the landscape once absorbed now runs off almost entirely, and faster, into channels never enlarged to receive it.

Where the water goes is not mysterious. The Odaw and its tributaries, the Onyasia, the Nima and Kaneshie drains among them, have followed the same courses for centuries, and their floodplains are part of the river, occupied only at the occupier’s peril. Yet Accra has permitted, or failed to prevent, construction directly on watercourses, wetlands and floodplains. Ghana does not lack rules: a 2011 national buffer-zone policy prescribes setbacks of 10 to 60 metres along waterways, and the Land Use and Spatial Planning Act of 2016, alongside building regulations dating from 1996, sets out an orderly permitting regime. But planning officials have conceded that most structures in the city were built without approved permits. The problem is not an absence of law. It is an absence of consequence.

Enforcement fails for reasons as much political as administrative. District assemblies are underfunded and inspectors few; permits can be negotiated. When authorities mark illegal structures for demolition, injunctions follow, then telephone calls from the powerful, then an election. Buildings marked in red paint routinely outlive the officials who marked them.

Maintenance fails too. Desilting of major drains is treated as an emergency contract awarded when the clouds gather rather than a routine budget line, and much of the network consists of unlined channels that erode and silt within a season. Meanwhile, the drains double as the city’s default waste-disposal system. Accra generates roughly 3,000 tonnes of solid waste a day, and collection does not reach everyone; sachet plastics, mattresses and even furniture go into the gutters, and the first storm flushes them into culverts, which choke. Water that cannot move forward backs up into homes. No drain, however well engineered, functions when it is full of furniture.

The city has simultaneously destroyed its natural insurance. The Sakumo lagoon and the Densu delta, both Ramsar wetlands designated in the early 1990s, have been steadily nibbled away by housing estates, and satellite studies suggest the metropolis has lost the great majority of its wetland cover in three decades. Wetlands are sponges; tile and tarmac are not.

Rivers turned into gutters.

To stand on a bridge over the Odaw is to see the consequence. What was once a stream is a grey-black conveyor of sewage, industrial effluent and plastic, its surface in places so densely carpeted with sachets and bottles that it looks solid. It empties into the Korle Lagoon, which researchers have described as among the most polluted water bodies anywhere; successive dredging and restoration projects since the late 1990s, costing tens of millions of dollars, have been overwhelmed by the silt and refuse that keep arriving. Ghana produces an estimated 1.1m tonnes of plastic waste a year and recycles perhaps 5% of it. The drains, in effect, are the recycling system.

None of this is destiny, as cities with far worse hydrology demonstrate. Singapore receives nearly three times Accra’s rainfall yet rarely suffers catastrophic flooding: its water agency polices drainage reserves ruthlessly, requires developers to detain stormwater on site, and under its Active, Beautiful, Clean Waters programme has turned drains into assets; a three-kilometre concrete canal was remade in 2012 as a meandering river through Bishan-Ang Mo Kio Park, doubling as a floodplain in storms.

Seoul demolished an elevated motorway to resurrect the Cheonggyecheon stream in 2005, turning a covered sewer into a flood channel that doubles as its most beloved public space. Munich spent a decade renaturalising eight kilometres of the Isar, widening its floodplain through the heart of the city. Zurich has “daylighted” some 20 kilometres of buried brooks since the late 1980s, and Swiss hazard maps carry the force of law: in the red zone, nobody builds, however well connected. Copenhagen, swamped in July 2011 by a cloudburst that caused around $1bn of damage, responded not with a committee but with a 300-project Cloudburst Management Plan that is redesigning streets as channels and parks as reservoirs, funded across political cycles. In the Netherlands, elected water boards have levied their own taxes since the Middle Ages, so maintenance never loses a budget fight, and Amsterdam, with more rain than Accra, keeps its feet dry.

No city is flood-proof: Seoul lost lives to basement flooding in 2022, and Copenhagen’s plan was born of its own disaster. The difference lies in what happens next. These cities respond to floods by rebuilding systems rather than reciting promises, and they treat rivers as public assets; property values rise along restored banks, rather than as dumps. Wealth helps, but sequencing matters more: enforcement and maintenance cost a small fraction of what disasters do. Accra pays in relief and reconstruction what it declines to pay in prevention.

The courage deficit

Why, then, does the crisis persist? Because every genuine remedy is politically expensive. Demolishing structures in waterways means confronting not only poor settlers but wealthy developers whose gated estates sit on wetlands; it means absorbing court battles, compensation claims and lost votes. Prosecuting the officials who approved unlawful developments means the political class disciplining itself. For three decades it has proved easier to dredge a drain for the cameras.

There is a genuine equity problem, and honesty requires acknowledging it. Ghana’s housing deficit, estimated at around 1.8m units, pushes the poor onto land nobody else wants, which is often land the water wants. Bulldozers without alternatives are cruelty; enforcement paired with notice, resettlement and compensation is governance. Both halves are necessary; both cost money and nerve.

There are flickers of resolve. Within weeks of taking office in January 2025, a new administration moved against structures encroaching on the Sakumono Ramsar site, precisely the sort of operation governments usually announce and abandon. History counsels scepticism: the post-2015 clearances died in injunctions and electoral arithmetic. The real test is not one demolition but consistency, whether enforcement applies to the mansion as readily as to the kiosk, and whether it survives the next election. Copenhagen’s most transferable lesson is not hydrological but political: its plan was designed to outlast governments. Floods ignore electoral calendars; flood policy must too.

What must be done

The agenda is not obscure; most of it already sits in official reports. First, information and enforcement: publish legally binding flood-risk maps for the entire metropolis, Zurich-fashion, and refuse permits in high-risk zones without exception; digitise and audit the permit system; fund inspectors; and create fast-track courts for planning and sanitation offences. A single conviction of an official who signed an unlawful approval would achieve more than ten committees of inquiry.

Second, clearance and restoration: remove structures from primary waterways with due process and resettlement support; restore the Odaw-Korle corridor as a linear park on the Seoul and Munich template; give the remaining Ramsar wetlands absolute protection; and convert the 2011 buffer-zone policy into enforceable law.

Third, infrastructure and waste: complete the World Bank-financed drainage and detention works, then fund their upkeep through a ring-fenced annual maintenance levy, Dutch-style, rather than episodic emergency contracts; require new developments to retain stormwater on site, as Singapore does; extend waste collection to every neighbourhood, impose producer responsibility on the plastics industry, and enforce dumping penalties, paired with public education that links duty to service, because residents stop dumping when the trucks actually come. Finally, accountability: an annual flood-mitigation report to Parliament, naming the works completed, the money spent and the officials responsible.

The choice

Climate change will make West African downpours sharper and less predictable. That strengthens, rather than weakens, the case that governance is decisive, because the margin for self-inflicted error is shrinking. Everything about Accra’s next flood is already known: where the water will go, roughly when, and who will suffer. Ghana does not lack laws, plans or studies; it lacks execution and consequence. The Cheonggyecheon was once a slum-covered sewer beneath a motorway, and the Isar a sterile canal: cities choose their rivers, and can choose again. The rain is the only natural thing in this story. Nature will keep sending water to Accra every June; whether it arrives in a city designed to receive it, or one arranged to be ruined by it, is a human decision deferred for thirty years. The water, unlike the politicians, always keeps its appointments.

National associations have been suspended for government interference. Players have been sanctioned for political statements.

Teams have been forced to alter their kits, remove symbols and even abandon armbands because FIFA insisted that football must remain politically neutral.

Yet, in one astonishing decision, FIFA appears to have undermined the very principle it has spent years defending.

The decision to suspend the automatic one-match ban handed to USMNT striker, Folarin Balogun after his red card has created a credibility crisis that extends far beyond one player or one World Cup match.

Reports indicate the decision followed direct lobbying by political figures in the United States, including calls from the White House to FIFA President Gianni Infantino.

FIFA insists it acted within its disciplinary code, but the timing and circumstances have inevitably raised uncomfortable questions about political influence.

The issue is not whether Balogun deserved the red card. Reasonable football people can disagree on that.

The issue is whether the rules should suddenly become flexible because the player represents the tournament hosts and influential political figures decide to intervene.

For years, FIFA has demonstrated remarkable rigidity whenever politics intersect with football.

European teams at the 2022 FIFA World Cup were prevented from wearing the “OneLove” captain’s armband after FIFA threatened sporting sanctions.

National federations have repeatedly been warned against displaying political messages on shirts.

Teams have been instructed to remove symbols and insignia deemed political or contrary to FIFA regulations.

Even governments have seen their football associations suspended whenever political interference was judged to have crossed FIFA’s red lines.

The message has always been unmistakable.

Politics must never dictate football. Unless, it now seems, the politics come from Washington. That is what makes this episode so troubling.

Only days earlier, FIFA’s own regulations were being interpreted as leaving no avenue to overturn Balogun’s automatic suspension.

Then came reported political lobbying. Suddenly, a disciplinary solution emerged through Article 27 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code, allowing the sanction to be suspended on probation.

UEFA has described the move as “unprecedented” and warned that it undermines the integrity of the competition.

Rules are only respected when they are applied equally. The smallest football nation deserves the same treatment as the tournament host.

The least influential federation deserves the same hearing as the most powerful government.

Once football supporters begin to believe that phone calls from politicians can achieve what appeals and regulations cannot, confidence in the game’s governance begins to crumble.

Imagine if this precedent had involved a smaller football nation. Would the same discretion have been exercised?

Would FIFA have searched for the same legal flexibility? Those are questions FIFA has unfortunately invited.

The governing body now finds itself caught in its own contradiction.

It cannot continue preaching political neutrality while appearing to bend when political pressure comes from the world’s most powerful office.

Football survives because its rules are bigger than its stars.

FIFA survives because its credibility is bigger than its president.

Both principles have been weakened by the Balogun decision.

The greatest threat to football is not a controversial red card.

It is the perception that justice wears different colours depending on the flag involved.

The writer, Joshua Tigo, is a football enthusiast and journalist.

Every worker, every government official, every traditional leader, everybody who thinks of themselves as somebody, always has a reason to be late for work, a meeting or an event. Even brides and bridegrooms (but especially brides) tend to have reasons to be late for their own wedding, more often than not. How can two people be in courtship for over two years, spend several months planning their wedding and inviting guests, and yet find a reason to be late to the main event, keeping their guests waiting? Pastors can’t start church services on time and finish same on time, choosing instead to spiritually blackmail church members by claiming members have time for ‘worldly’ events and so should not complain when church services don’t end on time. The radio pastor would spend hours on air but irritatingly can’t finish on time for the news bulletin to begin as scheduled. Sometimes you would hear the headlines on the BBC World Service and when you tune in to your local station, it’s now that someone is wrapping up their show to allow the news presenter to begin.

You look across almost every sphere of society in Ghana and wonder if most Ghanaians from top to bottom have something against time. The question is, why can’t Ghanaians be on time in Ghana?

For me, the issue is not attitudinal or behavioural. It is systemic. It is about a system that accepts excuses. It is about a system that rewards rather than punish lateness and deviant behaviour. It is about a system that is too forgiving for its own good. It is about a system that pays workers for being on payroll rather than for showing up and putting in a shift. It is about a system that shows inordinate reverence to undeserving people who do not even care to show leadership and whose only command of respect stems from the authority of their office and nothing more.

Ghanaians outside Ghana would drive through rain, hail, snow and thick fog in order to get to work on time. No supervisor will accept excuses. You won’t get paid at the end of the week for the hours you did not clock in. Repeated lateness to work will get you the sack. No pastor or imam will be able to call your employer or supervisor to plead for you to get back your job. Yes, I have driven under snowy, foggy conditions to get to work in different places in England, where one could not see beyond 10 metres and so had to drive very slowly. When you know the road conditions, you set off early enough and make allowance for those road conditions. And that is because your employer or supervisor who has deadlines to meet and supplies to deliver, will have no sympathy for you because road conditions were harsh.

And, as someone who has worked in the aviation industry, I know that Ghanaians who fly – whether on domestic or international flights – don’t regularly miss their flights! Our ultra important and super busy Ministers of State who can’t report on time for any official event or meeting, manage to skip their busy schedules and manage to beat the usual rush-hour traffic in order to check in on time at the airport and board the aircraft on time for their trips. Outside the country, these important people don’t miss their trains or buses and get to IMF and World Bank spring meetings on time. There is absolutely no excuse for any Ghanaian being late for any meeting or event in Ghana, except when there is a genuine act of God, like the flooding on Monday, 29 June 2026.

The main reason many Ghanaians can’t seem to be able to be on time in Ghana is a system that does not exact accountability, a system that does not respect time and a system that does not show respect for others. As long as we accept excuses for lateness, nothing will change. We have to start treating ‘apology for being late’ and ‘apology for starting late’ with disgust, not reverence. We have to begin to rebuke people who show up late for meetings and events, rather than allow them to give fake apologies. We need to stop payment of monthly salaries based on being on payroll, and start a productivity-based, clock-in system with strong supervision that ensures that people will show up to work on time without excuses. Until we get grips with being on time in Ghana, this unacceptable waste of time and productivity will continue to retard the country’s development.

It is a reminder that history is often driven not by inevitability but by decisions made in moments of uncertainty.

That lesson extends far beyond one city.

Every generation inherits the consequences of choices made before it. Some decisions have expanded freedom, strengthened institutions and created new opportunities. Others have prolonged conflict, weakened economies and eroded public trust.

History does not simply unfold. More often, it reflects how societies respond to difficult choices. The same reality is visible whenever governments gather to confront global challenges.

Whether the agenda is security, economic recovery, climate policy or artificial intelligence, public attention naturally focuses on speeches, declarations and diplomatic symbolism. Yet the lasting significance of these meetings is determined only afterwards, when governments decide whether commitments translate into policies and whether agreements produce measurable results.

The distance between ambition and achievement is measured by decisions.

History offers compelling examples. Europe’s post-Second World War reconstruction rested on political choices that prioritised cooperation over renewed confrontation. Peaceful democratic movements across Central and Eastern Europe demonstrated that sustained civic action could transform political systems. More recently, the international response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has shown that decisions made in capitals around the world continue to shape security, economic resilience and the future of European cooperation.

None of these moments produced perfect outcomes, yet they showed that leadership is tested most when the path ahead is uncertain. Today’s challenges demand the same resolve.

Wars continue to displace communities and reshape international relations. Climate change is transforming economies and livelihoods. Artificial intelligence is advancing faster than many regulatory systems can keep pace with, while misinformation and political polarisation continue to erode confidence in democratic institutions.

Meeting these challenges requires more than expertise, financial resources or technological innovation. It requires leaders prepared to look beyond immediate political pressures and citizens willing to stay engaged long after the headlines fade.

Responsibility does not rest with governments alone. Businesses shape whether innovation serves the public good. Journalists strengthen accountability by pursuing verified facts with independence and fairness. Universities prepare future leaders to navigate an increasingly complex world. Citizens reinforce democracy through participation, informed debate and the simple act of voting.

History also offers a quieter warning. Decisions delayed can be as consequential as those made. Reforms postponed, institutions neglected and public trust allowed to erode rarely repair themselves. More often, the costs are passed on to future generations.

That is why Gdańsk continues to matter. It reminds us that history is not preserved only in monuments or museums. It lives in the consequences of the choices made by those who recognised that difficult decisions could change a nation’s direction.

The same will be true of our own time.

Years from now, today’s summits, negotiations and public debates will be remembered not only for the speeches they produced but also for the decisions they inspired—and for whether those decisions left societies more secure, more resilient and better prepared for the future.

Ultimately, the world is shaped by decisions.

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Homes are submerged, businesses suffer heavy losses, roads become impassable, public infrastructure is damaged, and, tragically, lives are sometimes lost.

After every major flood, public attention quickly turns to government, climate change, drainage systems, or rainfall intensity. While these are undoubtedly important factors, they do not tell the whole story.

The uncomfortable truth is that many of our floods are preventable. Rain may be natural, but flooding on the scale we repeatedly experience is largely a human-made disaster.

Every year, thousands of tonnes of plastic waste, silt, sand, household refuse, and construction debris enter drains, streams, lagoons, and rivers.

As these drainage channels become blocked, stormwater has nowhere to flow, leading to widespread flooding.

The current flooding in Accra and several parts of Ghana could have been significantly reduced if waste had been properly disposed of, drains had remained free of refuse, and routine public cleansing and drain maintenance had continued at full scale. Flood prevention begins long before the first raindrop falls.

Waste is blocking our drains

Ghana generates approximately 12,000-13,000 tonnes of municipal solid waste every day, yet only a portion is properly collected, treated, recycled, or recovered.

Accra alone produces about 2,800 tonnes of waste daily, with an estimated 600 tonnes left uncollected, much of which eventually finds its way into drains, streams, and waterways.

The waste stream is predominantly organic (about 54-69%), while plastics account for approximately 10-16%, making them one of the most visible causes of blocked drainage systems.

Furthermore, 80-90% of Ghana’s waste is disposed of at open or controlled dumpsites rather than being recycled.

During heavy rains, improperly disposed plastics, silt, and other debris accumulate at culverts, bridges, and drainage outlets, creating artificial barriers that force stormwater back into communities.

As engineers often observe, drains rarely fail because they are too small; they fail because they are blocked.

The role of public cleansing

For many years, the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) Public Cleansing Programme, implemented in partnership with Zoomlion Ghana Limited, played a vital role in reducing this risk.

Tens of thousands of public cleansing operatives worked daily across Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs), cleaning streets, sweeping public places, clearing drains, desilting gutters, collecting litter, and educating communities about proper sanitation practices.

These activities formed one of Ghana’s largest preventive environmental sanitation interventions.

Following the non-renewal of Zoomlion’s YEA Public Cleansing Contract, these routine activities have been significantly reduced and, in some places, stopped altogether!

Although the MMDAs continue to undertake sanitation interventions within their available resources, the absence of the tens of thousands of dedicated public cleansing operatives has inevitably created gaps in routine maintenance.

Consequently, drains that previously received frequent attention now accumulate silt, weeds, plastics, and other debris much more rapidly, especially during the rainy season.

Why preventive maintenance matters

The contribution of these public cleansing teams cannot be overstated.

They regularly removed silt, plastics, sand, leaves, and other debris from drains and gutters, restoring drainage capacity and allowing stormwater to flow freely rather than overflowing into homes and businesses.

This preventive maintenance significantly reduced blockages before they escalated into serious flooding hazards.

The teams also removed refuse from markets, roadsides, lorry stations, open spaces, and public areas before it could be washed into drains and waterways.

Every piece of litter collected meant one fewer item that could block drainage systems during heavy rainfall.

Before each major rainy season, Zoomlion/YEA public cleansing operatives desilted primary and secondary drainage channels, removing accumulated sediment that reduced water-carrying capacity.

These desilting exercises helped drainage systems function more effectively during periods of heavy rainfall.

Whenever flooding occurred, public cleansing teams were often among the first to respond.

They undertook emergency clean-up operations, removing debris left by floodwaters, clearing blocked drains, restoring road access, and supporting communities in returning to normal life as quickly as possible.

Beyond physical cleaning, these operatives also served as environmental educators for their peers in their respective communities.

Through community engagement, public education campaigns, market education, school campaigns, and household interactions, Zoomlion also encouraged proper waste disposal, discouraged dumping into drains, promoted environmental responsibility, and reinforced good sanitation practices.

Behavioural change remains one of the most effective long-term solutions to urban flooding.

Flood prevention is a shared responsibility

Government intervention alone can never eliminate flooding. Environmental sanitation is a shared responsibility requiring active participation from every stakeholder.

The Assemblies (MMDAs) bear primary responsibility for planning, regulating, and managing environmental sanitation within their jurisdictions.

Beyond ensuring regular waste collection, maintaining drains, and educating the public, they must rigorously enforce sanitation laws by arresting and prosecuting offenders who litter, dump waste indiscriminately, or obstruct drains.

Without consistent law enforcement, lasting behavioural change is unlikely.

Countries such as Rwanda and Singapore, which are often cited as among the world’s cleanest, achieved this status through strict enforcement of sanitation laws, sustained public education, and meaningful penalties for offenders.

Ghana must adopt a similarly firm, consistent, and non-partisan approach to sanitation law enforcement if we are to reduce flooding, protect public health, and build cleaner, more resilient communities.

The National Sanitation Day (NSD), relaunched on 6th September 2025 at the Institute of Local Government Studies, Madina, by H.E. President John Dramani Mahama, provides Ghana with an important platform for restoring community ownership of environmental sanitation.

However, its success depends on effective local implementation.

MMDCEs, as political and administrative heads of the Assemblies, have the statutory responsibility to ensure the NSD is properly organised and sustained within their jurisdictions.

They must mobilise communities, enforce sanitation laws and by-laws, coordinate clean-up exercises, desilt drains, remove refuse from public spaces, and monitor compliance.

When supported by consistent public education, law enforcement, and active citizen participation, the NSD can significantly reduce indiscriminate waste disposal, minimise flooding, improve public health, and foster a lasting culture of cleanliness across the country.

The private sector, including sanitation service providers, recycling companies, engineering firms, and environmental consultants, provides essential operational capacity.

Their investment in waste collection, recycling, drain maintenance, public education, and environmental innovation complements government efforts and strengthens national sanitation systems.

Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Community-Based Organisations (CBOs), Faith-Based Organisations (FBOs), youth groups, and civil society organisations also play indispensable roles.

They mobilise volunteers for clean-up exercises, run environmental education campaigns, advocate for improved sanitation policies, support recycling initiatives, organise community awareness programmes, and encourage behavioural change at the grassroots level.

Individual residents carry perhaps the greatest responsibility. Every citizen must dispose of waste properly, avoid dumping refuse into drains, separate recyclable waste where possible, maintain clean surroundings, participate in community clean-up exercises, report blocked drains, discourage littering, and teach children responsible environmental behaviour.

All households should own and use appropriate waste bins for waste storage. Flood prevention begins with individual choices made every single day.

Climate change is making matters worse

Climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme rainfall events across many regions.

Rapid urbanisation has also resulted in more paved surfaces, fewer natural areas for water absorption, and increased pressure on existing drainage infrastructure.

These realities demand even greater investment in preventive sanitation, not less.

The economics are straightforward. Preventive sanitation costs far less than disaster recovery.

Every cedi invested in routine drain maintenance, waste collection, desilting, and public cleansing saves many more cedis that would otherwise be spent repairing roads, replacing damaged infrastructure, compensating victims, restoring businesses, responding to emergencies, treating disease outbreaks, and rebuilding flood-damaged communities.

Flood prevention should not be viewed simply as a sanitation issue but as an investment in public health, economic growth, environmental protection, infrastructure preservation, and national resilience.

A national call to action

The solution is shared. Government has responsibilities. MMDAs have responsibilities. Private sanitation providers have responsibilities. NGOs have responsibilities. Communities have responsibilities. Above all, every Ghanaian has a responsibility.

If we dispose of waste responsibly, support routine public cleansing, invest in preventive maintenance, protect our drains, and work together throughout the year, not only after disasters, we can significantly reduce the devastating floods that have become almost predictable during every rainy season.

Floods may begin with rain, but disasters begin when we neglect sanitation. Na Who Cause Am?

The write, Dr Robert Kwaku Adjei, is the Writers Bureau Manager for Zoomlion Ghana Limited and the Supervising Editor of EcoWatch Newspaper.

Email: adjeirobert@yahoo.com

This time, some of Accra’s most prestigious neighbourhoods, East Legon, Dzorwulu, Airport Residential Area, and Tse Addo, were submerged, with homes, businesses, and roads disappearing beneath floodwaters.

The disaster once again exposed a truth many prospective homeowners and investors have ignored for years: an expensive location does not necessarily guarantee a safe investment.

For decades, property buyers have assumed that purchasing land in a prime location automatically guarantees long-term value.

However, climate change, rapid urbanisation, weak planning enforcement, and unregulated development are changing the rules of real estate.

Today, one of the most important questions a buyer should ask is not “Is this a prime location?” but “Will this property still be habitable and valuable after the next major rainfall?”

The June 29 floods should become a turning point in how Ghana plans, develops, and purchases real estate.

Flooding Has Become a Real Estate Issue

Flooding is no longer simply an environmental or disaster management problem. It has become one of the greatest risks facing Ghana’s property market.

Every flood destroys value: homes suffer structural damage, foundations weaken, electrical systems fail, furniture, vehicles, and equipment are lost, and insurance costs rise.

Rental income disappears while repairs are undertaken. Buyers become reluctant to purchase properties in affected communities, reducing both demand and resale values.

For developers, repeated flooding can damage years of investment and destroy confidence in an entire neighbourhood.

In countries with mature property markets, flood risk is now considered alongside schools, accessibility, crime, and infrastructure when valuing real estate. Ghana must begin doing the same.

Prime Addresses Are No Longer Immune

Many Ghanaians were shocked that areas traditionally regarded as premium residential locations were among those badly affected.

East Legon, Airport Residential Area, Dzorwulu, and Tse Addo have attracted billions of cedis in private investment over the past two decades. Luxury homes, apartment complexes, hotels, and commercial developments dominate these communities.

Yet on June 29, many roads became rivers and expensive homes were inundated by floodwater.

The lesson is clear. Property prices alone do not determine whether land is suitable for development. Good planning does.

The Planning Failure Behind the Floods

One uncomfortable truth that Ghana must confront is that many communities are effectively planned before government ever arrives. Across much of the country, traditional authorities allocate, demarcate, and sell land.

Chiefs and family heads often oversee the initial subdivision of land into plots, creating layouts that later become permanent communities.

This points to the important role traditional authorities play in land administration and community leadership. However, urban planning requires specialised technical expertise which they might not have.

It involves hydrology, transportation engineering, drainage design, environmental management, and long-term infrastructure planning. Unfortunately, in many cases these technical considerations receive little attention before plots are sold.

By the time Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies become involved, hundreds of houses have already been constructed.

Roads are too narrow, storm drains are inadequate, natural waterways have disappeared, wetlands have been filled, and flood plains have become residential estates. Correcting these mistakes afterwards becomes extremely expensive, if not impossible.

Weak Enforcement Is Making the Situation Worse

Planning failures alone do not explain Ghana’s flooding crisis. Equally concerning is the apparent inability or unwillingness of planning authorities to enforce existing laws.

Across Accra, buildings continue to appear on waterways, wetlands, and drainage reservations. Developments that should never have received approval are completed without interruption.

In many communities, residents witness construction taking place directly within flood channels while authorities take little or no action.

The Assemblies often appear to watch developments unfold until entire neighbourhoods have been completed, after which enforcement becomes politically difficult and socially disruptive. Planning regulations mean little if violations carry no consequences.

What Every Property Buyer Should Look Out For

The June 29 floods should fundamentally change how buyers assess property. Instead of focusing solely on location, price, and aesthetics, buyers should investigate flood risk with the same seriousness as they investigate land ownership.

Before purchasing any property, buyers should consider:

· Whether the area has experienced flooding in previous rainy seasons.
· Whether neighbouring residents report recurring flood incidents.
· The natural topography of the land. Low-lying areas are generally more vulnerable.
· The quality and capacity of existing drainage systems.
· Whether nearby streams or waterways have been built over.
· Whether the property lies within a natural drainage path.
· Whether roads remain accessible after heavy rainfall.
· Whether there are visible signs of previous flooding, including water stains, repaired walls, or raised electrical installations.
· Whether proper planning approval and drainage designs were obtained before construction.

Developers should also conduct professional site investigations, including topographical surveys and drainage assessments, before committing significant investment.

Ignoring these precautions can result in losses that far exceed any savings made during the purchase.

Developers Also Have a Responsibility

The real estate industry cannot place all blame on government. Developers must resist the temptation to maximise the number of plots at the expense of proper infrastructure.

Every development should incorporate adequate drainage, preserve natural watercourses, and allocate sufficient open space to absorb stormwater. Road networks should be designed not only for vehicles but also for effective drainage.

Building responsibly may reduce short-term profits, but it significantly increases long-term property value and protects lives. Responsible developers should see flood resilience as a selling point rather than an additional cost.

A New Way Forward

Ghana needs fundamental reforms if future disasters are to be avoided.

First, comprehensive planning should precede land sales, not follow them. Communities should only be demarcated after professional planning has been completed and approved.

Second, planning authorities must regain control over urban development through stronger enforcement of existing regulations.

Third, every major housing development should include independent flood-risk and drainage assessments before approval.

Fourth, modern flood-risk mapping should be made publicly available so buyers can make informed decisions before investing.

Finally, illegal developments obstructing waterways should be addressed consistently and fairly, regardless of the status or influence of those involved.

The Cost of Doing Nothing

Floods should not be viewed as unavoidable natural disasters.

Rainfall is natural. Disasters occur when poor planning meets heavy rain.

The June 29 floods did not simply expose weaknesses in our drainage systems; they exposed weaknesses in our planning system, our enforcement institutions, and our approach to urban development.

If Ghana continues to allow unplanned development, ignores encroachment on waterways, and delays difficult planning decisions, today’s flood-prone neighbourhoods will only expand tomorrow.

The true measure of a prime property is no longer its location or market price. It is its resilience.

For property buyers, developers, and policymakers alike, flood risk must now become one of the most important considerations in every real estate decision. Because in today’s Ghana, the most expensive house can quickly become the costliest mistake.

About the author:

Curtis Tetteh Djaba (Nene Tetteh Nanor Odjidji II) is the CEO of Dromi Homes Co. Ltd, a real estate development firm specializing in private and commercial properties, Airbnb hosting, and business development.

He also serves as the Chief of New Somanya Traditional Area in the Eastern Region of Ghana.

Lives have been disrupted, homes submerged, businesses destroyed, and livelihoods threatened.

Gutters are choked with plastic and solid waste. Rivers and drains can no longer contain the pressure of heavy rains. The result is devastation.

As Ghanaians search for answers, one uncomfortable question must be asked: Did the cancellation of the YEA-Zoomlion sanitation contract contribute significantly to the sanitation crisis we are witnessing today? Answer is yes.

But this question is not about assigning simplistic blame. It is about honestly assessing whether decisions made in the name of reform have produced better outcomes or worsened existing problems.

For over a decade, my brother one of Ghana’s investigative journalists Manasseh Azure Awuni consistently criticized Zoomlion Ghana Limited and its contracts with government, especially those relating to sanitation and waste management.

His investigations raised concerns about transparency, value for money, and operational efficiency.

He has been widely quoted to have said government should cancel the contracts with Zoomlion describing them as dubiuos, shady etc. At last the contract was refused renewal in 2025.

In every democracy, such scrutiny is important. Accountability matters.

However, accountability must also be balanced with national interest and practical realities.

The danger arises when public pressure generated through sustained criticism and one’s disinterest leads to decisions driven more by sentiment than by strategic planning. That is where I believe Ghana may have made a costly mistake.

The cancellation of the YEA-Zoomlion contract was welcomed by some people  who believed Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) could independently manage waste collection and sanitation services more effectively. That assumption now deserves serious re-examination.

The evidence on the ground is troubling. Indeed it smacks of a total system collapse.

Sanitation conditions in many parts of Ghana have deteriorated. Waste accumulation is becoming more visible. Drainage systems are increasingly clogged.

Flooding incidents appear more frequent and more severe, even at the start of the rainy season.

This is not merely a weather problem. It is also a waste management problem caused by our biases against Ghanaian companies.

For years, Zoomlion played a central role in coordinating sanitation activities nationwide successfully.

One may debate contract structures, payment models, or implementation gaps, but few can deny that the company built an extensive operational system that supported waste collection, drain desilting, and environmental sanitation in communities across Ghana.

The reality is that waste management at national scale requires logistics, coordination, infrastructure, manpower, and discipline.

It is not enough to assume local assemblies can simply absorb such responsibilities overnight.

I have consistently argued that MMDAs face structural challenges, including political interference, inadequate funding, procurement bottlenecks, and competing local interests. These realities weaken their ability to deliver consistent sanitation services at scale.

Sadly, current developments seem to confirm these concerns.

Today, many assemblies are visibly struggling to manage waste just in one and a half years. The consequences are being felt by ordinary citizens through poor sanitation and worsening floods.

This is why I believe government must honestly reassess the decision.

As someone who supported President John Dramani Mahama’s return to power and worked hard in that political journey, I must admit my disappointment with this policy direction.

Leadership requires listening to citizens, yes, but leadership also requires resisting pressure when long-term consequences have not been fully considered.

Not every popular demand leads to good policy outcomes.

Sometimes the loudest voices shape public opinion, but practical governance requires careful judgment, consultation, and evidence-based decisions.

I have never argued that Ghanaian companies are beyond criticism simply because they are local. No institution is perfect. Every company, whether local or foreign, must be held accountable.

My approach has always been straightforward: where there are concerns, stakeholders should engage, identify weaknesses, and implement reforms.

That is how nations grow. We build by correcting and improving, not by dismantling without a stronger replacement.

The goal should never be destruction. The goal should be improvement.

In the case of Zoomlion, perhaps reforms were necessary. Perhaps stronger accountability mechanisms were needed. But was outright cancellation the best solution? And that was what my brother Manasseh advocated and got at last.

Looking at current realities, many Ghanaians are beginning to ask whether we threw away a functioning system without adequately preparing a better alternative.

The flooding crisis should serve as a wake-up call.

Government must urgently review Ghana’s sanitation architecture and assess whether current structures are fit for purpose.

This should not be a matter of politics, media narratives, or personal victories. It should be about protecting lives, safeguarding property, and preserving public health.

Encouragingly, despite the contract cancellation and criticism, Zoomlion Ghana Limited and the Jospong Group have once again demonstrated commitment to national service through emergency interventions following the recent floods.

Their corporate social responsibility efforts, including desilting gutters, disinfecting, evacuating waste, and supporting sanitation interventions in affected areas, are commendable.

These actions are critical in reducing the risk of cholera and other communicable diseases that often follow flooding.

This is the kind of national collaboration Ghana needs.

The sanitation crisis before us demands pragmatism, not pride and point scoring. It demands solutions, not ideological battles.

Government should therefore reconsider its position on the cancelled contract or, at the very least, engage all relevant stakeholders to develop a stronger, more effective national sanitation framework.

Ghana cannot afford to lose the fight against filth.

Today, Zoomlion has following its 20years track record of effective and transformative waste management in Ghana spread its tentacles across Africa and its operating in over 29 African countries.

Yes, that is it Zoomlion has a 30years waste management contract with Nigeria-Abuja, Kenya and many others. They came to love Zoomlion’s operations in Ghana and embraced it in their own countries.

The floods have spoken loudly in Zoomlion’s mother homeland Ghana following an unpopular decision we all took thinking about destruction without improvement.

If we want let’s listen together, if not let’s wallow in our filth forever together.

I come in peace:

The writer, Francis Atayure Abirigo, is a Development Communications expert, a student of law, politics and a PhD Candidate in Social Change Communication at the Facutly of Communication, Innovation and Media Studies, UDS-Nyankpala.

The latest floods that swept through parts of Accra have once again exposed not merely a failure of drainage systems but a deeper failure of leadership, planning, enforcement, and collective responsibility.

Images circulating across social media are haunting: vehicles submerged almost to their roofs, terrified families carrying children through waist-deep water, traders watching years of investment vanish in minutes, and emergency responders risking their lives to save others.

This is no longer a natural disaster. It is a manufactured national embarrassment.
Rain does not kill people. Negligence does.

The conversations dominating social media reflect a public that has reached its breaking point. Across Facebook, X, TikTok, Instagram, and online news portals, one message echoes consistently: Enough is enough.

Many Ghanaians are asking painful but legitimate questions. How can a city that has experienced decades of flooding still be caught so unprepared? Why do we continue to permit construction on waterways?

Why are drains left clogged with plastic waste despite countless public education campaigns? Why are recommendations after every disaster forgotten before the next rainy season?

Most importantly, who is being held accountable? These are not questions born out of anger alone. They are questions born from grief.

For too long, flooding in Accra has been treated as an unavoidable seasonal inconvenience rather than the national emergency it has become.

Yet cities around the world experience heavier rainfall without descending into annual chaos. The difference lies not in geography but in governance.

The tragedy unfolding in Accra is the consequence of years of poor urban planning, weak enforcement of building regulations, inadequate investment in drainage infrastructure, political short-termism, and an alarming culture of impunity.

Illegal structures continue to rise where rivers once flowed freely. Storm drains become dumping grounds for plastic bottles, refuse, and construction debris.

Wetlands that once absorbed excess water are sacrificed for real estate developments.
Nature always reclaims what belongs to it.

When water cannot follow its natural course, it creates a new one—through homes, markets, schools, hospitals, and highways.

Yet government alone cannot shoulder the blame. Citizens who dump refuse into drains cannot absolve themselves of responsibility.

Landowners who knowingly build on waterways gamble not only with their own lives but with the safety of entire communities.

Developers who bypass regulations, and officials who look the other way in exchange for political or financial convenience, become silent partners in every flood-related death.
The floodwaters expose more than our streets.

They expose our values. What makes this year’s devastation particularly heartbreaking is not simply the physical destruction but the emotional exhaustion visible across the nation.

Young entrepreneurs who invested their savings have lost everything overnight. Parents wonder how they will replace school supplies soaked beyond recovery.

Families mourn loved ones whose only mistake was being caught in a city that has repeatedly failed to protect them.

Behind every viral video lies a human story. Behind every trending hashtag lies someone’s nightmare.

The true cost of flooding cannot be measured only in cedis spent on damaged infrastructure.

It must also account for interrupted education, lost livelihoods, declining investor confidence, rising insurance costs, increased healthcare burdens, psychological trauma, and the growing belief among citizens that disaster has become normal.

Nothing could be more dangerous than normalising preventable tragedy. Our response must move beyond sympathy.

Emergency relief is essential, but relief without reform is merely preparation for the next disaster. Accra needs more than promises made during press conferences.

It requires an integrated flood resilience strategy backed by political courage rather than political convenience. Drainage systems must be redesigned for today’s urban realities, not yesterday’s population.

Illegal structures obstructing waterways must be removed consistently and lawfully, regardless of who owns them. Waste management must become efficient enough that drains are never mistaken for rubbish bins.

Building regulations must be enforced without fear or favour. Climate resilience must become a national development priority rather than an afterthought discussed only when disaster strikes.

Most importantly, accountability must cease to be selective. Every ministry, assembly, contractor, developer, institution, and citizen whose negligence contributes to recurring floods should answer not merely to public criticism but to the law.

Nations do not become resilient by surviving disasters. They become resilient by learning from them. The resilience of ordinary Ghanaians has never been in doubt.

It is visible in neighbours rescuing strangers, volunteers distributing food, young people organising clean-up campaigns, and communities rebuilding together after every catastrophe.

But resilience should never become an excuse for institutional failure. Our people deserve better than perpetual recovery. They deserve prevention.

As climate change intensifies rainfall patterns across West Africa, the cost of inaction will only rise.

What appears today as an environmental challenge may tomorrow become an economic crisis, a public health emergency, and a humanitarian disaster of even greater proportions.

History will not judge us by how many condolences we offered after the floods. History will judge us by whether we finally decided that enough was enough.

The waters will eventually disappear. The question is whether our memory will disappear with them.

If, after this latest tragedy, we once again return to business as usual, then the next flood will not be a surprise. It will be a choice.

And future generations will rightly ask why we allowed an avoidable disaster to become the defining symbol of our capital city.

The rain has spoken. Now Ghana must decide whether it is finally ready to listen.

What started as a downpour quickly escalated into another devastating flood event, bringing daily life in Accra to a standstill.

At least three people reportedly lost their lives in the Alajo community in suspected electrocution incidents after floodwaters engulfed their homes. Other areas reported unconfirmed cases of flood-related deaths and missing persons.

Across the city, hundreds of residents watched helplessly as muddy water swept through homes, shops and warehouses, destroying property, household belongings and business inventories.

Commercial activity ground to a halt as major roads became impassable, leaving commuters stranded for hours.

As the situation worsened, the Ministry of the Interior issued a public safety advisory urging residents to stay away from flooded roads, avoid attempting to cross fast-moving water and report emergencies to the appropriate authorities. Electricity supply to some communities was also disconnected as a precaution to prevent further electrocution incidents.

Emergency response teams from the National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO), the Ghana National Fire Service and other security agencies were deployed across affected communities to rescue trapped residents and assist families displaced by the floods.

Earlier in the day, the Ghana Meteorological Agency had forecast widespread thunderstorms and rainfall across southern Ghana, warning that a weak to moderate rainstorm moving westward along the Togo-Benin coastline would bring increased cloud cover and unstable weather conditions.

Yet, while the rain triggered the flooding, experts say the disaster itself reflects a much deeper problem.

More than a rainfall event

Accra’s recurring floods are no longer simply a consequence of heavy rainfall. They are the result of structural vulnerabilities interacting with changing climate dynamics.
Climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme rainfall events, but the scale of destruction witnessed after each storm is largely determined by how the city has been planned, developed and managed over time.

In essence, heavy rainfall becomes a disaster only when urban systems are unable to cope.

Over the past four decades, Accra has experienced rapid urban expansion. Housing estates, commercial developments and roads have spread across the city, often outpacing investments in drainage and other critical infrastructure.

The replacement of natural landscapes with concrete roads, pavements and rooftops has significantly reduced the ground’s ability to absorb rainwater. Instead, stormwater rushes across hard surfaces, overwhelming drains and increasing the likelihood of flash floods.

Compounding the problem is the widespread encroachment on wetlands, floodplains, river buffers and natural drainage channels.

These ecosystems once acted as natural reservoirs, absorbing excess rainfall and slowing runoff before releasing water gradually into rivers and streams. As urban development has consumed these spaces, much of the city’s natural flood protection has disappeared.

Accra’s drainage network is also struggling to cope with increasing volumes of runoff.

Many drains are undersized or poorly connected, while years of inadequate maintenance have left numerous channels heavily silted or blocked.
The city’s persistent challenge with indiscriminate waste disposal has further reduced drainage capacity. Plastic waste and other refuse clog drains and culverts, preventing stormwater from flowing freely during intense rainfall.

Urban planners have also pointed to weak enforcement of land-use regulations. Unauthorized developments, informal settlements in flood-prone areas and inadequate development control continue to increase the number of people and properties exposed to flood hazards.

Climate change is intensifying the risk

Accra’s climate naturally features two rainy seasons—the major season from March to July and the minor season between September and November.
However, climate variability is making rainfall increasingly unpredictable. Storms are becoming more intense, rainfall is falling within shorter periods and flash flooding is occurring more frequently.

Climate scientists warn that global warming is expected to further increase the intensity of extreme precipitation events, raise urban temperatures through the heat island effect and create greater uncertainty in seasonal rainfall patterns.

Although climate change is not the sole cause of flooding in Accra, it amplifies existing weaknesses in urban planning, infrastructure and environmental management.

The latest floods underscore the need for a shift from reactive disaster response to proactive climate resilience.

Experts argue that reducing flood risk will require integrated urban planning that protects wetlands, floodplains and waterways while investing in modern stormwater drainage infrastructure.

Nature-based solutions—including urban forests, rain gardens, permeable pavements and wetland restoration—could help cities absorb more rainfall naturally instead of allowing water to rush into already overwhelmed drains.

Equally important are stronger enforcement of planning regulations, improved solid waste management and infrastructure designed using updated rainfall projections and flood-risk mapping.

Early warning systems and better community preparedness can also ensure weather forecasts translate into timely action that saves lives.

As Accra counts the cost of yet another flood disaster, one lesson remains clear: the city cannot control when it rains, but it can determine how well it prepares for the next storm.

Until structural vulnerabilities are addressed alongside the realities of a changing climate, heavy rainfall will continue to expose the fault lines in Ghana’s rapidly growing capital.

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Each year, a carefully selected delegation of emerging leaders drawn from government, media, business, and civil society convene under the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP).

Beyond the site tours, seminars and meetings lies invaluable connections, networks and access to perspectives that shape future decisions.

Over the decades, the program has hosted individuals who would go on to shape the course of nations and narratives.

Among its alumni are global figures such as former Ghanaian President John Agyekum Kufuor, former UK Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher, Nobel laureates, and some of the world’s most influential journalists and academics.

They arrive as rising voices and become architects of change.

Handpicked and nominated by the U.S. Department of State, IVLP participants are selected not only for what they have done, but for what they are poised to do.

The program was designed to deepen international relationships, but more importantly, to invest the kind of influence that shapes policy, frames public thought, and builds bridges long before they are needed.

This year, the circle of influence expands to include a name that has, in recent times, become increasingly difficult to ignore.

Once described as “one to watch,” Dr. Ekua Amoakoh has moved from promise to prominence.

A medical doctor by profession, she entered Ghana’s political communications space ahead of the 2024 general elections with clarity.

Her calm delivery, measured tone, and command of complex issues quickly set her apart.

She became the spokesperson for health during Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s presidential campaign, translating technical realities and challenges into public understanding.

And when the elections ended in a bitter defeat, highly contested, and emotionally charged, she did not retreat but instead she stepped up perhaps instinctively understanding what Margaret Thatcher once said “you may have to fight a battle more than once to win it”.

Since then, her trajectory has been anything but accidental.

From campaign communicator to deputy spokesperson and now serving as spokesperson and press secretary to Dr. Bawumia, former Vice President and now leader of the opposition party the New Patriotic Party (NPP).

Her rise reflects something deeper than political alignment. It reflects trust. The kind that people gravitate towards both leaders and the masses.

Her IVLP nomination isn’t just symbolic its confirmation. It positions her within a global network of individuals who do not merely participate in systems but shape them.

Through tailored engagements across U.S. institutions, policy environments, and leadership circles, the program offers more than exposure. It offers access.

This matters today because influence is no longer confined to elected office. It lives in the ability to interpret policy, to manage narratives, to negotiate perception across borders.

It lives in people who understand both the language of governance and the pulse of the public.
As the history of the IVLP suggests, alumni of this same program have gone on to redefine the status quo.

Sometimes loudly, often subtly. They build alliances, reframe national conversations, and in some cases, alter the entire trajectory of their countries.

Excited to see what this opportunity for greater collaboration evolves to become not only for her and her political career but the impact on Ghanaian public life.

Moments like these rarely exist in a vacuum. It’s significance is sure to have ripple effects for years to come.

Beneath all of these lies an often-overlooked ingredient that determines whether an organisation thrives or struggles, which is respect.

Respect in the workplace is frequently discussed in relation to customers, clients and external stakeholders, with less attention to how employees treat one another.

This situation may breed a culture where competence is valued but courtesy is optional, where tasks are assigned but collaboration is resisted, and where disagreements quickly become personal rather than professional.

The reality is that no organisation can function effectively when departments operate as isolated islands.

The success of modern workplaces depends on collaboration such that one team’s output often becomes another team’s input.

Success therefore requires not only technical competence but also mutual understanding, open communication and a willingness to support shared goals.

Disagreements are inevitable as employees will definitely hold different views about priorities, workloads and the best way to achieve organisational objectives.

However, healthy workplaces create room for these discussions, and what sets a professional environment apart from a toxic one is not the absence of disagreement but the manner in which disagreement is expressed.

Unfortunately, many workplaces are witnessing a growing culture of dismissiveness.

Rather than engaging ideas on their merits, people become defensive, with constructive feedback often interpreted as personal criticism.

Questions are met with hostility, while colleagues speak about one another rather than to one another.

Before long, an issue at hand becomes secondary to bruised egos and departmental rivalries, a behaviour that carries a cost, weakens trust among colleagues, and discourages initiative.

Employees may become reluctant to suggest improvements or raise concerns for fear of becoming targets of ridicule or hostility.

Over time, silence replaces innovation, and resentment replaces teamwork.

Perhaps even more concerning is the role of leadership in shaping workplace culture.

Managers and supervisors may not participate in disrespectful behaviour, but their response to it matters greatly.

This is because if unprofessional conduct goes unchecked, it sends an unintended message that certain behaviours are acceptable.

Employees quickly learn what standards are enforced and which ones are merely spoken about.

Workplace culture is not defined by mission statements displayed on walls but everyday interactions, thus how colleagues speak to one another, how disagreements are handled, how feedback is received and how leaders respond when standards are breached.

Respect does not require agreement or demand silence in the face of differing opinions.

It simply requires recognising the dignity of colleagues and treating them accordingly because a party can disagree firmly without being disrespectful.

Someone can defend a position without belittling another person or can be under pressure without becoming hostile.

As organisations continue to pursue higher productivity and better results, we must not lose sight of the fact that people perform best in environments where they feel respected.

Talent may get employees through the door, but respect is what keeps teams working together effectively.

At the end of the day, professionalism is not measured only by the quality of work produced but also the quality of our interactions with the people we work alongside every day.

The slightest rainfall now turns the national capital into a disaster zone. For houses built on and along waterways, the least said about them the better. Their residents wake up every morning fearing the next downpour.

So far, areas hit hard include Kaneshie Market and its environs, Agbogbloshie, Mallam, Madina, Santa Maria, and many others.

What has compounded matters is that the rains have shown no signs of easing. If for anything at all, we should be bracing ourselves for more rains.

It is as if the floodgates of heaven have been opened upon Accra and, by extension, Ghana.

But here is the question that no one in authority seemed willing to answer honestly until now: Why is this happening after successive years of relative calm?

For so many years, it has rained in Accra. Sometimes heavily.

Yet the floods have not been this destructive for the past years. That is not a coincidence. It is not climate change alone. It is not just population growth.

It is something much closer to home: poor sanitation, political retribution, and cancelled contracts.

The minister has spoken: Termination worsened everything

On Saturday, June 6, as part of activities marking World Environment Day (Friday, June 6), the Minister for Local Government, Chieftaincy and Religious Affairs, Ahmed Ibrahim, made a stunning admission in Takoradi, Western Region.

Speaking clearly and publicly, the Minister confirmed that the termination of Zoomlion’s contract under the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) has worsened sanitation issues in our cities and metropolises.

Let that sink in. A sitting government minister has now officially stated that cancelling the contract made things worse.

According to the Minister, Zoomlion was responsible for keeping our cities and metropolises clean, and they did it efficiently.

That continued until some Ghanaians and NGOs came out to argue that Ghanaians could do the job themselves, and that the assemblies should be given the funds to clean our municipalities and cities.

Two contracts, one mess – now confirmed.

We have been saying it all along. Two key contracts with Zoomlion, one for dredging choked drains and waterways, and another for street cleansing, were cancelled very emotionally.

Not based on data. Not based on a transition plan. Cancelled because of sheer politics and assumptions.

For over one year now, no one has been sweeping the streets of Accra. No dredging. No discipline. And the Minister has just confirmed that.

The assemblies boasted – and failed

The Minister went further. He revealed that the assemblies were very loud and ignorant that Zoomlion’s contract should be terminated, insisting that they, the assemblies, could do the job themselves.

They demanded the funds. They argued that Ghanaians did not need Zoomlion.

So the contract was terminated. The money was given to the assemblies.

Now, the Minister asks the question that every resident of Accra is shouting: Since that decision was made, what has been the result? Have the assemblies employed people to do the sweeping?

The answer is painfully clear: No.

The Minister himself said: “So far, I have not set my eyes on any people who have been engaged by the assemblies to sweep our cities. So we have succeeded in terminating Zoomlion’s contract, but the assemblies have also not employed people to sweep the cities. Tell me, why would our cities not be dirty?”

After taking over, what has come out of it? You cannot do the job. The results are there for all to see.

Flooded markets. Choked gutters. Filth everywhere.

45,000 young people thrown out of work

There is more. The Minister also revealed a staggering human and economic cost. Following the termination of the contract, Zoomlion has not been providing services since 2025.

Now we are in 2026, and they are still not working.

But the damage goes beyond uncollected waste. The 45,000 Ghanaians who were engaged under the YEA programme for the cleaning jobs that Zoomlion was handling have all been terminated.

That money was given to the assemblies, yet the assemblies have proven that they cannot do the job.

Forty-five thousand young people. No work. No income. And the cities are dirtier than ever.

We have gone back 15 years

Let the authorities be reminded again: the non‑renewal of these contracts has taken us back 15 years. Fifteen years ago, Accra was visibly filthy. Drains choked.

Street sweeping is inconsistent. Dredging is a rare event. Then, through private sector participation, the city became cleaner. Floods became less destructive.

Now, in less than two years, all that progress has been erased because a political decision was made without a working alternative.

Politics eats into everything—and the minister agrees

The minister’s statement is extraordinary because it admits, from within the government, that the policy has failed.

The assemblies demanded the job. They swore they could do it. They received the funds. And they have done nothing.

 We have the capacity to solve our own sanitation problems. We have dredging machines, trucks, labour, engineering know‑how.

But politics eats into everything. Decisions are made not on what works, but on who is connected to which party.

Ghana hasn’t seen anything yet

Let me say this plainly to the authorities, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly, the Ministry of Sanitation, the Ministry of Local Government, and the Office of the President:

“You haven’t seen anything yet”.

The rains are only beginning. The major rainy season is still ahead. The drains are already full. The waterways are already compromised.

And unless there is an immediate emergency intervention, unless dredging resumes tonight, unless street sweeping restarts tomorrow, the coming weeks will bring floods that will make today’s disasters look like puddles.

The Minister has spoken. The problem is confirmed. Now the question is, what will be done about it?

A big problem that requires immediate action

The Minister for Local Government himself called it “a big problem.” He is right.

The assemblies cannot do the job. The 45,000 YEA workers are gone. Zoomlion has been idle since 2025. The drains are choked. The floods are killing livelihoods. And the rains are not stopping.

Nobody is asking for favours. Ghanaians are asking for common sense: restore the dredging and street cleansing capacity immediately through Zoomlion.

And do it now. Because right now, doing nothing is a political choice, and doing something is a life-changing decision as Accra is drowning in it.

Writer: Ama Nkansah Ofori Atta, a Communications consultant

The soccer mood extends to churches this week, and the pastor himself may decide to change from cassock to jersey and even declare as a prayer theme the impending match between Ghana and England. ‘May God Himself be a shining lamp unto the feet of our boys.’

The current Black Star fever unfortunately has an expiry date. In a few weeks, a united Ghana disappears and we resume party hostilities where we pray to the Good Lord ‘not to lay a table before me in the presence of my enemies.’

But during this FIFA mood, let Dumsor also cease fire, and enable the entire country to witness goals scored by Yirenkyi.

To the Energy Minister, let me advise that if Bantama transformers need maintenance work, let this be fixed before Tuesday.

Should the Black Stars fail to win on Tuesday, we have every right to blame it on the dumsor in Bantama which affected our players in Canada. It may be said Dumsor doomed our fortunes at the World Cup.

Also a period to decide whom to support if Ghana is not playing. Well, if one Team is African, please support the African side as a general rule; but bear in mind the adage, ‘Always forgive your enemies but never forget their names.’ Wounds from South Africa are simply refusing to die this FIFA tournament.

In the match between Mexico and South Africa, Ghana knew who to support. When the entire country shouted gooooal, and the kakalika dance started from Osu across to Walewale, it was not South Africa Ghana was celebrating; the kakalika was for a country, Mexico, which few Ghanaians knew. Ghanaians were happy for the two Mexican goal scorers, Julian Quinones and Raul Jimenez, whose names Ghana could not even pronounce.

Suddenly, Mexico became a strategic partner to Ghana: God had answered Ghana’s prayers through Mexican boots saying, ‘South Africa Go beck, go beck… ‘

Ghana currently has three points according to FIFA, having beaten Panama; but we have three xenophobia points quietly hiding in our pocket for Mexico’s win over South Africa.

In all this, we are happy the referee in matches involving South Africa has not been African or even Caribbean. South Africa would have protested that the referee resembles an immigrant recently chased out of Cape Town.

But here comes Tuesday, a historic clash between Ghana and former colonial master England.

This will be soccer interlaced with history, colonialism, reparations and all. Not simply a FIFA game.

At the 2006 World Cup in Germany, the match between England and Trinidad-Tobago was one such. England whipped Trinidad 2-0; but that was not bad news for Trinidad.

There was a virtual celebration in that country considering the respectable margin they lost against the colonial master, who also invented the game called soccer. The wide jubilation in Trinidad was followed on Monday by a public holiday.

In Ghana here, we can boast of a richer past. Already, the archives reveal a Gold Coast-England match where the Gold Coast ousted Her Majesty’s boys by 2-1.

Then comes 2011, a historic friendly match between Ghana and England at Wembley Stadium, a match I am proud to recall. I watched live with Ogyakromian eyes.

Vodaphone Company with Dr Kobina Quansah as MD, had been kind enough to offer Legon and IPS (now UPSA) two tickets to witness the historic game, all expenses paid.

I, as Legon’s Pro-Vice Chancellor, was asked by Vice Chancellor Aryeetey to represent Legon. The IPS representative was my good friend Prof Joshua Alabi, then Rector (of distinction, I must say). Together we boarded British Airways in late March along with Dr Kobina Quansah.

Wembley Stadium, here we come! It was my first time watching the Black Stars outside Ghana.

At the FIFA World Cup in South Africa 2010, the previous year, Ghana had impressed the world and reached the quarter finals. We were indeed the best-performing African team.

29th March 2011. The 80,000 capacity Wembley Stadium was packed; tension billowed. But Ghana had a supporting crowd of some 30,000 nationals who virtually took over Wembley: cheering, singing jama, making noise! Black Stars were at their peak, and featured an all-star team including Richard Kingson at goal, Paintsil, Agyeman Badu, Annan, Adiyiah, Asamoah Gyan, Muntari, John Mensah, Vorsah etc.

The atmosphere was charged also because the England team was fielding one dangerous Ghanaian player, Danny Welbeck.

Ahead of this, Joshua and I had lowered personal anxieties with chilled beer at the basement of Wembley.

The match soon started with a balanced outlook between the two teams. But it was England that opened the score with a left footer from one Andy Carrol in the first half, dampening our spirits.

This immersed us in prolonged suspense until much, much later in the second half. Injury time, on the 91st minute.

Baby Jet, Asamoah Gyan cut through the England defense and banged in a sweet equalizer, which turned Wembley upside down: a spontaneous celebration of Ghana across the stadium.

Baby jet himself joined the melee with a short dance skit; he then dashed to scale over security barriers and joined us to celebrate! Oseee Ghana. We jumped and danced!

With this in mind, please don’t ask me to announce the scores that day. It may be said Ghana Beat England to a 1-1 draw 15 years ago. By Ogyakromian logic, then, please guess the scoreline this Tuesday.

There will be a kakalika celebration: kakalika, kakalikakakalika!!!

Can England dance kakalika?

kyankah@ashesi.edu.gh 

That silence is not a minor administrative oversight. It raises a fundamental question of democratic accountability: why was an appointment to the Council publicly announced, while a resignation from this constitutional body—funded by taxpayers and entrusted with advising the President—treated as a private exchange between a member and President Mahama?

The issue is not whether Justice Akuffo had the right to resign; she did. It is whether citizens should be informed when a vacancy arises in a body whose very purpose is to provide the President with the full complement of advice and expertise envisaged by Article 89 of the Constitution. Without disclosure, the public cannot know whether an important constitutional institution is operating with vacancies or whether delays in replacing members are diminishing the diversity of advice available to the President. The subsequent disclosure that government is only now taking steps to replace Justice Akuffo several months after her resignation demonstrates that these concerns are not merely hypothetical.

A Constitutional Blind Spot

The Council of State has deep roots in Ghana’s constitutional history. The Coussey Committee of 1949 considered proposals for a second chamber composed of chiefs and eminent citizens. Though rejected on grounds of cost, the idea resurfaced in 1955 and later took shape in the 1969 Constitution of the Second Republic, which under Article 53(1) established a Council to advise the President. The institution was retained in the 1979 Constitution (Article 106(1)) and finally entrenched in the 1992 Constitution under Article 89(1), which created the current 31- member Council composed of presidential appointees, elected regional representatives, traditional leaders, and former senior public officials.

Across these constitutions, one principle has remained constant: executive authority is strengthened when informed by the counsel of respected figures.

Yet one blind spot persists. Under the Council of State Act, 2020 (Act 1037), resignations need only be communicated to the President. There is no obligation of public disclosure. This asymmetry—appointments in public, resignations in silence—undermines transparency and weakens trust in an institution meant to embody collective wisdom.

Confidentiality of deliberations is essential, but transparency in composition is equally important. When high-profile members resign without timely disclosure, citizens are deprived of important context about changes within a key constitutional institution. Over time, such silence risks normalising opacity around constitutional transitions and weakening public confidence in Ghana’s constitutional democracy.

Comparative Lessons: Nigeria, South Africa and Kenya

Ghana is not alone. Nigeria’s National Council of State, established under Section 153 and Part I of the Third Schedule of the 1999 Constitution, operates under similar opacity. Membership changes are not subject to strict disclosure, reflecting a broader culture of silence around advisory bodies.

South Africa, however, demonstrates that transparency is a governance choice. Its Presidential Economic Advisory Council (PEAC), though not constitutionally established, benefits from consistent public communication on appointments and changes in membership. This ensures that citizens know who advises the President, strengthening institutional legitimacy without compromising confidentiality. Reports submitted to the Presidency are also made public after a period of time, reflecting a balance between sensitivity and accountability.

Kenya offers a cautionary lesson. The National Economic and Social Council, once an influential advisory body, lost much of its prominence and effectiveness before recent efforts by President William Ruto to revive and restructure it. Its experience underscores a broader point: advisory institutions must remain visible, functional and responsive if they are to retain relevance and public trust.

These comparative experiences show that transparency practices are shaped less by constitutional design than by governance culture. Institutions that embrace openness tend to enjoy greater legitimacy and public confidence.

Why Composition Matters

Transparency is not an abstract virtue; it has practical consequences. Consider recent events: petitions seeking the removal of Chief Justice Gertrude Torkornoo were referred to the Council of State while former Chief Justice Sophia Akuffo served on the Council and chaired its Legal,

Constitutional Affairs and Petitions Committee. Her committee participated in the constitutional process that culminated in the Council’s advice to President Mahama regarding the existence of a prima facie case. The President subsequently established a committee of inquiry under Article 146(6) of the Constitution, and that committee eventually recommended the Chief Justice’s removal from office.

The episode illustrates that the Council of State is not a ceremonial body. It is periodically called upon to advise the President on matters of enormous constitutional significance.

To be sure, the Constitution does not require every vacancy to be filled before the Council can continue functioning, and government may reasonably argue that there is no legal obligation to publicly announce resignations. Yet democratic accountability often requires more than mere compliance with minimum legal requirements. A prolonged vacancy may diminish the diversity of expertise and perspectives available to the President and leave citizens uncertain about whether a constitutional institution is operating at full strength.

Silence about resignations obscures not only vacancies but also delays in filling them. The prolonged gap after Justice Akuffo’s resignation illustrates precisely why disclosure matters.

The Case for Reform

Reform is overdue. The Constitution Review Committee (CRC), chaired by Professor H. Kwasi Prempeh, has already called for changes to strengthen transparency and accountability. With nearly half of its membership unelected, its deliberations conducted in private, and limited avenues for public engagement, the Council must work harder to sustain democratic legitimacy.

Greater transparency in membership changes would be an important step in that direction. At the minimum, the Constitution or Council of State Act, 2020 (Act 1037) should be amended to require prompt public notification whenever a member resigns, passes away, or ceases to hold office.

Beyond legislation, the Presidency could adopt a standing practice: issue immediate public statements on membership changes and establish an online register that tracks appointments and resignations in real time. These steps would align Ghana with democratic norms where institutional visibility is central to public trust.

Transparency should also be linked to institutional continuity. Public notification of resignations should be accompanied by a commitment to fill vacancies within a reasonable period so that the Council can continue to discharge its functions with its full complement of expertise and institutional memory. The prolonged delay in replacing Justice Akuffo demonstrates that the absence of public disclosure can also obscure delays in reconstituting the membership of an important constitutional body. A constitutional advisory institution is most effective when it is transparent in its composition and complete in its membership.

Conclusion

The Council of State reflects Ghana’s enduring belief that executive power should be guided by collective wisdom. But constitutional legitimacy depends not only on legal design but also on public trust, and public trust requires both transparency and institutional effectiveness.

The quiet resignation of Justice Akuffo has exposed a broader gap in Ghana’s constitutional practice. If appointments to constitutional bodies are matters of public interest, then their resignations should be treated with the same level of openness. Citizens have a legitimate interest not only in knowing when the composition of constitutional institutions changes, but also in knowing whether vacancies are being filled promptly so that those institutions can continue to perform their constitutional functions effectively.

Public disclosure and timely replacement of members would strengthen accountability, sustain confidence in constitutional institutions, and help ensure that the Council of State remains fit for purpose in Ghana’s constitutional democracy.

The author, William Nyarko, is the Executive Director of the Africa Centre for International Law and Accountability (ACILA)

Similar incidents have occurred on other campuses over the years. The lack of security on our campuses has been a problem for decades, but let me put the second problem on the table.

Apparently, there is anger that parents are delivering gifts of cars, among others, to their kids on the campuses of private senior high schools (SHSs).

Neither of these problems should engage a national government that is struggling to deal with galamsey, floods, South African xenophobia and reparations.

A few years ago, there was a supposed fight between Commonwealth and Sarbah students at the University of Ghana.

myself and many others were surprised that despite getting almost a day’s notice, the University authorities could NOT prevent the supposed riots.

Furthermore, it was revealed that in many Halls, there were many non-students who had been resident for years!

How can non-students get to live in student dormitories/rooms when some students in good standing cannot get accommodation? And after this dereliction, the Legon authorities just handed out sanctions to students and Hall administrators without due process.

My kids have both completed University here in the US and I attended University of Toronto. Here in the US, during our tour of schools the question of campus safety was repeatedly brought up and addressed by the Universities.

They discussed lighting, cameras on campus, control of access points, security patrols and alarm systems. Thus while deaths and assaults occur on campuses here, they are rare.

It is not acceptable that University students can be left at the mercy of thieves, rapists and other criminals while they live on campus.

University student Unions and lecturers should demand that University authorities address these issues.

students and their families should use safety as a criteria for deciding which school to attend. As for the question of gifts of cars, etc to students, it demonstrates starkly that both the parents involved and the schools need to lift their moral standards.

What kind of juvenile exhibitionism would make a parent take a car to a campus as a gift to their child? Why can’t the gift be given at home? How does this make poor children at the school feel? Why would school authorities permit this?

Why can’t PTA’s step in to make the school environment a safe and moral place for all our kids? During my days at Presec-legon, the way we knew that students such as Afflu and Nartey were from rich homes was that they shared the excess food they got from home.

Let’s return to the days of the egalitarian high schools when the rich were circumspect and the poor were made to feel equal and at home.

While schools under trees and lack of teachers deserve the attention of national government, school authorities can and should handle these second-order problems.
May God bless Ghana.

An exposé by Anas Aremeyaw Anas on illegal mining (galamsey), titled “Ghana’s Gold”, shook me. Ghana was losing its fertile lands, its water bodies, and its environment to this relentless activity.

I watched the footage, jaw clenched. Men wielding makeshift guns. Forests turned to moonscapes. I told myself: Someone must continue this work.

But I did not act until 2019. Confined at home during COVID-19, I asked myself: If a pandemic we cannot control can wreak such havoc, why should we watch idly as humans ruin our own livelihood?

The Brazen Cancer
Strangely, by then, galamsey was no longer a hidden secret. It was being practised brazenly, even along major roadsides.

I recall driving the Accra-Kumasi highway and seeing excavators clawing into the earth just fifty meters from the asphalt.
When I asked a local chief why no one stopped them, he laughed bitterly. “Their bosses sit in Accra, my son.”
The secrecy was gone. Only the threat remained.

Tarkwa, First Warning: Bullets In The Bush
Deep in a thick Forest in Tarkwa, leading a crew of four, we flew a drone to uncover the damage. Devastated land. Forest. Dead trees. A river turned the colour of rust. Then the miners spotted it.

One of them pulled a short gun and began pursuing the drone. Pop—pop—pop. The echoes bounced off the trees. But for the experience of the drone pilot, I wouldn’t be here.

Three miners in pickups chased the drone, firing shots. Instead of flying it toward us, which would have given away our coordinates, the pilot flew it in the opposite direction.

For nearly 20 minutes, they chased shadows. That decision saved our lives.
When they realized they had been fooled, we heard: “Block the road!”

We split up. One man fled on a motorbike with the cameras and other gadgets in a backpack. The rest walked out with nothing.

When the driver got to the town with the car, the miners searched our car thoroughly, under the seats, in the boot, but found nothing.

This was because one bolted with the gadgets, two of us travelled by foot, and one drove the car alone. Without evidence, even armed men must step back.
We drove through. That is how close we came.

Osino: When Officials Go Missing
At Osino, a top-level government official at the Municipal office who had assured us of protection was nowhere to be found.

We called the official more than twenty-five times. Not one answered. Yes, you read right, we called him more than 27 times.

It was a group of illegal miners who escorted us to some sites. “You are walking where angels fear to tread,” one told us. “The people funding us? They are not in the forest. They are in Accra.”

The Miners’ Hotel
A known galamsey kingpin owned the hotel that accommodated our crew. Its manager was also an illegal miner, and approximately 85 per cent of the guests were miners themselves.

Even the restaurant where we dined was owned by a galamsey operator. Most of the patrons we encountered there were miners, taking their meals before heading into the forests for their shifts.

This reality served as a stark illustration of how deeply the illegal mining enterprise had infiltrated every layer of community life.

In the hotel courtyard, we learned from some of the miners that several journalists had received threats for their coverage of galamsey. Others, they said, had paid the ultimate price.
“You think police will help you?” one asked me pointedly. I had no response.

Souls Of the Fallen
Anytime I head toward a mining site, the death of Ahmed Suale hits me. He was murdered for investigative work of a different kind.

If they kill a journalist for exposing sports corruption, what will they do to me for exposing a billion-cedi criminal enterprise? Mr Kwame Sefa Kayi revealed to me in an interview “a friend of mine died in the line of duty while fighting galamsey”
Experienced videographers now turn down every offer.

 “I want to see my children grow,” one told me. Their deaths may go undocumented. Nobody. No case. Just a missing person’s report, no one follows.
“Reporting threats to the police is often useless. Some officials are accomplices. They take bribes. They tip off the miners,” – Another reporter told me.

When the Field Follows You Home
I still go to the field. It is what I signed up for. But the peace I once knew has faded. A knock on my hotel door at night sends a chill through me.

An unfamiliar car or bike lingering outside my home makes me instinctively glance toward the back exit.
This is not cowardice. It is the residue of what I have witnessed.

I have seen what these men are capable of, and that knowledge does not easily leave you.
What troubles me most is the silence from those in power.

The protection journalists deserve seems elusive, and the impunity of the miners grows bolder by the day. I continue my work, but I do so with the weight of uncertainty on my shoulders and the quiet hope that someone, somewhere, will finally act.

About the author:

Andrew Pratt-Quainoo is a lecturer, Documentary film maker and online journalist.

Dr. Agbee has urged the state to assume sovereign, majority ownership of one of Africa’s most productive gold mines.

The proposal, titled “Sovereign Ownership and State-Led Development of the Tarkwa Gold
Fields,” lands at a pivotal moment: Gold Fields Ghana Limited has formally applied for a 20
year extension of its concession.

The request that has drawn pointed opposition from civil society groups, academics, and community advocates, including the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA).

“Ghana’s gold must build Ghana’s future,” Dr. Agbee said. “This is a generational moment the moment when the people of Ghana, through their elected government, can decide that the gold beneath Tarkwa soil belongs, in the fullest and most meaningful sense, to Ghana.”

The Tarkwa concession, located in Ghana’s Western Region, has produced gold for more than a hundred years. Gold Fields Limited, a South African multinational, has operated the site since 1993, transforming it into a large-scale open-pit operation that today produces between 427,000 and 550,000 troy ounces of gold annually and employs more than 7,000 Ghanaians.

Despite this scale, the proposal argues, Tarkwa and its surrounding communities continue to experience deteriorating roads, inadequate water and healthcare access, agricultural land loss, and environmental degradation from mine tailings.

Ghana currently captures only a 5% royalty on revenue, alongside variable corporate tax receipts and a minority dividend stake through the Minerals Income Investment Fund (MIIF) a structure Dr. Agbee describes as a fraction of the true value extracted from the country’s non-renewable mineral wealth.

“The fiscal revenues Ghana receives do not adequately compensate the nation for the permanent depletion of its gold reserves,” the proposal states. “This structural deficit must be decisively corrected.”

At the heart of the proposal is a public-private partnership structure under which the Government of Ghana acting through MIIF or a newly created Ghana Gold Corporation (GGC) would hold a 60% equity stake in Tarkwa’s capital assets and mining infrastructure, including its mining fleet, processing plants, and power and water systems.

The remaining 40% would be opened through a competitive process to qualified Ghanaian investors, pension funds, and strategic foreign partners, who would fund day-to-day operating costs and bring technical expertise.

State capital for the acquisition would be drawn from sources including the Ghana Heritage Fund currently valued at approximately USD 1.376 billion — the Ghana Stabilisation Fund, sovereign bonds backed by projected gold revenues, and concessional financing from development institutions such as the African Development Bank and the International Finance Corporation.

Dr. Agbee grounds the proposal in Article 257(6) of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, which vests all minerals in their natural state in the President, in trust for the people of Ghana, as well as the Minerals and Mining Act, 2006 (Act 703) and the Minerals Income Investment Fund Act, 2018 (Act 978).

“This is not reckless resource nationalism,” Dr. Agbee said. “It is a thoughtful, legally sound, and commercially structured path to sovereign ownership one in which Ghana takes its rightful place not as a landlord receiving rent, but as an owner building generational wealth.”

The proposal points to Botswana majority state ownership of Debswana, Chile CODELCO, and Norway sovereign management of its oil wealth through Equinor and its Government Pension Fund as evidence that state equity participation and commercially efficient resource management are not mutually exclusive.

Zambia and Tanzania, it notes, have likewise moved to increase state participation in their copper and gold sectors. As Africa’s leading gold producer, the proposal argues, Ghana is well placed to set a continental example.

The proposal calls for a mandatory Community Development Fund, ring-fenced at not less than 3% of gross gold revenue, governed by a Trustees Board with formal representation from traditional authorities and community groups in Tarkwa.

It also proposes a binding Environmental Management and Rehabilitation Plan, developed with the Environmental Protection Authority, including an independently held rehabilitation bond to guarantee funding for mine closure and land restoration regardless of future operating performance.

“This structural injustice is not merely a moral failure,” the proposal warns. “It constitutes a
political risk, a source of community unrest, and a long-term threat to the social licence to mine. Any successor arrangement must reverse this historic inequity.”

The proposal lays out a three-phase implementation plan running from 2026 to 2028: establishing a High-Level Tarkwa Transition Committee under the Office of the President and enacting, enabling legislation in Phase One; finalising asset acquisition, onboarding private investors, and completing a full operational handover with “zero interruption” to production in Phase Two; and full operationalisation of the Ghana Gold Corporation, including the first Community Development Fund disbursements, from 2028 onward.

The proposal also recommends Ghana retain independent international legal counsel on mining law and investor-state dispute matters before issuing any formal notice to Gold Fields.

Dr. Agbee describes the 2027 lease expiration as “a generational moment” rather than a routine administrative event, and is urging the Presidency and Parliament to act with urgency.

“Ghana has the constitutional mandate, the legal instruments, the institutional capacity through MIIF and the Minerals Commission, and the moral authority rooted in decades of unfulfilled promises to Tarkwa communities to act decisively,” he said. “The time to act is now.”

On Friday, 8 May 2026, global credit rating agency Fitch Ratings delivered what many economists, policymakers, and market observers had been watching for with cautious optimism: a formal upgrade of Ghana’s Long-Term Foreign-Currency Issuer Default Rating (LTFC IDR) from ‘B-‘ to ‘B’, with a Positive Outlook.

This announcement, made amid a backdrop of global economic turbulence, did not arrive by accident.

It is the culmination of years of painful but necessary fiscal reform, disciplined monetary policy, a successful debt restructuring journey, and a renewed commitment to macroeconomic stability.

For a country that, as recently as 2022, was staring down a debt-to-GDP ratio approaching 93% and inflation spiralling past 50% in early 2023, this milestone carries enormous symbolic and practical weight.

This article unpacks the significance of the Fitch upgrade, the evidence that earned it, and what it portends for Ghana’s economy, its financial sector, and its people.

Understanding what the rating ‘b with positive outlook’ means

Credit ratings assigned by agencies like Fitch, Moody’s, and S&P serve as a measure for sovereign creditworthiness, i.e., a country’s ability and willingness to meet its financial obligations.

The rating scale descends from investment-grade territory (AAA, AA, A, BBB) into speculative or “junk” grade (BB, B, CCC and below).

A ‘B’ rating places Ghana firmly in the speculative-grade category, meaning the country carries an elevated credit risk.

However, within the speculative tier, ‘B’ represents meaningful ground above distress territory.

Crucially, the Positive Outlook attached to the rating is Fitch’s forward signal, an indication that, based on the current trajectory, a further upgrade to ‘B+’ within the next 12 to 24 months is plausible, if not likely.

For context, Ghana entered Restricted Default status in late 2022 following suspension of payments on its Eurobonds.

The journey from Restricted Default → B- (June 2025) → B with Positive Outlook (May 2026) represents three distinct rating improvements in under two years. That trajectory is, by any standard, remarkable.

Pillars of the upgrade

Fitch’s upgrade was not a gesture of goodwill. It was grounded in a clearly articulated set of macroeconomic and fiscal indicators that demonstrate Ghana’s structural transformation. Five pillars underpin the decision.

1. Fiscal consolidation and record primary surpluses

Perhaps the most striking evidence of Ghana’s fiscal discipline is the primary surplus of 2.9% of GDP recorded in 2025, which Fitch described as a record-breaking achievement.

A primary surplus means the government is collecting more in revenue than it is spending before accounting for interest payments, a signal that the underlying fiscal position is sound.

Looking forward, Fitch projects Ghana will maintain primary fiscal surpluses of 1.5% of GDP in both 2026 and 2027.

The agency explicitly acknowledged improvements in public financial management, noting that these reforms reduce the risk of short-term fiscal slippages that plagued Ghana in earlier years.

2. Successful debt restructuring and declining debt burden

Ghana’s $13.1 billion Eurobond debt restructuring served as a foundational precondition for the upgrade, marking one of the most significant sovereign debt operations in recent West African history.

Completed through the Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP) in 2023 and subsequent external restructuring, the process has placed Ghana’s debt trajectory on a sharply downward path.

Fitch projects Ghana’s public debt to fall to 46% of GDP by 2027, down from a staggering 93% of GDP in 2022.

This halving of the debt ratio over a five-year period would, if achieved, represent one of the most dramatic debt consolidations in sub-Saharan African economic history.

The agency also noted that T-bill yields have fallen to historically low levels since early 2025, and Ghana successfully reopened its bond market in April 2026, issuing a GHS 3.8 billion seven-year bond, which is its first domestic bond issuance since the DDEP, a testament to restored investor confidence.

3. Surging international reserves and external position

External liquidity has historically been Ghana’s Achilles’ heel. That vulnerability has materially diminished.

International reserves grew by $5.4 billion in 2025 alone, reaching $12.3 billion, a level Fitch deems sufficient to contain external liquidity risks, even with rising debt service obligations on the horizon.

In 2025, the nation’s current account surplus reached a historic 8.2% of GDP, primarily propelled by robust gold export revenues due to sustained high global gold prices.

Fitch anticipates that this surplus will diminish in 2027 due to moderating gold prices and increasing imports associated with economic growth.

However, the external position continues to be markedly stronger than the median of the ‘B’ category, which generally exhibits a current account deficit of 3.4% of GDP.

4. Inflation at historic lows

The inflation story in Ghana has been nothing short of dramatic. Having peaked above 50% in early 2023, inflation declined for 15 consecutive months, reaching 3.2% in March 2026; the lowest level since 1999.

While April 2026 saw a marginal uptick to 3.4%, the first increase since December 2024, partly attributed to global oil price pressures and regional supply disruptions, Fitch views this uptick as a temporary development and expects the downward trend to persist.

Lower inflation has multiple compounding benefits: it rebuilds household purchasing power, enables the Bank of Ghana to ease monetary policy (lowering borrowing costs), stimulates consumer confidence, and reduces the fiscal burden of inflation-linked expenditures.

5. Strong and sustained real GDP growth

Ghana’s underlying growth engine continues to perform. Fitch recorded real GDP growth of 5.7% in 2024 and projects approximately 5% annual growth through 2027, driven by gold mining output, improved consumer confidence, lower inflation and easing lending rates.

The economy’s diversified commodity base, i.e., gold, oil, and cocoa, together with an increasingly vibrant services sector, provides a resilient buffer against sector-specific shocks.

What the positive outlook signals

A Positive Outlook from a rating agency is more than a footnote. It is a formal, forward-looking signal that Fitch believes conditions exist for another upgrade if the country maintains its reform trajectory.

Specifically, the Positive Outlook reflects expectations that Ghana will:

• Maintain prudent fiscal policies and meet its primary surplus targets
• Continue strengthening public financial management
• Sustain macroeconomic stability, particularly on inflation and the exchange rate
• Further reduce its debt burden as projected
• Manage external debt service obligations without major disruptions

These signals demonstrate growing institutional confidence not just in current numbers, but also in the structural and systemic reforms that produced them.

It is a vote of confidence in Ghana’s institutions: the Ministry of Finance, the Bank of Ghana, and the IMF programme architecture supporting the recovery.

Peer validation: A chorus of positive signals

The Fitch upgrade is not an isolated event. It follows a broader wave of positive sovereign rating actions:

• Moody’s took positive action on Ghana’s rating, citing its strong fiscal position
• S&P Global Ratings currently assesses Ghana at B-, trailing Fitch’s assessment and signalling potential room for further positive movement in subsequent review cycles

This alignment across all three major rating agencies is significant. When Fitch, Moody’s, and S&P move in the same directional current, it dramatically amplifies the signal sent to global capital markets.

It reduces the divergence premium that investors often price in when agencies disagree, and it reinforces the legitimacy of Ghana’s macroeconomic narrative.

Practical implications for Ghana: Access to capital markets

An elevated credit rating directly reduces the cost at which Ghana can secure international loans. The reopening of the domestic bond market in April 2026 indicated forthcoming developments.

As Ghana advances towards ‘B+’ status, now distinctly within reach, the Eurobond market becomes increasingly accessible at narrower spreads, alleviating the debt service burden that has traditionally absorbed a disproportionate portion of government revenue.

Interest payments as a percentage of revenue, which reached a maximum of 48% in 2021, had decreased to 25% by the time of the B-upgrade in 2025.

Foreign Direct Investment

Credit ratings influence foreign direct investment (FDI) flows in tangible ways.

Institutional investors like pension funds, sovereign wealth funds and development finance institutions operate under mandates that restrict or penalise investment in lower-rated sovereigns.

As Ghana climbs the rating ladder, an expanding universe of global capital becomes available.

This is particularly consequential for Ghana’s infrastructure, extractive industries and emerging technology and financial services sectors.

Exchange rate stability and cedi confidence

The Ghanaian cedi has long been battered by periodic crises of confidence. The combination of rising reserves, a strong current account, and improving credit ratings creates a self-reinforcing cycle of currency stability.

A more stable cedi reduces import costs, lowers inflation, and rebuilds the confidence of domestic savers and foreign investors alike.

Banking sector and domestic credit

An improved sovereign rating has direct portfolio implications for Ghana’s banking sector, including institutions like Stanbic Bank Ghana that have weathered the turbulence of the DDEP.

Banks hold substantial quantities of government securities; as those securities reprice favourably with improving sovereign credit quality, bank balance sheets strengthen.

Improved credit conditions also stimulate demand for credit across retail, corporate, and public sector segments, supporting loan book growth and earnings.

Investor and business confidence

Perhaps most underappreciated is the confidence multiplier that comes with a credit rating upgrade.

Businesses make investment decisions based on long-term risk perceptions. As Ghana’s rating improves, the risk premium attached to doing business here declines.

This will make the country more competitive as a destination for regional headquarters, shared service centres, and expansion capital.

Risks and cautionary notes

To its credit, Fitch did not present a rose-tinted picture. Several risks to the outlook were explicitly flagged:

High debt servicing costs: As DDEP bonds begin amortising in 2027 and the second-largest Eurobond ($2.9 billion) commenced amortisation in January 2026, debt service costs are projected to rise to 6.8% of GDP by 2027, up from 4.6% in 2025. Managing this surge without fiscal slippage will require sustained discipline.

External shocks: Ghana remains a commodity-dependent economy. A sustained decline in gold or oil prices, or a worsening of global financing conditions, could quickly erode current account gains.

Inflation risks: The April 2026 uptick in inflation, the first since December 2024, is a reminder that global supply shocks and oil price volatility can quickly reverse domestic price stability gains.

The government’s decision to reduce taxes and levies on hydrocarbon products to cushion fuel prices is prudent but carries a fiscal cost.

Fiscal management continuity: The upgrade rests partly on Fitch’s assessment of improved public financial management.

Sustaining this improvement demands institutional continuity and protection against political economy pressures in election cycles.

These risks are real, but they are manageable provided discipline and reform momentum are maintained.

“This is only the beginning.” – Finance Minister’s response:

Finance Minister Dr. Cassiel Ato Forson received the upgrade with measured but unambiguous pride.

His response captured both the achievement and the challenge ahead: “I assure you this is only the beginning.

We are unwavering in our resolve to fully revive the economy and deliver lasting relief and shared prosperity to you, the good people of Ghana.”

The sentiment is fitting. Ghana has done the hard work of returning from the brink.

But the real dividend of macroeconomic stability, i.e., broad-based improvements in living standards, job creation, affordable credit, and a stronger cedi must now be translated from balance sheets into the lived experience of ordinary Ghanaians.

Conclusion: A turning point, not a destination

Fitch’s upgrade of Ghana to ‘B’ with a Positive Outlook is more than just a rating action.

It is a chapter in one of the more instructive fiscal recovery stories in recent African economic history, a story of a nation that confronted the consequences of a decade of fiscal profligacy, underwent painful structural reform and is now being recognised by the world’s premier credit risk arbiters for the progress made.

The journey from Restricted Default in 2022 to a ‘B’ rating with an upward trend in 2026 exemplifies the accomplishments of enduring policy discipline, even when politically challenging.

It affirms the IMF programme framework, the debt restructuring discussions, the Bank of Ghana’s monetary contraction and the fiscal consolidation efforts undertaken over three years.

Ghana has regained credibility. What remains now is the harder, longer work of converting that credibility into prosperity for the banking sector, for businesses, and above all, for the millions of Ghanaians whose daily lives are the ultimate measure of what macroeconomic recovery truly means.

The writer, Daniel Afari-Djan, is the Business Development Manager in charge of Personal & Private Banking at Stanbic Bank Ghana. He is also holds an MSc in International Business from the University of Ghana Business School.

To begin with, many people believe or suspect that Mr Ofori-Atta may have been involved in a number of alleged offences, ranging from matters connected to the National Cathedral project, the domestic debt exchange programme (commonly referred to as the “haircut”), ambulance procurement, and other government transactions.

Indeed, the government’s ORAL committee identified several matters that it indicated would be referred to the Attorney-General for further consideration and possible action.

However, as far as the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) is concerned, it has so far completed only one investigation involving Mr Ofori-Atta.

That investigation relates to his dealings with Strategic Mobilisation Ghana Limited (SML) and was triggered by a petition submitted by investigative journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni.

Regarding the other complaints gathered by the ORAL Committee, I am not aware of what investigations, if any, have been completed, as those matters fall within the remit of the Attorney-General.

Many public discussions are driven by strong opinions, allegations and expectations regarding alleged wrongdoing.

This can sometimes create the impression that all the allegations currently form the basis of efforts to bring Mr Ofori-Atta back to Ghana. That is not the case.

While he remains in the United States, Mr Ofori-Atta is dealing with three distinct legal matters.

The first is an immigration matter in the United States. He is reportedly accused of overstaying his permitted period of stay.

Generally, a non-immigrant visitor may remain in the United States for a period authorised by immigration authorities, often up to six months at a time. That matter remains ongoing.

During the course of that immigration process, Mr Ofori-Atta reportedly applied for permanent residency (a Green Card) in the United States.

His lawyers have indicated that a judge granted relief preventing his removal from the country while certain matters are reviewed.

However, the public has not yet seen the relevant court documents.

In communicating this development, his lawyers did not disclose important details, such as the basis of the Green Card application—whether it was through an investment programme, a family-based petition, or another route.

Instead, they issued a brief statement that appeared to suggest that a United States immigration court had determined that the charges facing him in Ghana were not credible.

As far as is publicly known, Ghana is not a party to the immigration proceedings; the matter is strictly between Mr Ofori-Atta and the United States authorities.

The second issue concerns Ghana’s efforts to secure his return to face criminal proceedings arising from the SML investigation. Charges have already been filed before the High Court in Accra against Mr Ofori-Atta and seven others.

Importantly, the trial has already commenced. 

However, proceedings have been affected by the absence of Mr Ofori-Atta and his former Chief of Staff, Mr Akore, both of whom remain in the United States and have not appeared before the court to answer the charges.

Mr Akore is a dual citizen of Ghana and the United States. 

It is precisely because they have not returned to Ghana to participate in the proceedings that the government of Ghana has initiated processes aimed at securing their return.

The extradition request is therefore not based on allegations that are still under investigation or awaiting charges.

Rather, it is intended to compel their appearance before a court where charges have already been filed and proceedings are already underway.

That trial is on hold pending a determination of OSP’s independent prosecutorial power.

The third issue concerns a summons and charge sheet approved by the High Court for service on Mr Ofori-Atta.

The purpose of this process is not, in itself, to compel his physical return to Ghana.

Rather, it is intended to ensure that he is formally notified of the charges and afforded the opportunity to indicate whether he intends to participate in the proceedings.

Depending on the circumstances and the applicable law, the court may subsequently determine whether the trial should proceed in his absence.

In summary:

• The United States immigration case does not involve Ghana and concerns whether Mr Ofori-Atta has complied with United States immigration laws. 
• The extradition proceedings are intended to secure the return of Mr Ofori-Atta and Mr Akore so that they can appear before the High Court in Accra in a criminal case that is already underway. 
• The summons and charge sheet are procedural steps aimed at formally notifying Mr Ofori-Atta of the charges and failure to attend will trigger trial in abenstia. 

These are separate legal processes, each serving a different purpose. Understanding that distinction is important because public commentary often conflates them, creating the impression that they are all part of a single case. They are not. I hope this explanation helps to clarify the issues.

The author, Sammy Darko, is a lawyer, journalist and an anti-corruption advocate

The decision to maintain the producer price at GH¢2,587 per 64kg bag for the 2025/2026 light crop season is a significant statement of policy direction.

At a time when international cocoa prices have softened and producing countries are navigating a complex market correction, Ghana has chosen to provide cocoa farmers with income stability, predictability, and confidence.

Ghana’s maintained price of GH¢2,587 per bag must be understood within a wider West African and global cocoa context. Côte d’Ivoire, the world’s largest cocoa producer, reduced its mid-crop farm-gate price to 1,200 CFA francs per kilogram.

Based on recent exchange-rate estimates, that translates to approximately GH¢1,513.15 per 64kg bag. Ghana’s maintained price therefore places a stronger income floor under Ghanaian cocoa farmers during a difficult market cycle.

For the farmer, this matters.

The farm-gate price is more than an announcement at the beginning of a crop season. It determines household planning, farm maintenance, labour decisions, school fees, input purchases, and the willingness of young people to remain in cocoa production.

In a sector built on smallholder farmers, producer-price stability is central to the long-term health of the cocoa economy.

Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire remain strategic partners whose production strength anchors the global cocoa supply chain. Therefore, this is not simply a matter of comparison between two neighbouring cocoa economies.

Rather, in a volatile market, Ghana’s price decision reflects a deliberate national choice to protect farmers while maintaining the credibility of the regulated cocoa system.

That balance is important.

Cocoa is a global commodity, but its value is rooted locally. The farmer who prunes, tends, harvests, ferments, dries, and prepares cocoa for the market is the first custodian of quality. Ghana’s premium cocoa reputation begins on the farm.

This is why producer-price policy cannot be treated as a narrow seasonal adjustment. It is part of a broader national framework for sustaining quality, protecting livelihoods, and ensuring that Ghana remains a trusted supplier of premium cocoa to the world.

At the Cocoa Marketing Company, our responsibility is to market Ghana’s cocoa with credibility, discipline, and consistency. That credibility depends on several factors, including quality assurance, traceability, timely delivery, strong buyer relationships, and confidence in Ghana’s regulated cocoa value chain.

But it also depends on the farmer’s confidence that the system recognises the value of their labour.

A fair and stable producer-price environment supports that confidence.

Maintaining the price for the light crop season provides a bridge between immediate market realities and long-term sector sustainability. It allows farmers to approach the season with clearer expectations.

It supports continued investment in farms, strengthens the relationship between policy and production, and signals to the global market that Ghana remains committed to a structured, disciplined, and farmer-conscious cocoa economy.

This decision must, however, be seen as part of a broader reform agenda. Price stability alone will not secure the future of Ghana’s cocoa sector.

It must be accompanied by productivity improvement, rehabilitation of ageing farms, stronger disease control, improved access to inputs, responsible financing, enhanced local processing, better logistics, and continued protection of the integrity of Ghana’s cocoa.

The next phase of Ghana’s cocoa story will focus on value, not volume alone.

For too long, producing countries have carried the burden of cultivation while a greater share of value is captured beyond their borders. The conversation on expanding local processing, strengthening financing models, and ensuring that farmers receive a fair share of export value is therefore timely and necessary.

The decision to maintain the farm-gate price at GH¢2,587 per bag is good for farmers because it recognises that cocoa production cannot be sustained on uncertainty.

It is good for the sector because it reinforces trust in the regulated marketing system.

It is good for Ghana because cocoa remains a pillar of livelihoods, export earnings, rural economies, and national identity.

Ghana’s position is that farmer welfare and market credibility must move together. A cocoa economy that protects farmers strengthens buyers. A cocoa economy that rewards quality strengthens markets. A cocoa economy that invests in its people secures its future.

That is the path Ghana must continue to build.

And that is why this decision matters.

This was the key message I got from His Excellency President John Dramani Mahama’s address at the launch of the Ghana National Research Fund.

The President expressed keen interest and commitment to research for practical solutions for national development.

“Today marks defining moment in Ghana’s journey towards becoming a knowledge-driven, innovation-led and globally competitive economy,” Mahama noted.

As I listened to his address, my strategic thinking lens was fully activated.

Here are some key themes from a strategic perspective:

Contextual research is critical for national development.

The President’s decision to launch the Ghana National Research Fund signals a recognition that research is invaluable to national development.

Every strategy and every decision is only as good as the quality of information that underpins it.

Without reliable data, even the most well-intentioned plans become guesses. Scientific research provides the evidence base needed for sound decision-making in health, education, agriculture, industry, and governance.

Advanced economies dedicate a significant percentage of their gross domestic product to research and development precisely because they understand this.

They know that research yields the information required to make strategic moves. Ghana cannot afford to be different.

His Excellency emphasised context specificity. He noted that research must be locally relevant and sensitive to Ghana’s unique challenges.

This is a critical strategic insight because context brings nuances that generic solutions cannot address. What works elsewhere may not work here. Ghana must generate its own solutions to its own challenges.
 

The core problem in Ghana’s research ecosystem is financing.

The President identified skimpy budgets or no budget at all, which equates to financing, as a central barrier that has long constrained Ghana’s research ecosystem.

He acknowledged that for decades, researchers have produced remarkable work under difficult conditions, noting that too many have relied on fragmented funding and external grants that often determine research priorities from outside our borders.

This is the direct consequence of the pivotal problem: financing. Without predictable, sustainable domestic funding, research cannot move from discovery to implementation to commercialisation, and priority-setting remains effectively outsourced.

President Mahama, however, highlighted a related challenge of many innovations sitting on the shelf because the gap between research and commercial scaling has not been bridged.

This is where strategic thinking must focus. Implementation must become a priority. Research that does not solve problems, inform policy, create jobs, or improve lives is incomplete.

Here, a reinforcing opportunity is presented. When we focus on implementation, we find ways to bootstrap our way into it. Successful implementation leads to commercialisation of innovative products. Commercialisation generates revenue.

Revenue generates more funding for further research and up scaling. This is how a reinforcing cycle can work when financing and implementation are treated as connected rather than separate challenges.
 

Strategic alignment of key players in the ecosystem is key.
His Excellency John Dramani Mahama made it clear that research must align with national development priorities.

He specifically mentioned the 24-hour economy initiative and the accelerated exports development program.

He also outlined priority areas, including food system transformation, health innovation, digital and industrial transformation, climate and environmental sustainability, and governance & social systems, challenging universities, research centres, and scientific institutions to pursue breakthrough solutions in these sectors.

Alignment is crucial here because research that is disconnected from national goals becomes an academic exercise rather than for national transformation. Research must serve the development agenda.

It must solve problems that Ghanaians face. It must inform policy and strengthen industries. This is alignment in action. Research should not simply be about publishing papers. It should be about solving problems for national development.
 

Although resources are limited, this is not an insurmountable barrier

The President announced an initial catalytic allocation of GHS100 million to support the operational launch of the fund.

He also acknowledged that the Ghana National Research Fund Act, 2020 (Act 1056), caps contributions at not more than 0.5 percent of GDP, which is misaligned with the African Union target of one percent.

The question is not whether Ghana can afford to invest in research, but whether it can afford not to.

Despite funding gaps, we as strategic thinkers must recognise that this is where creative thinking is tested. We must ask ourselves the critical question: How do we become a knowledge-driven economy optimising our limited resources?

We must create avenues to overcome or eliminate barriers rather than being paralysed by them. With that, the Ghana National Research Fund has started off on a good note.

It has made some strides in fund acquisition and other areas of its mandate, including partnering with the International Development Research Centre, Canada, for a pilot call.

Indeed, human capability in research as far as Ghana is concerned is never an inhibition. Our researchers have shown remarkable resilience, as acknowledged by the President.

The question is whether we will remove the structural constraints that limit their potential.

Strategic thinking capabilities are the future
In the address, H.E. John Dramani Mahama hinted that The World Economic Forum has identified analytical thinking, critical thinking, creative thinking, and systems thinking as defining capabilities for the future economy.

These are precisely the capabilities that strategic thinking develops. They are also the capabilities that research systems help cultivate.

If Ghana is to compete in a world shaped by artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and digital transformation, we must invest not only in research infrastructure but also in the strategic thinking capability of our people.

Organisations that develop these capabilities in their employees will be better positioned to innovate, adapt, and thrive.

Recommendations

For Government
Government must prioritise increasing research funding and align all research grants with national development priorities, particularly the 24-hour economy initiative and the accelerated exports development programme.

Government also needs to establish clear mechanisms for translating research findings into policy and commercial applications.

For Researchers
Researchers should focus on problem-solving research that addresses national challenges rather than purely academic outputs.

They must actively seek partnerships with industry to ensure research outcomes are commercialised. Collaboration across disciplines and institutions is also essential to maximise impact.

Furthermore, researchers need to document and communicate the real-world value of their work to strengthen the case for continued funding.

For the Private Sector
The private sector should invest in research partnerships with universities and research institutions.

They must leverage research outcomes for product development and process improvement and participate in shaping research priorities to ensure they address industry needs.

The private sector also needs to consider research and development as a strategic investment, not a cost.

For Development Partners
Development partners should align support with Ghana’s national research priorities and coordinate funding to avoid fragmentation. They also need to support capacity building in research management, commercialisation, and science communication.

For Media and Civil Society
Media and civil society must amplify research success stories to build public support for research funding. They should hold stakeholders accountable for research outcomes and bridge the gap between scientific discovery and public understanding.

Concluding Thoughts
The Ghana National Research Fund presents a significant opportunity in ensuring that research does not gather dust on shelves but drives prosperity on the ground.

Its success will be measured not in cedis disbursed, but in lives improved, industries transformed, and a nation propelled forward.

A clear focus on implementation, alignment, and sustained commitment from all stakeholders will determine its long-term impact.

About the author:

Dr. Sangmorkuor Tetteh is a lecturer at the University of Professional Studies, Accra and a
Corporate Trainer & Strategic Thinker.
Email: sangmorkuor.tetteh@upsamail.edu.gh

Against the doubts that followed the Black Stars from one tournament to another.
Against every Ghanaian who had whispered, “Maybe we are not the Ghana of old anymore.”

Then, in a single moment, everything changed. A ball fell kindly. A chance appeared, and Caleb Yirenkyi struck.

The net shook, Toronto exploded, and thousands of miles away, Ghana erupted.
From Accra to Kumasi, from Tamale to Takoradi, from London to New York, from Toronto to Amsterdam, hearts that had been carrying the weight of everyday struggles suddenly became light.

For one glorious moment, Ghana forgot its problems.

Football did what politics, economics and social media debates often fail to do.
It united everyone. The truth is that this victory was ugly. Painfully ugly.

There were moments when Panama looked more organized. There were moments when Ghana looked nervous.

There were moments when social media was flooded with criticism, frustration and anger.
Many fans questioned the team’s energy.

Others questioned tactical decisions. Some feared another World Cup heartbreak.

The comments reflected a nation that desperately wanted to believe but was afraid to be hurt again. Yet football has never been about perfection.

It has always been about belief. And belief kept Ghana alive. As the clock ticked into injury time, many supporters had already accepted a draw. Some had switched off their televisions.

Some had started typing disappointed posts. Then came the miracle. The goal. The release.
The scream. The tears. The Black Stars did not simply defeat Panama.

They defeated fear. This was more than three points. It was a reminder of who Ghanaians are. A people who know struggle. A people who know how to survive difficult times.

A people who continue to dream even when circumstances suggest otherwise.
For years, Ghanaian football has lived in the shadow of memories.

The magic of 2006. The heroics of 2010. The heartbreak against Uruguay. The disappointments that followed. Every generation has been compared with those legends.
Every squad has carried the burden of history.

But perhaps this World Cup is asking a different question: What if Ghana’s future does not need to look like its past? What if a new generation is quietly writing its own story?

Before this tournament, many analysts believed the battle for survival in Group L would come down to Ghana and Panama because heavyweights England and Croatia were expected to dominate.

That made this opening match feel like a final before the final. And Ghana answered.
Not beautifully. Not comfortably. But courageously.

Outside the stadium in Toronto, Ghanaian supporters had gathered with drums, flags and hope. Many had travelled long distances and spent money they could barely afford because watching Ghana at a World Cup is more than football—it is identity.

That identity was rewarded. Asamoah Gyan had urged Ghanaians before kickoff to put differences aside and rally behind the national team, calling football Ghana’s greatest unifying force.

On this night, his words felt prophetic. Because when Yirenkyi scored, nobody asked who someone voted for. Nobody asked their tribe.

Nobody asked whether they lived in Ghana or abroad. There was only one thing that mattered.

The flag. The jersey. The dream. The road ahead remains difficult. England waits.
Croatia waits. The real tests are still coming.

But Ghana now walks into those battles carrying something priceless: hope. And sometimes hope is stronger than tactics.

Stronger than statistics. Stronger than predictions.
On a rainy night in Toronto, Ghana did not just win a football match.
A nation remembered how to believe.
And in a world where many people are fighting silent battles every day, perhaps that was the greatest victory of all.
The scoreline will say Ghana 1, Panama 0.
History may remember it as something much bigger.
That night the Black Stars reignited the heart of a nation.

About the author
Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa (Amos Kwofie) is a journalist with the Multimedia Group Limited and Development Communication Advocate.

At the heart of this issue lies a simple mechanism. The policy rate set by the Bank of Ghana serves as the benchmark for interest rates across the economy. It shapes how much banks charge borrowers and, crucially, how much they reward savers. When the rate rises, borrowing becomes more expensive but savers—especially those with fixed deposits—benefit from higher returns. Conversely, when the rate stabilises at lower levels or declines, lending becomes more affordable, but returns on savings begin to shrink.

It is within this shift that a quiet financial strain begins to emerge—what can best be described as the pensioner’s dilemma.

A Quiet Crisis In Retirement

Consider the story of Mr. K. Addy, a retired professional who spent decades working, saving, and planning for his future. Like many disciplined Ghanaians of his generation, he built a retirement cushion of GHS 500,000, carefully invested in a fixed deposit account.

A few years ago, that decision delivered both comfort and dignity. With interest rates hovering around 18%, Mr. Addy earned approximately GHS 90,000 annually—about GHS 7,500 per month. This was not surplus income; it was his financial lifeline. Combined with his SSNIT pension, it paid for his medication, daily meals, utility bills, and basic comforts.

Today, that sense of security has eroded.

With prevailing rates now closer to 6%, the same investment yields only GHS 30,000 annually—roughly GHS 2,500 per month. In practical terms, his income has fallen by more than half. Yet the cost of living has moved in the opposite direction. Food prices remain elevated, healthcare costs persist, and utility bills have not eased.

For Mr. Addy and many like him, the question is no longer about prudent financial management but survival—whether the savings accumulated over a lifetime can still sustain the life they were meant to secure.

The Illusion Of Alternatives

Faced with shrinking returns, the logical response is to explore alternatives. But for pensioners, these options are rarely straightforward and often come with difficult trade-offs.

Treasury bills, once a dependable refuge, no longer offer significantly better returns. Yields have declined in line with broader interest rates, narrowing the advantage over traditional fixed deposits.

Some turn to foreign currencies, particularly the US dollar, hoping to preserve value against currency fluctuations. While this may offer a hedge over time, it does not generate consistent income. Exchange rate gains are unpredictable, and for retirees with immediate expenses, stability—not speculation—is paramount.

Others consider gold or similar assets. These may retain or even increase in value, but they do not provide regular cash flow. For someone who depends on monthly income, capital appreciation alone is insufficient.

Equities present another option. Over the long term, stocks can offer growth and dividend income. However, they come with volatility. Price swings can be sharp, and without financial expertise, the risk of losses is real. For retirees seeking predictability, this uncertainty can be deeply unsettling.

Even starting a business—often suggested as a solution—can be impractical. Many pensioners lack the physical energy, risk appetite, or current market insight required to sustain a venture. At that stage of life, the margin for error is simply too small.

With limited viable alternatives, many retirees are left confronting an uncomfortable reality: they must begin drawing down their principal. Over time, this erodes the very savings meant to guarantee long-term financial security.

Caught Between Stability And Risk

What makes the pensioner’s situation particularly challenging is the absence of an easy solution. Doing nothing results in declining income. Taking action introduces new layers of risk. It is a delicate balancing act that extends beyond numbers into daily wellbeing.

This is the essence of the dilemma: pensioners are trapped between low returns and higher uncertainty.

While central bank decisions are driven by broader macroeconomic objectives—controlling inflation, supporting growth, and maintaining currency stability—the impact is uneven. Borrowers and businesses often benefit from lower rates through cheaper credit access. Savers, especially retirees dependent on fixed income, absorb a quieter but significant cost.

A Question For Policy And Innovation

This disparity raises an urgent question: how can financial systems better protect those who rely on savings for survival?

As Ghana’s financial landscape evolves, there is a growing need for tailored solutions—financial products designed specifically for retirees. Instruments that balance safety with reasonable, predictable income could help bridge the widening gap between falling interest rates and rising living costs.

Equally important is broader policy conversation. Ensuring economic stability should not come at the expense of those least equipped to adapt. Pensioners represent a vulnerable but often overlooked segment of the population, whose financial wellbeing deserves deliberate attention.

Lessons For The Future

Beyond its immediate impact, the current environment offers sobering lessons for younger generations. Retirement planning can no longer depend solely on interest income from savings. The unpredictability of rates underscores the importance of diversification.

Building multiple income streams early—through rental properties, business ventures, or other productive investments—can provide resilience. Such strategies reduce reliance on a single source of income and help cushion against economic shifts.

The Human Side Of Monetary Policy

Ultimately, the story of falling interest rates is not just about percentages and policy decisions. It is about people—individuals like Mr. Addy whose lives are shaped by forces far beyond their control.

For them, the pensioner’s dilemma is deeply personal. It is the difference between comfort and compromise, between security and uncertainty.

And as Ghana charts its economic path forward, that human dimension must remain at the centre of the conversation.

Short Profile – Oliver Tackie

The writer, Oliver Tackie, is a seasoned banker with over nineteen years of experience in Ghana’s financial and banking sector. He is currently Sector Head, Government & Parastatals at Prudential Bank Ltd. His work spans financial institutions, investment analysis, private sector development, government and public sector engagement, and risk assessment across debt and equity financing structures. He is an award-winning chartered banker and chartered accountant, bringing a strong blend of technical expertise and strategic financial insight to his work.

Corruption in Ghana is not just about stolen money; it is about the betrayal of justice, the discrimination against the poor and vulnerable, and the widening gulf between the rich and the powerless. It is about how the wealthy and politically connected escape accountability, while ordinary citizens suffer the harshest consequences for minor infractions.

There exists an entrenched rot in Ghana. Over the past decade, reports from the Auditor-General and other anti-corruption agencies have consistently revealed widespread misappropriation and wastage. Yet, despite endless sittings, prolonged trials, and millions spent on judges and lawyers, little concrete action emerges. Instead, political actors shield one another; uses the same law to make nullify crimes, as well as pleading, interceding, and protecting their colleagues. This cycle of impunity has entrenched corruption as a convention, sustained and reinforced within our political class.

Galamsey for example, one of Ghana’s challenges in recent times, is not just an environmental crime; it is a direct threat to Ghana’s survival, destroying water bodies and endangering millions. Yet, instead of decisive punishment to deter others, we hear excuses, intercessions, apologies, and negotiations. Recent revelations by the President himself, that members of his own party are complicit in galamsey, expose the hypocrisy at the heart of governance.

Similarly, a former finance minister, entrusted with safeguarding Ghana’s economy, now resides abroad, seemingly evading accountability. Meanwhile, the farmer who stole a sheep sits in jail, abandoned and forgotten. This is not just sad for democracy; it is sad for humanity. It is sad for Ghana. When justice bends for the powerful but crushes the powerless, democracy loses its soul. When corruption becomes normalized, governance loses its legitimacy.

Ghana cannot continue on this path. The fight against corruption must move beyond rhetoric and selective outrage. It must demand real accountability, equal justice, and the courage to punish even the most powerful. Until then, the poor will remain trapped in poverty, the vulnerable will continue to die from preventable risks, environment will continue to be destroyed, unemployment will persist and more importantly, the promise of democracy will remain a hollow shell.

The good thing is that the politicians know that when citizens lose trust in governance and politics, the danger goes far beyond corruption itself. It becomes a security threat to democracy. When people perceive that leaders protect each other, that justice bends for the powerful, and that accountability is absent, the social contract begins to collapse. Citizens disengage, institutions weaken, and frustration can spill into unimaginable consequences.

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A green card answers one question: whether a person has the right to reside permanently in the United States. Extradition answers another: whether the United States should surrender that person to a foreign country to face criminal proceedings or punishment.

Those questions may arise from the same facts, and the evidence in one case may echo powerfully in the other. But they travel along separate legal tracks, before different decision-makers, under different laws.

The reported immigration ruling therefore does not prevent Ghana from continuing to seek Mr Ofori-Atta’s return. It does not annul the criminal charges filed in Ghana. It does not amount to an acquittal, and it does not confer immunity from extradition. A green card is permission to live in America; it is not diplomatic protection from the reach of an extradition treaty.

That distinction should be the starting point of any serious public discussion.

What the immigration judge decided — and what the judge did not decide

Ordinarily, the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services adjudicates applications for permanent residence. Where an applicant has been placed in removal proceedings, however, an immigration judge may in many circumstances determine an application for adjustment of status as relief from removal.

If the reports are accurate, Mr Ofori-Atta’s lawyers persuaded the immigration court that he satisfied the legal requirements for permanent residence and that the adverse matters placed before the court did not justify refusing that relief.

That is significant. It suggests that the Ghanaian accusations, his immigration history and whatever information the American authorities possessed were not sufficient to defeat his application under immigration law.

But the decision should not be overstated.

An immigration judge deciding adjustment of status is not conducting the Ghanaian criminal trial. The judge is not required to decide whether every allegation made by the Office of the Special Prosecutor is true. Nor is that judge empowered to approve or reject Ghana’s extradition request.

Without the written ruling, it is also impossible to know precisely what findings were made. The court may simply have concluded that no statutory ground of inadmissibility was established and that Mr Ofori-Atta merited a favourable exercise of discretion. That would be materially different from a formal finding that Ghana’s prosecution is politically motivated or that he faces persecution if returned.

Asylum is probably no longer the central issue

The green-card ruling also changes the importance of any possible asylum claim.

If Mr Ofori-Atta has now become a lawful permanent resident through a family-based, employment-based or other independent route, asylum would ordinarily become unnecessary as a practical form of immigration relief. He would already possess the permanent legal status that an asylum claim is generally intended eventually to secure.

That does not establish that an asylum application was formally withdrawn. Indeed, the public record does not conclusively establish that one was ever filed. Evidence concerning political persecution may have been presented for several reasons: to support asylum, to rebut allegations against him, to seek withholding of removal or protection against torture, or simply to persuade the immigration judge that the Ghanaian proceedings should carry limited discretionary weight.

The careful conclusion is therefore that asylum is likely no longer the operative route by which he remains in the United States. His green card now supplies that legal foundation. But the evidence assembled around alleged persecution may survive and reappear in another forum.

That forum is extradition.

Why persecution, health and prison conditions may still matter

An extradition judge’s task is comparatively narrow. Under United States law, the judge considers whether there is a valid treaty basis, whether the offences are extraditable, whether the person before the court is the person sought and whether the evidence is sufficient to establish probable cause.

The hearing is not a trial on guilt or innocence. Nor is it generally the stage at which every humanitarian objection is finally resolved.

If the court certifies that the legal requirements for extradition have been met, the matter moves to the United States Secretary of State. It is the Secretary—not the extradition judge—who possesses the ultimate statutory authority to order or decline surrender.

That executive stage may become the centre of Mr Ofori-Atta’s defence.

His lawyers may argue that the prosecution is politically selective; that official declarations and media campaigns prejudged his guilt; that irregularities in the Interpol process undermine confidence in Ghana’s request; that his health would be endangered by surrender; or that Ghana cannot guarantee appropriate medical treatment and humane detention conditions.

None of those arguments automatically defeats extradition. Foreign politicians cannot convert ordinary corruption prosecutions into persecution merely by describing them as politically motivated. The law distinguishes genuine prosecution from prosecution used as a pretext to punish political opinion.

But the distinction is intensely factual. The timing of the charges, the language used by public officials, the consistency of Ghana’s procedures, the evidential quality of the case and the treatment of comparable accused persons may all be scrutinised.

His health may also become more consequential at the surrender stage than it was at the initial extradition hearing. A general assertion of illness would carry limited weight. Detailed medical evidence showing that surrender, detention or interruption of treatment would expose him to serious harm would be harder to dismiss.

Ghana’s prison system may therefore become part of the diplomatic and legal argument. Published human-rights assessments have described Ghanaian detention conditions as harsh in some facilities because of overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and deficiencies in medical care. Such reports do not prove that Mr Ofori-Atta would personally be mistreated. But his lawyers may rely on them to demand specific assurances regarding his place of detention, access to specialists, medication, hospital treatment and protection from degrading conditions.

The Ghana Prison Service and the government may consequently have a role extending beyond transportation and custody. They may need to provide credible, detailed and enforceable assurances about how he would be housed and treated. Vague promises would be less persuasive than a concrete medical and custodial plan.

Ghana’s burden is legal, evidential and diplomatic

Ghana must do more than announce that it wants Mr Ofori-Atta back.

It must present a properly constituted request through the accepted diplomatic channels. It must identify the treaty foundation, provide authenticated charging documents and warrants, demonstrate that the alleged conduct constitutes an extraditable offence and present evidence capable of satisfying the American probable-cause standard.

The principle of dual criminality will matter: the conduct alleged must generally be criminal in both jurisdictions, although the offences need not bear identical names.

Ghana must also be precise. Broad political rhetoric, press conferences and public declarations cannot substitute for witness statements, financial records, contractual documents, payment trails and evidence connecting the accused personally to the alleged wrongdoing.

An extradition case is often won or lost in the quality of the requesting state’s papers long before the parties enter a courtroom.

After any judicial certification, Ghana must still prevail at the political and diplomatic stage. The Secretary of State may consider foreign-policy interests, humanitarian matters and risks relating to treatment after surrender. That is where Ghana’s commitment to due process will become as important as the gravity of its allegations.

The larger cost of delay

This case is no longer only about one former minister. It is becoming a test of Ghana’s ability to use international legal cooperation effectively.

Until Mr Ofori-Atta’s matter is resolved, future Ghanaian extradition requests—particularly those involving politically exposed persons—may attract closer scrutiny. That does not mean the United States will formally freeze every other request or refuse to extradite anyone else to Ghana. There is no automatic rule requiring that outcome.

But institutions learn from difficult cases. A requesting state whose papers are incomplete, whose public officials prejudge cases, or whose assurances about detention and fair trial appear uncertain may find that subsequent requests are examined more cautiously and more slowly.

Conversely, if Ghana presents a disciplined evidential record, respects the presumption of innocence, refrains from inflammatory commentary and gives credible custodial and medical assurances, this case could strengthen rather than weaken its future cooperation with foreign partners.

The danger is that the political desire for a dramatic return may overwhelm the patient legal work required to secure one.

Ghana can still try him — but should proceed carefully

Ghana may also consider whether to continue the criminal proceedings in his absence. Article 19(3) of the Constitution permits a trial to proceed where an accused person has been duly notified and refuses to appear.

That is not a licence to substitute newspaper headlines for legal service. The prosecution would need credible evidence that he was formally notified of the charges, the court and the hearing dates and that his absence was a deliberate refusal rather than a failure of proper notice.

A conviction obtained through an irregular absentia process could complicate, rather than assist, extradition. American authorities would be entitled to ask whether he had a meaningful opportunity to defend himself and whether he would be able to challenge or reopen the proceedings upon return.

Ghana must therefore decide whether an absentia trial would advance justice or merely create another procedural dispute for Mr Ofori-Atta’s American lawyers to exploit.

What should the public now expect?

The public should not expect the green-card decision to bring the extradition effort to an immediate end. Nor should it expect Mr Ofori-Atta to be placed on a flight to Accra merely because Ghana has submitted a request.

If a formal federal extradition case has already commenced, the initial judicial phase could proceed relatively quickly where Ghana’s documentation is complete. But a determined defence may pursue habeas-corpus review, appellate proceedings and extensive representations to the Secretary of State.

The litigation could therefore last months or years.

The green card improves Mr Ofori-Atta’s position, but chiefly by removing immigration vulnerability. He is no longer fighting merely to avoid deportation for lack of status. He can now defend any extradition request from the firmer ground of lawful permanent residence, supported by family ties, medical evidence and whatever political-persecution material his lawyers have assembled.

That ground is firmer. It is not impregnable.

The decisive legal truth remains simple: permanent residence and extradition are separate. The former allows him to live in the United States. The latter may still require him to leave it.

Ghana’s success will depend not on political insistence, but on evidential discipline, procedural fairness and the credibility of the assurances it gives about what will happen after he lands.

Amanda Akuorkor Clinton, the writer, is a private legal practitioner and Head of Chambers of Clinton Consultancy law firm.

Each day, he encountered youth struggling with unemployment; many were idle, uncertain, and disconnected from viable economic opportunities. Robben began gathering them informally, offering guidance and encouraging them to consider agriculture as a pathway to income and dignity.

But one day, the youth challenged him. “You tell us to go into agriculture… If farming is profitable, why aren’t you farming?”

That moment marked a turning point. It forced Robben to confront a difficult truth: belief alone was not enough. If he wanted others to follow, he had to lead through action.

With no land of his own, he approached traditional leaders and negotiated access to two hectares. He mobilised young people to join him to work the land together. What started as a small, collective effort became the foundation of something much bigger.

The early days were difficult. There was limited access to inputs, machinery, and finance. Progress was slow, and the risks were high. At the same time, Robben faced pressure from his family. When an opportunity arose to leave Ghana and pursue a different path abroad, he chose to stay, a decision that was not immediately understood.

Robben’s journey into agriculture was deeply shaped by his background. Raised in a farming household, he understood the realities of rural life early on. By primary school, he was already supporting himself, and by the time he reached senior high school, he was largely self-reliant, determined to continue his education despite financial constraints. He went on to study accounting at the University for Development Studies (UDS), and that’s when he began to see agriculture as a business opportunity. This perspective became central to his approach. Farming had to be profitable, structured, and scalable.

Robben’s growth has been both entrepreneurial and community-driven. From an initial two hectares, he now manages over 500 hectares, including 300 hectares dedicated to maize and soybean production. His operations are supported by farm machinery, including tractors and combine harvesters, which also serve other farmers through service provision.

Helping lift others
Robben has continued his advocacy to get more young people excited about agriculture. He launched the “Back to Farm Youth Project,” an initiative designed to mobilise young people and connect them to practical opportunities in agriculture. He engaged youth through community meetings, introducing them to viable agribusiness models. One of the early entry points was mushroom farming, which allowed young people and schools to start small, generate income, and build confidence.

Access to land is often a major barrier for youth, and that has become one of his areas of leadership. Working closely with traditional authorities, Robben facilitates land acquisition for young farmers, building systems based on trust and shared value. He has also prioritised inclusion. In a notable effort, he allocated 100 hectares of land to women in his community, strengthening their role in local agricultural systems.

How previous awards inspired Robben to work harder
Before winning the national Best Youth Farmer in 2025, Robben had won previous awards, including the 2018 Best Youth Farmer in Kintampo North and the National Best Agroforestry Farmer in 2019, among others. But for him, these awards are not an endpoint; they are a responsibility. “The award comes with pressure,” he reflects. “People expect you to do more.”

And he has responded by continuing to expand, innovate, and invest in others. The 2025 National Best Youth Farmer award came with a GH¢200,000 prize money from AGRA Ghana. He invested this amount directly in strengthening his post-harvest and value addition capacity by acquiring an eight-ton multipurpose grain dryer to support his processing line.

This strategic investment significantly reduces post-harvest losses, improves grain quality and market readiness, and enables him to handle larger volumes more efficiently. Beyond operational gains, the investment expanded his enterprise’s capacity to create more jobs, particularly for young people engaged in drying, handling, logistics, and processing activities. This reinforces his broader mission to make agriculture a scalable source of employment and income for youth in his community.

What began as a response to a difficult question to Robben has evolved into a sustainable long-term vision. Robben’s ambition is to move from growing operations to fully sustainable commercial farming systems, while continuing to open doors for young people and women. At its core, his journey reflects a simple but powerful idea: with commitment, consistency, and trust, agriculture can move from subsistence to opportunity, and from individual success to shared growth.

Robben Asare’s story is still unfolding, but it already offers a clear lesson. Transformation does not start with scale. It starts with a decision: to act, to stay, and to build.

Let us break it down simply.

Money in the Digital Age

Cryptocurrency is digital money. Unlike the Ghanaian cedi (fiat currency) in your pocket or your mobile money wallet, cryptocurrency exists purely on the internet, secured not by a bank or government but by mathematics and computer networks spread across the globe.

The first and most famous is Bitcoin, created in 2009 by an anonymous figure known as Satoshi Nakamoto. It was designed so that no single person or institution controls it, no company can freeze your wallet, and its supply is mathematically capped at 21 million, making arbitrary inflation impossible.

Since then, many other cryptocurrencies have emerged. These are broadly called altcoins. Some, like Ethereum, power entire financial applications. Others, called Stablecoins, are designed to hold a steady value, pegged to the US dollar, making them practical for everyday payments and transfers. We will explore stablecoins in much greater depth in our next edition.

“Cryptocurrency is a new global financial language. And Ghana must learn to speak it,” Ebenezer Ghanney, CEO, WeWire

How Does It Work? The Blockchain Explained

At the heart of every cryptocurrency is a technology called the blockchain. Think of a blockchain as a giant public ledger, like a shared notebook that thousands of computers around the world hold simultaneously. Every transaction ever made is recorded in this notebook, in chronological order, and nobody can erase or alter a single entry.

When you send Bitcoin to a friend, the transaction is broadcast to thousands of computers (called nodes). These nodes verify that it is valid, that you actually have the funds, and that you are not trying to spend the same money twice. Once verified, the transaction is bundled with others into a block, sealed with a cryptographic hash, and permanently added to the chain. No bank needed. No waiting for SWIFT. No hidden fees.

This technology is revolutionary because it solves a problem that has challenged computer scientists for decades: how to get people who do not know or trust each other to agree on a shared record of the truth? Blockchain does this beautifully using nothing but rock-solid maths.

What Is a Virtual Asset? Ghana’s Legal Definition

The term ‘virtual asset’ is becoming increasingly important in Ghana’s financial and legal landscape. As the Bank of Ghana (BoG) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) move toward a regulatory framework for digital currencies, the term ‘virtual asset’ broadly refers to any digital representation of value that can be traded, transferred, or used for payment — including cryptocurrencies, stablecoins, and tokens.

Ghana is not alone in this definitional work. Globally, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the international body that sets anti-money laundering (AML) standards, has defined virtual assets similarly and requires countries to regulate Virtual Asset Service Providers (VASPs). Ghana is currently working on its own VASP legislation, a development that WeWire and others in the sector have actively advocated for.

Why Ghana Especially Needs This Conversation

Ghana received $4.6 billion in remittances in 2023 (World Bank). At an average transfer cost of nearly 9% across Sub-Saharan African corridors, Ghanaian families are losing hundreds of millions of dollars annually in fees before the money even arrives. A Ghanaian in London sending £200 home can lose up to £18 in charges alone. With stablecoins, that same transfer can cost less than 1% and arrive in minutes.

Beyond remittances, our import-dependent economy, which sees businesses sourcing goods from China, the UAE, Europe, and the Americas, is constantly strained by cumbersome forex access, slow SWIFT transfers, and opaque exchange rates. Digital assets offer a direct, affordable alternative already being used by thousands of Ghanaian businesses today.

Ghana processed an estimated $3 billion in crypto transactions in 2024 alone and ranks among the top five countries in Sub-Saharan Africa for crypto adoption (Chainalysis, 2024). The question is no longer whether Ghanaians are using crypto, it is whether we are protected while doing so.

Global Signals: The World Is Paying Attention

In July 2025, the United States signed the GENIUS Act into law. It was the first comprehensive federal legislation on stablecoins. The European Union’s MiCA (Markets in Crypto-Assets) regulation is now fully in force, creating a harmonised licensing framework for all 27 EU member states. Hong Kong passed its Stablecoin Ordinance in May 2025. The message from global financial capitals is unambiguous: digital assets are here to stay, and the question is not whether to regulate them, but how.

Ghana has an extraordinary opportunity to position itself as a digital finance leader in West Africa. The BoG’s draft Digital Asset Guidelines (2024) and the recently signed VASP Law (assented to by His Excellency, John Mahama, in December 2025) are steps in the right direction. Public education through forums like this article is equally essential.

What You Should Know and Do

First, do not fear cryptocurrency. Fear ignorance. The more you understand, the better equipped you are to protect yourself from scams, make informed decisions, and potentially benefit from this technology.

Second, recognise that not all cryptocurrencies are created equal. Bitcoin and Ethereum are established. Stablecoins like USDT and USDC are designed for actual transactions, not speculation. Many newer coins are highly speculative or outright fraudulent. Always ask: what problem does this solve? What is its backing?

Third, use licensed platforms. As a consumer, always look for platforms that are regulated, transparent about their fees, and compliant with Know Your Customer (KYC) rules. WeWire, for example, is registered with the Data Protection Commission, holds ISO 27001 certification, and operates as a licensed Money Service Business (MSB) in Canada, upholding the highest standards of AML and KYC compliance. The company holds itself to the highest standards of compliance, anti-money laundering (AML) and Know Your Customer (KYC).

If you are a business that is legally registered to operate in Ghana and need to make cross-border/overseas payments to suppliers, business partners, or global employees, stablecoins offer a fast, secure, and cost-effective solution.

In our next edition, we go deeper into stablecoins — how they work, why Africa is leading global adoption, and what the GENIUS Act means for Ghana’s financial future. Until then, stay curious, stay informed, and stay wired.

******

The author is the managing director of WeWire Ghana Limited, a licensed cross-border payments and stablecoin infrastructure company headquartered in Accra. WeWire is registered with Ghana’s Financial Intelligence Centre and the Data Protection Commission and is a participant in the Bank of Ghana’s Innovation Sandbox. These articles are part of an ongoing public education initiative.

You met an old friend at church, a colleague after years apart, or a family member during a festive gathering. Arms opened, bodies leaned forward, and affection was exchanged without a second thought.

Today, however, many hugs come with a silent calculation. Will my shirt be stained? Will I ruin her makeup? Should I just wave instead?

As Ghana’s beauty industry continues to flourish, a subtle social shift is taking place. Modern makeup, once reserved for weddings and special occasions, has become an everyday fashion statement for many women.

High-definition foundations, contouring products, setting powders, and long-lasting lipsticks have transformed personal grooming into an art form. While this evolution reflects confidence, professionalism, and self-expression, it is also unintentionally changing one of society’s most cherished forms of human connection: the hug.

Across offices, churches, media houses, conferences, and social events, many people have developed what can best be described as the “air hug” or “side hug.”

The reason is simple. No one wants foundation marks on a white shirt. No woman wants to spend an hour perfecting her appearance only to have it smudged by multiple greetings.

The result is a new social dance where people approach each other warmly but cautiously. Physical affection remains, but it is increasingly managed.

This conversation becomes even more important for married men. Not because makeup is dangerous.

Not because women should stop wearing it. But because perception matters.

Imagine arriving home after a corporate event, church service, funeral, wedding, or political gathering with visible lipstick stains or foundation marks on your shirt.

Even when completely innocent, questions may arise. In many marriages, suspicion is not born from facts but from appearances.

A simple congratulatory hug can leave traces that tell a story different from reality. Wise married men understand that protecting trust sometimes requires avoiding situations that create unnecessary misunderstandings.

This is not about fear. It is about wisdom.

Just as people protect their phones, finances, and reputations, they should also protect the perception of their relationships.

Another factor driving this change is cost. Quality makeup products are expensive. Many women invest significant amounts of money and time into achieving a polished look. When makeup becomes an investment, protecting it becomes a priority.

What older generations may view as excessive caution is often simply the desire to preserve something that required effort and resources to create.

The changing hug is about more than makeup. It reflects broader changes in Ghanaian society.

We are becoming more image-conscious, more brand-conscious, and more aware of personal presentation than previous generations. As lifestyles evolve, social interactions evolve alongside them.

The traditional bear hug is gradually sharing space with handshakes, fist bumps, waves, and carefully executed side hugs.

The issue is not makeup. The issue is awareness. Women should feel free to express themselves through beauty. Men should feel free to show respect and warmth.

At the same time, everyone should recognise that social habits are influenced by changing realities. Perhaps the greatest lesson is that affection does not depend solely on physical contact.

A smile can communicate warmth. A handshake can express respect. A kind word can build connection.

And sometimes, the most thoughtful hug is the one carefully adjusted to preserve both a person’s appearance and another person’s peace of mind.

As Ghana continues to modernise, one thing remains constant: people still crave connection. The methods may change, but the need for human warmth never will.

The writer, Shadrach Kofi Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

The floods that have recently hit parts of the country are not merely acts of nature. They are also symptoms of a deeper sanitation crisis that Ghana has struggled to overcome for decades.

At the centre of the debate is the decision by the government not to renew the Youth Employment Agency’s street-sweeping contract with Zoomlion Ghana Limited.

The Presidency recently confirmed that the contract, which had expired in 2024, would not be renewed as part of broader reforms to sanitation service delivery.

The decision was welcomed by critics who argued that the sanitation model required restructuring. Yet one important question remains unanswered: who is performing the work that thousands of sweepers and sanitation workers were previously undertaking?

For months, many communities have complained about growing heaps of refuse, choked gutters and declining sanitation standards. The expectation was that Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies would quickly establish effective alternatives.

Unfortunately, evidence from several parts of the country suggests that the transition has been far from seamless. The reality is that sanitation is not managed through policy declarations alone. It requires boots on the ground, equipment, logistics, supervision and consistent financing.

While government officials have promised reforms and improved remuneration for sanitation workers, the ordinary Ghanaian judges success by what they see in their neighbourhoods, markets and drainage systems.

The recent flooding episodes have once again exposed the weaknesses in our sanitation management system. Choked drains remain one of the biggest contributors to urban flooding. When drains become dumping grounds for plastic waste and refuse, heavy rainfall quickly transforms into a national emergency.

This is not an argument that Zoomlion is perfect. Like every large public contractor, the company has faced criticism and scrutiny over the years. Some critics have argued that assemblies should directly manage sweepers instead of relying on an intermediary. Others have called for greater transparency and accountability in sanitation contracts. These concerns deserve attention and should not be dismissed.

However, it is equally important to acknowledge reality. For nearly two decades, Zoomlion built a nationwide sanitation infrastructure that reached communities across Ghana. The company deployed personnel, equipment and operational systems that many local assemblies are still struggling to replicate at scale.

The issue before Ghana today should not be whether Zoomlion wins a political argument. The issue should be whether Ghana wins the battle against filth and flooding.

If assemblies have developed a superior model capable of delivering cleaner communities and reducing flood risks, then the results should be visible by now. If they have not, government must be willing to reassess its approach.

Rather than excluding experienced sanitation operators, Ghana should embrace a competitive system that allows capable organisations including Zoomlion to bid transparently for sanitation contracts while being held to strict performance standards and accountability measures.

Floodwaters do not care about political positions. Refuse-filled drains do not respond to ideological arguments.

What matters is whether our cities are cleaner, our drains are flowing and our citizens are safer.

The lesson from the recent floods is clear. Ghana needs effective sanitation management more than it needs political battles.

If Zoomlion possesses the expertise, workforce and logistical capacity to help address the crisis, then the national interest demands that it be part of the solution.

In the fight against floods and filth, results not politics must guide our decisions.

The writer, Shadrach Kofi Assan, is the lead producer for Adom FM’s morning show, Dwaso Nsem.

The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 77/327 designates January 26 as the International Day of Clean Energy. The growing desire of many countries to transition to clean, sustainable, and renewable energy technologies is well enshrined in law and national policy documents. Energy drives the economy and enhances development. As more people strive to achieve a higher standard of living, energy consumption will inevitably continue its upward trend.

Currently, the global economy depends heavily on fossil fuels. This dependence is unsustainable. Fossil fuel resources and reserves are finite, and they take thousands to millions of years to form and accumulate in subsurface reservoirs under the right geological conditions, including traps, seals (caprocks), temperature, and pressure.

When exploited, fossil fuels release greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide, methane, chlorofluorocarbons, and nitrous oxide. These gases contribute to global temperature rise and pose serious risks to human health. Global warming has several negative effects, including the melting of glaciers, ice caps, and icebergs, leading to rising sea levels. This threatens coastal communities such as Keta and Cape Coast in Ghana, as well as many others across Africa.

The burning of fossil fuels also has serious health implications. In addition, many species have begun shifting their habitats and migration patterns due to warmer temperatures.

To halt these threats and safeguard the planet for future generations, transitioning to a clean energy society has become a necessity. However, this transition—from an economy driven by fossil fuels to one powered by renewable energy technologies—must be fair and just to workers, communities, and countries that currently depend on fossil fuels for income, livelihoods, and energy needs.

Conceptually, Just Energy Transition (JET) refers to the shift from fossil fuel-based energy systems to low-carbon and renewable energy systems in a way that is fair, inclusive, and equitable for workers, communities, and vulnerable groups. As countries strive to meet international climate commitments under the Paris Agreement, the concept of a just transition has become increasingly important, as climate policies can significantly affect employment, regional economies, and social welfare.

Just Energy Transition And Climate Change

JET promotes the replacement of coal, oil, and natural gas with renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, and hydropower. Unlike conventional energy transitions, however, JET emphasizes social equity by ensuring that workers and communities affected by the closure of fossil fuel industries receive support through retraining, social protection, and economic diversification programmes.

Globally, Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) are spearheading the decarbonisation agenda. Countries such as South Africa, Senegal, Indonesia, and Vietnam have adopted these partnerships to support their transitions. These initiatives mobilise international finance to help developing countries reduce dependence on coal and align their energy systems with the global goal of limiting warming to 1.5°C.

Much of the climate finance comes from development partners in Western and industrialised countries, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, African Development Bank, and the Netherlands Development Organisation. This demonstrates the commitment of developed nations to climate action and offers African countries an opportunity to create policy frameworks for achieving net-zero targets.

Case Studies Of Just Energy Transition In Selected Countries

Case studies from Senegal, Germany, South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam demonstrate different approaches to balancing decarbonisation with social and economic equity.

Senegal is integrating renewable energy and battery storage while using gas as a transitional fuel, with a strong focus on job creation. South Africa is leveraging international funding to reduce dependence on coal. Germany serves as a strong model through its Energiewende policy, which prioritises worker support during coal phase-outs.

Meanwhile, Indonesia and Vietnam are advancing toward net-zero goals through renewable energy expansion and improved grid efficiency, despite facing significant economic and structural challenges.

Lessons For Africa

Africa stands to gain significantly from resource extraction and exports for foreign exchange. However, African countries could potentially triple their earnings by investing in a Just Energy Transition that supports the development of a skilled workforce for clean-energy economies.

Many African nations possess vast fossil fuel reserves but lack the capital, technology, and skilled labour to extract them effectively. As a result, international oil companies often provide the required resources and retain ownership of nearly 85% of exploited assets.

To avoid a similar dependency in the renewable energy era, African countries must take the lead in developing their own renewable energy sectors. This requires building domestic manufacturing hubs, reducing dependence on imported renewable energy hardware, and prioritising local innovation, research, and skills development.

Relying entirely on foreign technology risks leaving the continent permanently dependent on external powers to sustain its clean energy sector. Africa must also prioritise investment in power transmission and distribution as part of its clean energy transition agenda.

Economic Benefits Of Just Energy Transition

A well-managed Just Energy Transition can generate substantial economic benefits. First, investments in renewable energy infrastructure create employment opportunities in manufacturing, construction, installation, operation, and maintenance of clean-energy technologies. These emerging industries can stimulate economic growth and regional development.

Additionally, transitioning to renewable energy improves energy security by reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels and exposure to volatile global fuel prices. Countries that harness domestic renewable energy resources can strengthen their energy independence and lower long-term energy costs.

Furthermore, reducing fossil fuel consumption lowers air pollution, leading to improved public health outcomes and reduced healthcare expenditures. Cleaner air contributes to greater labour productivity and a better quality of life, supporting overall economic development.

Importantly, international climate finance mechanisms such as JETPs provide developing countries with access to significant financial resources for clean-energy projects. These investments can attract private-sector funding, stimulate innovation, and promote sustainable economic growth.

Conclusion

The Just Energy Transition has emerged as a critical framework for addressing climate change while promoting social justice and economic development. By supporting the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy, countries can reduce greenhouse gas emissions, improve energy security, create jobs, and attract investment.

Experiences from Senegal, South Africa, Germany, Indonesia, and Vietnam show that although transition pathways differ according to national circumstances, successful transitions require strong governance, adequate financing, and policies that protect workers and vulnerable communities.

Ultimately, the Just Energy Transition serves not only as a climate change mitigation strategy but also as a pathway toward sustainable and inclusive economic growth.

The writer, Engr. Maxwell A. Quaquah, is a Lecturer at the Energy Systems Engineering Department of Koforidua Technical University, Ghana.
Contact: maxwellquaquah@gmail.com

A notable example was the widespread support many Ghanaians gave to Mexico during its opening World Cup match against South Africa.

That collective response was largely influenced by xenophobic attacks against Ghanaians and other African nationals living in South Africa. It demonstrated the power of national unity and how a common cause can bring people together.

Today, Ghana is confronted with a challenge that is far more significant than any sporting rivalry. It is a crisis that threatens our environment, public health, economy, and the future wellbeing of our nation.

That challenge is illegal mining, commonly known as galamsey.

For many years, galamsey has continued to inflict severe damage on the country’s natural resources. Forest reserves are being destroyed, rivers are becoming heavily polluted, fertile farmlands are being degraded, and legitimate mining activities are being undermined.

Water bodies that once provided clean and reliable sources of water for communities have become contaminated and unsafe. Large portions of our forests have been reduced to wastelands, while many farmers are losing their means of livelihood.

More worrying is the prospect that future generations may inherit an environment incapable of sustaining their needs.
The fight against galamsey has now reached a crucial point. Increasingly, many citizens believe that the nation is losing the battle. Yet this is not the time to give up.

It is not the time to retreat, remain silent, or accept defeat.

The stakes are simply too high. This challenge transcends politics. It is a national concern that affects every Ghanaian, regardless of political affiliation, ethnicity, religion, or social background.

The rivers that provide our water, the land that produces our food, and the environment that supports our livelihoods belong to all of us. Their protection should therefore be a shared responsibility.

For this reason, Ghanaians must speak with one voice and demand stronger and more decisive measures against illegal mining. Government institutions, traditional authorities, security agencies, civil society organisations, religious bodies, youth groups, and individual citizens all have important roles to play.

The responsibility cannot be left to government alone. Success will require a united national effort built on collective responsibility and sustained commitment.

The Coalition Against Illegal Mining has over the years engaged policymakers and state institutions with practical proposals aimed at addressing the crisis.

One of these recommendations called on fuel suppliers and regulatory bodies to tighten controls and prevent fuel from reaching illegal mining operators. Despite these efforts, reports suggest that many illegal miners continue to access the resources needed to sustain their destructive activities.

Several recommendations have been presented over the years to strengthen enforcement, improve monitoring systems, prosecute offenders, rehabilitate degraded lands, and eliminate the incentives that encourage illegal mining.

While some progress has been made, many of these proposals have yet to be fully implemented. Nevertheless, the coalition and other stakeholders remain committed to the cause and will continue to advocate for meaningful and lasting solutions.

The era of half measures must come to an end. The destruction of our rivers, forests, and farmlands cannot continue unchecked. Those who finance, facilitate, protect, or profit from illegal mining activities must be held accountable, irrespective of their influence, position, or political affiliation. The law must be applied fairly and equally to everyone.

Future generations will judge us by the actions we take today. They will ask whether we stood up to defend Ghana’s natural heritage or whether we watched as it was gradually destroyed.

Our response must leave no room for doubt.

Just as we unite behind causes that inspire national pride, we must now come together to defend our rivers, forests, and future. Every Ghanaian must become an advocate in the fight against galamsey.

We must raise our voices in our communities, workplaces, schools, places of worship, and on every available platform. This is Ghana’s defining environmental struggle.

We must not retreat.
We must not surrender.
We must not lose.
Stop galamsey now.

In September 2019, the then Ranking Member on Parliament’s Health Committee, now the Health Minister, Kwabena Mintah Akandoh, led a team of NDC MPs to inspect several abandoned health facilities.

Their tour included the Kumawu District Hospital, the Tepa District Hospital, and the Fomena District Hospital, with MPs such as Charles Agbeve, Dr Kurt Nawaane, Dr Sebastian Sandaare, and Charles Hodogbey forming part of the delegation.

I was among the selected journalists from the Parliamentary Press Corps who accompanied the MPs on that tour. We moved freely. No military officer intervened. No police officer attempted to block access. No security barrier was erected. At no point was it suggested that parliamentary oversight posed a threat to national security. It was a straightforward exercise in democratic responsibility, precisely what Parliament is mandated to do.

That is why the chaos at the Afari Military Hospital in the Atwima Nwabiagya District is so troubling. Reports that Minority MPs on the Health Committee were obstructed by army officers when attempting to visit the facility raise serious concerns about transparency and the creeping politicisation of state institutions. If MPs could access health facilities without hindrance in 2019, why is the same exercise suddenly treated as a security breach in 2026?

The inconsistency is not accidental. It reflects a deeper national problem: a political class that shifts its principles depending on whether it sits on the government or opposition benches. When out of power, parties demand accountability and unfettered access. When in power, they restrict the very oversight they once championed. Their supporters then defend these contradictions with remarkable enthusiasm, further eroding the country’s democratic culture.

Ghana cannot continue on this path. A nation that obstructs its own legislators from performing constitutionally mandated oversight is a nation drifting away from accountability. Until citizens reject partisan hypocrisy and demand consistent standards from all political actors, Ghana’s progress will remain hostage to political convenience.

The facility in question was secured to support a large-scale agricultural enterprise aimed at contributing to Ghana’s food security, employment creation, and broader agricultural development. This was neither a speculative venture nor a paper project. Chairman Wontumi’s commitment to agriculture has long been a matter of public record.

In 2018, his farming enterprise received national recognition when he was adjudged Ashanti Regional Best Farmer, First Runner-Up, during the 34th National Farmers’ Day celebration. His 10,000-acre maize farm in the Sekyere Central District was specifically cited as a major contribution to agricultural production in Ghana. The award, presented by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture, affirmed the scale, seriousness, and legitimacy of the investment.

Like many agricultural ventures, however, large-scale farming is inherently exposed to operational and environmental risks. Market fluctuations, adverse climatic conditions, production setbacks, and other unforeseen challenges can significantly affect expected returns and, consequently, the ability to meet financial obligations within projected timelines.

In recognition of these realities and his responsibilities, Chairman Wontumi has chosen the path of constructive engagement and lawful resolution. His decision to enter plea negotiations reflects a commitment to the rule of law, transparency, and the efficient settlement of outstanding matters, rather than a prolonged legal confrontation.

It is important to emphasize that plea negotiations are a lawful mechanism under Ghana’s legal framework. They do not, in themselves, constitute proof of guilt or wrongdoing. The law expressly provides avenues for parties to negotiate settlements, including arrangements that may, where appropriate, result in the withdrawal of charges.

Chairman Wontumi’s decision should therefore be seen as a responsible effort to resolve a commercial and legal matter within the framework of the law, while enabling all parties to avoid unnecessary and protracted litigation.

At a time when public confidence in institutions depends on respect for due process, it is essential that legal procedures are understood for what they are and not mischaracterized for political convenience. Seeking a lawful resolution is not an act of evasion; it is an act of responsibility.

Chairman Wontumi remains committed to fulfilling his obligations, respecting the laws of Ghana, and continuing his contributions to national development, agriculture, and public service.

Responsible leadership is demonstrated not by the absence of challenges, but by the willingness to confront them transparently, lawfully, and in good faith.

Ewuradjoa Coleman
Dir. Media & Communications
(Wontumi Campaign)

When political parties are in opposition and floods destroy homes, take lives, or expose poor sanitation and drainage systems, responsibility is usually placed where it naturally belongs — on the government, public institutions, city authorities, and the leadership responsible for planning, enforcement, drainage maintenance, and waste management. Opposition politicians often speak passionately about failed governance, neglected gutters, poor urban planning, weak enforcement, and institutional incompetence.

But once political power changes hands, the conversation often changes too.

Suddenly, the focus shifts almost entirely toward the ordinary citizen. Flooding becomes a story of indiscipline. Citizens are blamed for building wrongly, dumping waste, and violating planning regulations, while demolitions and punitive actions quickly become the dominant public response.

Yet the deeper structural questions often remain unanswered. Why are drains not maintained properly?

Why are waterways not regularly dredged before the rainy season?

Why are assemblies failing to enforce regulations early enough to prevent these situations?

Why do the same flooding problems continue to repeat themselves year after year under different governments?

Recently, President John Mahama also attributed many of these problems to indiscipline among the public. Certainly, citizen behaviour contributes to the problem. Nobody can honestly deny that. However, the more uncomfortable question is whether the greater indiscipline may now exist within the very institutions and leadership structures responsible for managing, planning, supervising, and enforcing order within our communities.

Many of us agree with the assertion that Ghana’s flooding and sanitation challenges are largely matters of indiscipline. However, the issue becomes more complex when we acknowledge that indiscipline does not begin only with ordinary citizens — it often begins with leadership and the institutions entrusted with managing our communities.

Why do I say this?

Because our communities are managed and organized by institutions that ultimately fall under the authority of the Executive through appointed officials. Among the most important of these institutions are the District, Municipal and Metropolitan Assemblies. These assemblies are responsible for critical functions that directly affect planning, sanitation, infrastructure, and public order.

Their responsibilities include local development planning, sanitation management, drainage maintenance, enforcement of by-laws, road infrastructure, markets, public facilities, and environmental protection. If these institutions are effectively performing these duties, then why do we continue witnessing the same preventable disasters year after year?

Yes, there is indiscipline among some citizens. Nobody can deny that. But the more uncomfortable question is whether the greater indiscipline now exists within the very institutions and leadership structures responsible for enforcing the rules.

The greater responsibility for discipline must rest with leadership and public institutions, not the ordinary citizen. Those entrusted with authority are expected to set the example, enforce the rules fairly, plan responsibly, and protect the public interest. When leadership fails in discipline, supervision, and accountability, the consequences are often multiplied across the entire society.

Ordinary citizens certainly have responsibilities. But citizens can only operate within the systems created and supervised by leadership. When institutions fail in planning, enforcement, supervision, and accountability, society itself eventually begins to reflect that failure.

If we are serious about addressing flooding, sanitation challenges, and poor urban planning, then we must be willing to examine not only the conduct of citizens, but also the performance of the institutions and leaders established to manage these problems.

Planning Failures and the Demolition Culture Take planning, for example.

Many of our communities are poorly planned. Buildings continue to spring up in waterways, flood-prone areas, and locations that clearly should never have been developed. In many cases, assemblies appear helpless while these structures are being erected. Some developments receive permits, others are ignored, and violations are often allowed to continue openly for years without intervention.

Yet once construction is completed and families have invested their life savings, officials suddenly appear with bulldozers and television cameras to demonstrate authority through demolition exercises.

If a structure was illegal from the very beginning, why was enforcement absent at the very beginning? Why do we wait until homes, shops, and investments are fully completed before acting?

That too is a form of indiscipline.

Many citizens do not support the idea that demolition should automatically become the preferred solution after buildings have already been completed and people have invested their entire savings. Certainly, there are situations where demolition may become unavoidable for public safety reasons. But destruction should not become the default response to every failure of planning and enforcement.

In many situations, engineering solutions, redesigns, drainage improvements, flood mitigation measures, protective infrastructure, and other technical interventions should first be explored before resorting to destruction. The objective should be to solve the problem while minimizing harm to citizens who may have acted in good faith.

What makes the situation even more troubling is that, in some instances, state institutions and public officials were themselves involved in allocating, approving, supervising, or failing to prevent some of the very developments that are later declared illegal or unsuitable for habitation. Yet when the consequences emerge, it is often the ordinary citizen who bears the full burden.

The people are repeatedly portrayed as the problem, but many of them are also victims of a failed system.

If assemblies had enforced regulations from the beginning, many illegal structures would never have been built.

If land administration systems were properly coordinated and transparent, many innocent buyers would not unknowingly purchase land in restricted areas.

If court processes relating to planning violations were swift and effective, deterrence would be stronger.

Perhaps what Ghana needs is not merely another round of demolitions. The role of government should be to protect, improve, and enhance the lives of citizens — not to become associated primarily with destruction.

Unfortunately, there is a growing public perception that institutions often respond to problems with punitive or destructive measures, even when those problems were allowed to develop through earlier failures of planning, enforcement, supervision, or oversight.

A state that has played a role — through inaction, weak enforcement, poor planning, negligence, or administrative failure — in creating a problem should also be committed to finding practical, humane, and forward-looking solutions.

The objective should be prevention, correction, and improvement, not merely punishment after the damage has already occurred. Government exists not only to enforce the law, but also to create systems that prevent avoidable harm and protect citizens from the consequences of institutional failure.

Accountability Must Apply to Leadership Too

The greater burden of discipline lies with leadership and public institutions, not the ordinary citizen. Those entrusted with authority are expected to set the standard, enforce the rules fairly, and manage society responsibly. When leadership fails in discipline, supervision, and accountability, the effects are often multiplied across the entire society.

Where negligence, misconduct, corruption, abuse of authority, or dereliction of duty contributes to these disasters, there must be meaningful consequences and stronger forms of deterrence.

Otherwise, we risk creating a system where public officials make costly mistakes without consequence while citizens pay the ultimate price.

Recently, the Greater Accra Regional Minister stated that an official who broke the rules had been transferred to the Northern Region as punishment, while those affected suffered the demolition of their homes.

How does this deter others within the public service from committing similar acts?

This too raises important questions about discipline and accountability within leadership.

If public officials contribute to decisions or failures that result in losses for citizens, should administrative transfers alone be regarded as sufficient consequences?

More importantly, what measures are being put in place to ensure that such failures do not happen again?

We have also observed that instead of the Regional Minister and the various Assemblies coming together to clean gutters, dredge major waterways, and implement engineering solutions that better prepare communities for flooding when the raining season is approaching, significant attention and resources have instead been devoted to demolition exercises, making these the only solutions they have.

For years, that appears to have been the preferred approach. Yet the heavy rains continue to expose the same vulnerabilities.

The demolitions have not solved the problem.

What is even more surprising is that after recent floods led to inundated homes, damaged buildings, and hardship for many families, the national conversation did not appear to focus sufficiently on long-term solutions and accountability.

At a time when citizens were dealing with the consequences of failed planning and inadequate preparation, public attention was also being drawn toward awards and recognition ceremonies.

This raises a simple question:

By what criteria should public officials be evaluated and celebrated?

Should recognition be based primarily on visibility and activities, or on measurable improvements in sanitation, drainage, infrastructure maintenance, and the quality of life of citizens?

Public recognition certainly has its place. However, the most meaningful measure of performance is whether communities are becoming safer, cleaner, and more resilient.

Ultimately, citizens are less interested in awards than they are in results.

Drainage, Roads and Infrastructure Then there is the issue of drainage.

Many communities lack adequate gutters and drainage systems. Where gutters exist, many are exposed, poorly maintained, or partially blocked. Some become clogged through indiscriminate dumping, while others are gradually filled by sand, debris, weeds, runoff, and erosion because roads were poorly designed without proper pavements and erosion-control systems.

Drive through many towns across Ghana and you will find gutters that have virtually disappeared beneath layers of sand and weeds. In some places, drains have almost become extensions of the road because maintenance has been neglected for years.

Who is responsible for ensuring these drains remain functional? Is it solely the ordinary citizen?

Assemblies are expected to inspect, maintain, enforce, and act proactively. Yet in many cases, they do not.

Roads are frequently cut open by individuals, utility providers, and public institutions to install infrastructure, but many are inadequately restored afterwards. What begins as a small defect often develops into major road deterioration, imposing significant costs on both the state and road users.

This recurring problem raises serious questions about coordination, supervision, and accountability in the management of public infrastructure.

Even prime areas such as Cantonments have not been spared from poor infrastructure management and weak enforcement, with issues such as open defecation around areas like AU Village.

One must ask:

When were major drainage channels last comprehensively dredged and expanded?

When was the last nationwide programme dedicated specifically to clearing, rehabilitating, and expanding drains before the onset of the rainy season?

What is the current state of major drains such as the Odaw and other waterways responsible for carrying floodwaters safely into the sea?

If drainage infrastructure had been properly maintained, waterways regularly dredged, and drainage networks expanded to match population growth, many communities would not be flooding repeatedly.

In places such as Ashaiman, Katamanso, Community 25, Dawhenya, and many other rapidly growing communities, residents continue to struggle with poor roads and inadequate drainage.

Sometimes it feels as though only a few privileged parts of Accra receive consistent attention while many other communities are left to cope with deteriorating infrastructure.

Are the people in these communities not Ghanaians? Do they not pay taxes?

Do they not deserve safe roads and proper drainage systems?

Another uncomfortable truth is that poor-quality infrastructure itself often contributes to the problem. Contracts are awarded, projects are executed, yet many roads and drains deteriorate far sooner than they should.

Citizens observe these realities and naturally question whether value for money is truly being achieved.

Following the recent floods, groups such as the Buzz Stop Boys highlighted numerous blocked drains and neglected waterways across the country. If volunteers can identify these problems with limited resources, surely our assemblies, engineers, environmental officers, and planning departments should be able to identify and address them before disaster strikes.

Waste Management and Service Delivery The problem extends to waste management.

Residents pay for waste collection services, yet there are countless instances where bins remain uncollected for days or even weeks. As waste piles up, some inevitably finds its way into gutters and waterways.

When floods occur, the blame falls entirely on the public, while little attention is given to the service failures that contributed to the situation.

Who should be held accountable when contracted waste management companies fail to perform?

We are often told that the nation lacks resources. Yet somehow, resources are found for many activities that appear less urgent than protecting lives and property from floods.

When disaster strikes, the national response often focuses more on reactive measures, public relations exercises, and assigning blame rather than addressing the deeper institutional and systemic failures that allowed the problem to develop in the first place.

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A Better Way Forward

The truth is that institutions exist precisely because citizens alone cannot manage these complex responsibilities.

That is why taxpayers fund them.

That is why public officials are appointed. That is why governments are elected.

If Ghana truly wants to address these recurring challenges, then perhaps we need a national campaign focused on prevention.

A campaign centred on:

• Cleaning and desilting drains.
• Dredging major waterways.

• Expanding drainage infrastructure.
• Enforcing planning regulations early.
• Holding contractors accountable.
• Improving waste collection.
• Protecting wetlands and Ramsar sites.
• Educating citizens while also enforcing the law fairly and consistently.

Imagine if every District Assembly was tasked with an annual “Operation Clean the Gutters” programme before the onset of the major rainy season.

Imagine if assemblies were evaluated and ranked based on sanitation, drainage maintenance, and flood preparedness.

Imagine if preventive action received as much publicity and attention as demolition exercises. That would save lives.

That would protect homes.

That would demonstrate leadership. So yes, indiscipline is real.

But it is not confined to ordinary citizens.

It exists wherever responsibilities are neglected, rules are selectively enforced, corruption is tolerated, planning is ignored, and public institutions fail to act.

The indiscipline we see in our communities is often a reflection of the indiscipline within the very systems meant to govern them.

Leadership sets the tone.

And if Ghana truly wants to solve these problems, then discipline must be demanded not only from citizens, but also — and even more importantly — from the institutions and leaders entrusted with serving them.

To add spice to the narrative, the reports suggested that KGL’s payments were over three times higher than the combined amount paid by the 29 other licensed lotto operators. That comparison was presented to portray KGL as contributing more to the state than all other operators combined, supposedly due to superior efficiency or ingenuity.

But this framing is misleading. The payments are a fraction of the predictable earnings from occupying the most lucrative segment of a state-engineered market. The real question is whether these payments—and the narrative around them—truly reflect performance in a system that limits competition and restricts customer choice.

Monopoly Over USSD

KGL did not outcompete others in a fair market. It was granted control over a highly lucrative segment of Ghana’s lottery ecosystem, particularly the USSD and digital lottery channels.

In its current position, KGL benefits from a structure that guarantees high and predictable revenue streams with relatively low operational costs, resulting in structurally high margins. This is not the result of exceptional innovation or risk-taking, but of regulatory design.

As the saying goes, “the one whose palm kernels are cracked for him by the spirits does not boast of how hard they are to chew.” Yet the narrative presented often suggests otherwise.

KGL’s position reflects not extraordinary effort, but privileged access within a system where market entry, scale, and returns are effectively predetermined. The question then arises: what would other operators have achieved under a more competitive and open system?

Taxes Are Not Bonuses

It is also important to stress that taxes paid by KGL and other firms are not acts of generosity or sacrifice. They are statutory obligations—the state’s rightful share of economic activity enabled by public policy.

Therefore, framing tax payments as corporate benevolence is misleading. It is simply compliance with the law.

Claims that KGL contributes nearly four times more than 29 other operators do not necessarily indicate efficiency; rather, they highlight a structural imbalance in the market.

When one player controls the most valuable distribution channel, dominance should not be mistaken for excellence.

Global Standards

In other jurisdictions, lottery systems are structured to avoid excessive concentration of advantage.

In the United Kingdom, for example, the National Lottery licence is awarded through a transparent, competitive tender process. The licence is time-bound and periodically re-competed to ensure efficiency, innovation, and public value.

In the European Union, courts have emphasized that even monopoly-based lottery systems must be governed by fair and competitive licensing processes, or risk constituting unlawful state aid.

In Ukraine, reforms have moved toward open tenders to improve transparency and broaden participation.

In the United States, although lotteries are state-controlled, private operators function strictly as contracted vendors under layered oversight from regulators and legislatures.

Across these systems, the consistent principle is that market access is structured to prevent excessive concentration and to protect public interest.

Overconcentration in Ghana’s System

Against these benchmarks, Ghana’s lottery ecosystem reflects concentrated advantage rather than competitive efficiency.

KGL’s control over the USSD channel—the most accessible and profitable distribution platform—tilts the playing field significantly.

While other operators exist, they function on the margins of a system where the most valuable revenue stream has already been allocated.

This explains why 29 firms combined generate significantly less than KGL alone.

The structure discourages entry, limits innovation, and reduces competition. It also concentrates systemic risk in a single dominant operator.

Economically, this resembles a rent-extraction system rather than a dynamic competitive market.

It is therefore encouraging that government, through the Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Dr Dominic Ayine, is reportedly taking steps to review and restructure aspects of the sector.

With a renewed policy focus on competition and reform, Ghana has an opportunity to align its lottery industry with global best practices and unlock greater public value.

Conclusion

Ultimately, KGL’s tax payments should not be mistaken for heroism. They represent compliance within a privileged structure.

Paying taxes is not exceptional performance—it is the bare minimum expected of any company operating within a regulated and profitable sector.

In Ghana, particularly in Accra, Airbnb has become a dominant feature of the urban property landscape. Across neighbourhoods such as East Legon, Cantonments, Airport Residential Area, Labone, Dzorwulu, Ridge, Osu, and East Legon Hills, thousands of apartments and houses are now listed on short-term rental platforms. Investors increasingly purchase properties not for long-term tenants but for short-term guests, tourists, business travellers, and members of the Ghanaian diaspora.

The rise of Airbnb has generated significant economic benefits. It has expanded accommodation options, boosted tourism, created jobs, and provided new income streams for property owners. However, it has also sparked growing concerns about its impact on housing affordability and the availability of rental accommodation for residents.

As Accra grapples with rising rents, escalating property prices, and a persistent housing deficit, the debate surrounding Airbnb has become increasingly relevant. Is Airbnb contributing to economic growth and urban development, or is it worsening the housing challenges faced by ordinary Ghanaians? The answer lies somewhere in between.

The Accra Airbnb Boom

Accra has undergone tremendous growth over the last twenty years. Rapid urbanisation, population growth, increased foreign investment, and a thriving diaspora community have transformed the capital into one of West Africa’s most dynamic cities.

The success of initiatives such as the Year of Return and Beyond the Return significantly increased international attention on Ghana. Visitor arrivals rose, investment increased, and demand for accommodation surged. While hotels benefited from this growth, many visitors increasingly sought alternatives that offered more space, privacy, flexibility, and value for money. Airbnb emerged as the ideal solution.

Unlike traditional hotels, Airbnb properties allow visitors to experience local communities while enjoying home-like facilities. Families can rent entire apartments, business travellers can stay in residential neighbourhoods, and long-term visitors can secure accommodation that often proves more affordable than extended hotel stays.

This growing demand encouraged property owners to enter the market. What initially began with homeowners renting spare rooms quickly evolved into a sophisticated investment sector where entire apartment blocks are designed and operated exclusively as short-term rentals.

Today, many new developments in Accra are marketed specifically to investors seeking Airbnb income.

The Economic Benefits of Airbnb

Supporting Ghana’s Tourism Industry

Tourism remains one of Ghana’s most important economic sectors. The industry generates foreign exchange, creates employment, and supports thousands of small businesses.

Airbnb has expanded the country’s accommodation capacity without requiring government investment in hotels or tourism infrastructure. During major events, conferences, festivals, and the December holiday season, Airbnb properties provide accommodation that helps absorb increased visitor demand. Without these additional units, hotel prices would rise significantly, and some visitors might choose alternative destinations.

Moreover, Airbnb guests often spend money directly within local communities. Unlike tourists who remain within hotel compounds, Airbnb users typically patronise local restaurants, supermarkets, pharmacies, transportation providers, bars, and entertainment venues. This decentralisation of tourism spending spreads economic benefits across neighbourhoods and creates opportunities for small businesses.

Additional Income for Property Owners

Perhaps the most obvious benefit of Airbnb is the income it generates for property owners. Traditionally, landlords in Ghana rely on annual or multi-year rental agreements. Under this model, rental income remains relatively fixed regardless of fluctuations in market demand. Airbnb fundamentally changes this equation.

A property that might generate GH¢4,000 or GH¢5,000 per month under a traditional lease could potentially generate substantially higher revenues through short-term rentals, particularly during peak tourism periods. For many homeowners, Airbnb has become a valuable source of supplementary income. Some use these earnings to pay mortgages, maintain properties, finance education, or support retirement plans.

For diaspora investors, Airbnb offers an attractive opportunity to generate returns while retaining flexibility over their assets.

Job Creation and Entrepreneurship

The Airbnb economy extends far beyond property owners.

Each short-term rental property creates demand for numerous services, including: cleaning and housekeeping, property management, security services, laundry operations, landscaping, interior design, maintenance and repairs, photography and marketing and guest transportation. A growing number of young Ghanaians now operate businesses dedicated to managing Airbnb properties on behalf of owners. Others provide specialised services such as guest relations, digital marketing, or property maintenance.

This ecosystem has created employment opportunities and entrepreneurial ventures that did not exist a decade ago.

Encouraging Property Development

Airbnb has also stimulated investment in the construction sector. Developers are increasingly attracted to projects that can generate strong returns through short-term rentals. This has encouraged the construction of apartment complexes, serviced residences, and mixed-use developments throughout Accra. The resulting investment contributes to economic activity, supports construction jobs, and expands the city’s housing stock.

In a country where housing supply remains inadequate, any increase in residential construction can be viewed as a positive development.

Accra’s Housing Crunch

While Airbnb’s economic contributions are substantial, concerns about its impact on housing affordability cannot be ignored.

Ghana faces a significant housing deficit estimated at 1.8 million housing units. That is according to the Minister for Works and Housing, Kenneth Gilbert Adjei. This challenge is worsened by affordability constraints that limit access to decent housing for many low- and middle-income earners. The shortage is particularly severe in urban centres such as Accra, where population growth continues to outpace housing supply. At the same time, home ownership remains beyond the reach of many citizens due to high property prices, expensive mortgages, and stagnant wage growth.

Rental accommodation has traditionally provided an alternative for middle-income households. However, rents have risen sharply across the capital over the past decade.

The question therefore arises: What role is Airbnb playing in this crisis?

Reduction in Long-Term Rental Housing

The primary criticism of Airbnb is that it removes housing units from the long-term rental market. Every apartment converted into a short-term rental represents one less unit available for permanent residents. This effect becomes particularly significant in high-demand neighbourhoods where housing supply is already constrained. When investors discover that short-term rentals generate higher returns than traditional leases, economic incentives encourage them to prioritise Airbnb guests over local tenants. As more landlords make this transition, the supply of long-term rental housing decreases.

Basic economic principles suggest that when supply falls while demand remains strong, prices increase.

The result? Higher rent for residents.

Rising Rental Prices

The influence of Airbnb extends beyond properties actively listed on the platform. Landlords increasingly compare potential Airbnb revenues with traditional rental income when determining rental rates. If a two-bedroom apartment can generate the equivalent of GH¢12,000 per month through short-term stays, many landlords become reluctant to rent the same property for GH¢4,000 or GH¢5,000 per month under a conventional lease. This changes market expectations. Even landlords who do not operate Airbnb properties may increase rents because they know alternative opportunities exist.

The burden ultimately falls on ordinary residents, particularly young professionals: nurses, teachers, civil servants, as well as recent graduates attempting to establish themselves in the city.

Gentrification and Neighbourhood Transformation

Another concern is the gradual transformation of residential communities into tourist-oriented districts. Neighbourhoods once characterised by stable residential populations increasingly accommodate transient visitors. As investor demand grows, property values rise. Developers focus on luxury apartments targeted at investors rather than affordable housing targeted at local residents. This process, often described as gentrification, can gradually displace lower-income households from desirable locations.

While areas such as Cantonments and Airport Residential have historically catered to higher-income residents, similar trends are increasingly visible in emerging locations including East Legon Hills, Adjiringanor, and parts of Spintex.

The long-term consequence is a city that becomes increasingly segregated by income.

Housing as Shelter versus Housing as Investment

The Airbnb debate ultimately raises a broader philosophical question: Should housing primarily serve as a place for people to live, or as an investment vehicle designed to maximise financial returns?

Property owners understandably seek to maximise income from their investments. This is a rational economic decision. However, housing differs from many other assets because it fulfils a basic human need. When investment objectives dominate housing policy, affordability often suffers.

The challenge for governments is therefore to balance private property rights with broader social objectives.

Is Airbnb Really the Main Problem?

Although Airbnb contributes to affordability pressures, it would be inaccurate to portray it as the primary cause of Accra’s housing crisis. Several structural factors have a far greater influence on housing costs.

Rising Land Prices

Land prices in Accra have increased dramatically over the last decade. Areas once considered affordable, including Kwabenya, Pokuase, Oyibi, Amasaman, and East Legon Hills, have experienced substantial appreciation.

As land becomes more expensive, developers face higher project costs, which are ultimately passed on to buyers and tenants.

Construction Costs

The cost of building materials continues to rise due to inflation, exchange-rate fluctuations, import dependency, and global supply chain pressures. Cement, steel, aluminium, roofing materials, electrical components, and finishing products have all become significantly more expensive.

Developers have little choice but to incorporate these costs into selling prices and rents.

Limited Affordable Housing Development

Much of Accra’s recent housing development has targeted upper-middle-income and high-income buyers. Affordable housing production remains insufficient relative to demand. 

The result is a mismatch between the housing being built and the housing most residents can afford.

Urbanisation

Thousands of people migrate to Accra annually in search of employment, education, and economic opportunities. This constant influx increases housing demand and places pressure on existing infrastructure.

Even without Airbnb, the city would still face significant affordability challenges.

Lessons from International Cities

Cities around the world have struggled with similar issues. Barcelona, Amsterdam, New York, Paris, and London have all introduced regulations aimed at balancing tourism with housing affordability.

Common measures include:

• Mandatory registration of Airbnb properties.
• Tourist taxes on short-term stays.
• Restrictions on the number of rental days per year.
• Limits on multiple-property ownership.
• Enhanced reporting requirements.
• Zoning regulations for short-term rentals.

These policies do not eliminate Airbnb but seek to prevent excessive conversion of residential housing into tourist accommodation.

Ghana may eventually need to consider similar approaches as the sector continues to expand.

The Way Forward for Ghana

The solution is not to ban Airbnb. Doing so would undermine tourism, reduce investment, and eliminate valuable income opportunities. Instead, policymakers should focus on creating balance.

Potential measures include:

• Strengthening regulation and registration requirements.
• Improving data collection on short-term rental activity.
• Encouraging affordable housing development.
• Providing incentives for long-term rental accommodation.
• Expanding mortgage accessibility.
• Investing in transportation infrastructure to open new residential areas.
• Streamlining land administration processes.

Most importantly, government must address the underlying structural causes of housing unaffordability.

Airbnb alone did not create Accra’s housing crisis, and regulating Airbnb alone will not solve it.

The Bottom Line

Airbnb is neither a hero nor villain. It boosts tourism, income, and jobs, yet it also shrinks the supply of homes and pushes rents higher. Accra’s housing crisis has deep structural causes, but short-term rentals have added fuel to the fire.

The solution? Regulate without strangling. Protect residents without banning opportunity. Done right, tourism and affordable housing can coexist. Done wrong, Accra becomes a city for visitors, not for those who call it home.

The future will not be decided by whether Airbnb exists, but by whether Ghana manages growth wisely. A successful city must work for investors, visitors, and residents alike. Failure risks turning housing from a necessity into a luxury.

The lynching of other Africans by mobs with police collaboration or indifference, the denial of care to pregnant women from other African countries by South African women, the half-hearted legalistic, ritualistic expressions of regret and empty pledges from South African leaders have put paid to our dreams and fantasies of Pan-Africanism!

What is the point of granting unrestricted travel to other African countries when the very governments extending such courtesies would permit your lynching by their citizens?

Not even Trump’s American or Netanyahu’s right-wing Israeli government would permit such treatment of foreigners by its citizens. And for this to come from South Africa is particularly galling!

Heck, my OKESS friends and I swayed to Sonny Okosun’s “Fire in Soweto” when it came out after Steve Biko’s death and discussed how we could sign up for the anti-apartheid struggle.

And we all had crushes Miriam Makeba! When Mandela took the oath of office, we all belted out “Nkosi Kelele Africa” as the South African airfoce flew overhead in salute and this is our reward? Not even Botha’s apartheid government would have stood for this nonsense.

How can we call out the distant slave-holders and colonialists when we tolerate this inhumanity from our own, to our own, on our continent? Wasn’t it South Africa that took Israel to court for its genocidal conduct in Gaza to global applause only a few months ago? Ghana and Nigeria are doing the right thing in evacuating their citizens, but the response across Africa has been too restrained.

If this were being done to us in America, Canada or Britain, our condemnation would be louder. South Africa needs to be condemned, shamed and ostracized more forcefully. It is this kind of hypocrisy that make us condemn the genocide in Gaza more than the one in Sudan! We behave as if black lives don’t matter.

South African International Relations Minister Ronald Lanola’s bluff must be called. Let’s see them in court, just as they saw the Isrealites in court and expose their hypocrisy.

With the exception of President Mbeki, Malema and a few others, South African leaders have been brazenly disappointing. Africa deserves better from them.

While on the subject of hypocrisy, I am baffled by how the government and business leaders can have jobs for those evacuated from South Africa when our stay-at-home youth have been suffering massive unemployment for all these years.

I understand the parable of the prodigal son, but shouldn’t the few jobs we have go to our youth who have been looking for jobs all these years? Long live Ghana!
As the Osagyefo said, “Africa Must Unite!
Aluta Continua!