In Ghana, particularly in Accra, Airbnb has become a dominant feature of the urban property landscape. Across neighbourhoods such as East Legon, Cantonments, Airport Residential Area, Labone, Dzorwulu, Ridge, Osu, and East Legon Hills, thousands of apartments and houses are now listed on short-term rental platforms. Investors increasingly purchase properties not for long-term tenants but for short-term guests, tourists, business travellers, and members of the Ghanaian diaspora.

The rise of Airbnb has generated significant economic benefits. It has expanded accommodation options, boosted tourism, created jobs, and provided new income streams for property owners. However, it has also sparked growing concerns about its impact on housing affordability and the availability of rental accommodation for residents.

As Accra grapples with rising rents, escalating property prices, and a persistent housing deficit, the debate surrounding Airbnb has become increasingly relevant. Is Airbnb contributing to economic growth and urban development, or is it worsening the housing challenges faced by ordinary Ghanaians? The answer lies somewhere in between.

The Accra Airbnb Boom

Accra has undergone tremendous growth over the last twenty years. Rapid urbanisation, population growth, increased foreign investment, and a thriving diaspora community have transformed the capital into one of West Africa’s most dynamic cities.

The success of initiatives such as the Year of Return and Beyond the Return significantly increased international attention on Ghana. Visitor arrivals rose, investment increased, and demand for accommodation surged. While hotels benefited from this growth, many visitors increasingly sought alternatives that offered more space, privacy, flexibility, and value for money. Airbnb emerged as the ideal solution.

Unlike traditional hotels, Airbnb properties allow visitors to experience local communities while enjoying home-like facilities. Families can rent entire apartments, business travellers can stay in residential neighbourhoods, and long-term visitors can secure accommodation that often proves more affordable than extended hotel stays.

This growing demand encouraged property owners to enter the market. What initially began with homeowners renting spare rooms quickly evolved into a sophisticated investment sector where entire apartment blocks are designed and operated exclusively as short-term rentals.

Today, many new developments in Accra are marketed specifically to investors seeking Airbnb income.

The Economic Benefits of Airbnb

Supporting Ghana’s Tourism Industry

Tourism remains one of Ghana’s most important economic sectors. The industry generates foreign exchange, creates employment, and supports thousands of small businesses.

Airbnb has expanded the country’s accommodation capacity without requiring government investment in hotels or tourism infrastructure. During major events, conferences, festivals, and the December holiday season, Airbnb properties provide accommodation that helps absorb increased visitor demand. Without these additional units, hotel prices would rise significantly, and some visitors might choose alternative destinations.

Moreover, Airbnb guests often spend money directly within local communities. Unlike tourists who remain within hotel compounds, Airbnb users typically patronise local restaurants, supermarkets, pharmacies, transportation providers, bars, and entertainment venues. This decentralisation of tourism spending spreads economic benefits across neighbourhoods and creates opportunities for small businesses.

Additional Income for Property Owners

Perhaps the most obvious benefit of Airbnb is the income it generates for property owners. Traditionally, landlords in Ghana rely on annual or multi-year rental agreements. Under this model, rental income remains relatively fixed regardless of fluctuations in market demand. Airbnb fundamentally changes this equation.

A property that might generate GH¢4,000 or GH¢5,000 per month under a traditional lease could potentially generate substantially higher revenues through short-term rentals, particularly during peak tourism periods. For many homeowners, Airbnb has become a valuable source of supplementary income. Some use these earnings to pay mortgages, maintain properties, finance education, or support retirement plans.

For diaspora investors, Airbnb offers an attractive opportunity to generate returns while retaining flexibility over their assets.

Job Creation and Entrepreneurship

The Airbnb economy extends far beyond property owners.

Each short-term rental property creates demand for numerous services, including: cleaning and housekeeping, property management, security services, laundry operations, landscaping, interior design, maintenance and repairs, photography and marketing and guest transportation. A growing number of young Ghanaians now operate businesses dedicated to managing Airbnb properties on behalf of owners. Others provide specialised services such as guest relations, digital marketing, or property maintenance.

This ecosystem has created employment opportunities and entrepreneurial ventures that did not exist a decade ago.

Encouraging Property Development

Airbnb has also stimulated investment in the construction sector. Developers are increasingly attracted to projects that can generate strong returns through short-term rentals. This has encouraged the construction of apartment complexes, serviced residences, and mixed-use developments throughout Accra. The resulting investment contributes to economic activity, supports construction jobs, and expands the city’s housing stock.

In a country where housing supply remains inadequate, any increase in residential construction can be viewed as a positive development.

Accra’s Housing Crunch

While Airbnb’s economic contributions are substantial, concerns about its impact on housing affordability cannot be ignored.

Ghana faces a significant housing deficit estimated at 1.8 million housing units. That is according to the Minister for Works and Housing, Kenneth Gilbert Adjei. This challenge is worsened by affordability constraints that limit access to decent housing for many low- and middle-income earners. The shortage is particularly severe in urban centres such as Accra, where population growth continues to outpace housing supply. At the same time, home ownership remains beyond the reach of many citizens due to high property prices, expensive mortgages, and stagnant wage growth.

Rental accommodation has traditionally provided an alternative for middle-income households. However, rents have risen sharply across the capital over the past decade.

The question therefore arises: What role is Airbnb playing in this crisis?

Reduction in Long-Term Rental Housing

The primary criticism of Airbnb is that it removes housing units from the long-term rental market. Every apartment converted into a short-term rental represents one less unit available for permanent residents. This effect becomes particularly significant in high-demand neighbourhoods where housing supply is already constrained. When investors discover that short-term rentals generate higher returns than traditional leases, economic incentives encourage them to prioritise Airbnb guests over local tenants. As more landlords make this transition, the supply of long-term rental housing decreases.

Basic economic principles suggest that when supply falls while demand remains strong, prices increase.

The result? Higher rent for residents.

Rising Rental Prices

The influence of Airbnb extends beyond properties actively listed on the platform. Landlords increasingly compare potential Airbnb revenues with traditional rental income when determining rental rates. If a two-bedroom apartment can generate the equivalent of GH¢12,000 per month through short-term stays, many landlords become reluctant to rent the same property for GH¢4,000 or GH¢5,000 per month under a conventional lease. This changes market expectations. Even landlords who do not operate Airbnb properties may increase rents because they know alternative opportunities exist.

The burden ultimately falls on ordinary residents, particularly young professionals: nurses, teachers, civil servants, as well as recent graduates attempting to establish themselves in the city.

Gentrification and Neighbourhood Transformation

Another concern is the gradual transformation of residential communities into tourist-oriented districts. Neighbourhoods once characterised by stable residential populations increasingly accommodate transient visitors. As investor demand grows, property values rise. Developers focus on luxury apartments targeted at investors rather than affordable housing targeted at local residents. This process, often described as gentrification, can gradually displace lower-income households from desirable locations.

While areas such as Cantonments and Airport Residential have historically catered to higher-income residents, similar trends are increasingly visible in emerging locations including East Legon Hills, Adjiringanor, and parts of Spintex.

The long-term consequence is a city that becomes increasingly segregated by income.

Housing as Shelter versus Housing as Investment

The Airbnb debate ultimately raises a broader philosophical question: Should housing primarily serve as a place for people to live, or as an investment vehicle designed to maximise financial returns?

Property owners understandably seek to maximise income from their investments. This is a rational economic decision. However, housing differs from many other assets because it fulfils a basic human need. When investment objectives dominate housing policy, affordability often suffers.

The challenge for governments is therefore to balance private property rights with broader social objectives.

Is Airbnb Really the Main Problem?

Although Airbnb contributes to affordability pressures, it would be inaccurate to portray it as the primary cause of Accra’s housing crisis. Several structural factors have a far greater influence on housing costs.

Rising Land Prices

Land prices in Accra have increased dramatically over the last decade. Areas once considered affordable, including Kwabenya, Pokuase, Oyibi, Amasaman, and East Legon Hills, have experienced substantial appreciation.

As land becomes more expensive, developers face higher project costs, which are ultimately passed on to buyers and tenants.

Construction Costs

The cost of building materials continues to rise due to inflation, exchange-rate fluctuations, import dependency, and global supply chain pressures. Cement, steel, aluminium, roofing materials, electrical components, and finishing products have all become significantly more expensive.

Developers have little choice but to incorporate these costs into selling prices and rents.

Limited Affordable Housing Development

Much of Accra’s recent housing development has targeted upper-middle-income and high-income buyers. Affordable housing production remains insufficient relative to demand. 

The result is a mismatch between the housing being built and the housing most residents can afford.

Urbanisation

Thousands of people migrate to Accra annually in search of employment, education, and economic opportunities. This constant influx increases housing demand and places pressure on existing infrastructure.

Even without Airbnb, the city would still face significant affordability challenges.

Lessons from International Cities

Cities around the world have struggled with similar issues. Barcelona, Amsterdam, New York, Paris, and London have all introduced regulations aimed at balancing tourism with housing affordability.

Common measures include:

• Mandatory registration of Airbnb properties.
• Tourist taxes on short-term stays.
• Restrictions on the number of rental days per year.
• Limits on multiple-property ownership.
• Enhanced reporting requirements.
• Zoning regulations for short-term rentals.

These policies do not eliminate Airbnb but seek to prevent excessive conversion of residential housing into tourist accommodation.

Ghana may eventually need to consider similar approaches as the sector continues to expand.

The Way Forward for Ghana

The solution is not to ban Airbnb. Doing so would undermine tourism, reduce investment, and eliminate valuable income opportunities. Instead, policymakers should focus on creating balance.

Potential measures include:

• Strengthening regulation and registration requirements.
• Improving data collection on short-term rental activity.
• Encouraging affordable housing development.
• Providing incentives for long-term rental accommodation.
• Expanding mortgage accessibility.
• Investing in transportation infrastructure to open new residential areas.
• Streamlining land administration processes.

Most importantly, government must address the underlying structural causes of housing unaffordability.

Airbnb alone did not create Accra’s housing crisis, and regulating Airbnb alone will not solve it.

The Bottom Line

Airbnb is neither a hero nor villain. It boosts tourism, income, and jobs, yet it also shrinks the supply of homes and pushes rents higher. Accra’s housing crisis has deep structural causes, but short-term rentals have added fuel to the fire.

The solution? Regulate without strangling. Protect residents without banning opportunity. Done right, tourism and affordable housing can coexist. Done wrong, Accra becomes a city for visitors, not for those who call it home.

The future will not be decided by whether Airbnb exists, but by whether Ghana manages growth wisely. A successful city must work for investors, visitors, and residents alike. Failure risks turning housing from a necessity into a luxury.

The lynching of other Africans by mobs with police collaboration or indifference, the denial of care to pregnant women from other African countries by South African women, the half-hearted legalistic, ritualistic expressions of regret and empty pledges from South African leaders have put paid to our dreams and fantasies of Pan-Africanism!

What is the point of granting unrestricted travel to other African countries when the very governments extending such courtesies would permit your lynching by their citizens?

Not even Trump’s American or Netanyahu’s right-wing Israeli government would permit such treatment of foreigners by its citizens. And for this to come from South Africa is particularly galling!

Heck, my OKESS friends and I swayed to Sonny Okosun’s “Fire in Soweto” when it came out after Steve Biko’s death and discussed how we could sign up for the anti-apartheid struggle.

And we all had crushes Miriam Makeba! When Mandela took the oath of office, we all belted out “Nkosi Kelele Africa” as the South African airfoce flew overhead in salute and this is our reward? Not even Botha’s apartheid government would have stood for this nonsense.

How can we call out the distant slave-holders and colonialists when we tolerate this inhumanity from our own, to our own, on our continent? Wasn’t it South Africa that took Israel to court for its genocidal conduct in Gaza to global applause only a few months ago? Ghana and Nigeria are doing the right thing in evacuating their citizens, but the response across Africa has been too restrained.

If this were being done to us in America, Canada or Britain, our condemnation would be louder. South Africa needs to be condemned, shamed and ostracized more forcefully. It is this kind of hypocrisy that make us condemn the genocide in Gaza more than the one in Sudan! We behave as if black lives don’t matter.

South African International Relations Minister Ronald Lanola’s bluff must be called. Let’s see them in court, just as they saw the Isrealites in court and expose their hypocrisy.

With the exception of President Mbeki, Malema and a few others, South African leaders have been brazenly disappointing. Africa deserves better from them.

While on the subject of hypocrisy, I am baffled by how the government and business leaders can have jobs for those evacuated from South Africa when our stay-at-home youth have been suffering massive unemployment for all these years.

I understand the parable of the prodigal son, but shouldn’t the few jobs we have go to our youth who have been looking for jobs all these years? Long live Ghana!
As the Osagyefo said, “Africa Must Unite!
Aluta Continua!

But self-employment comes with a learning curve and most business owners will make a few mistakes along the way. Learning from these mistakes is important, and often some of these mistakes are ignoring administrative responsibilities until they become urgent.

Once you know what to look for, most of the common errors can be avoided. Requirements such as Making Tax Digital for self assessment, bookkeeping, invoicing and record keeping are all important parts of running a business.

These tasks may not be the most exciting aspect of being self-employed, but staying organised through the year will prevent a great deal of stress for you later on. Many business owners quickly discover that paperwork really disappears simply because it’s ignored.

Another common mistake is failing to separate your business and personal finances. When everything is running through the same account, it becomes a lot harder to track it.

Income, expenses and profitability will get mixed up and your morning coffees that you don’t spend on your business account will suddenly start looking like a business expense. Having a dedicated account often makes financial management fast, simpler and provides you a clearer picture of how the business is performing.

Image source: Pexels

Plenty of people go to self-employment thinking that they need to undercut the market to be relevant, but underpricing your services is another trap that many self-employed people will fall into.

This is particularly something that happens at the beginning. It’s natural to want to attract people with low prices, but consistently charging too little will make it difficult to cover the costs or any sustainable income. You are running a business, not a charity.

So, pricing should reflect the value of your skills, experience, time, and expenses. While competitive pricing is important, it shouldn’t come at the expense of profitability.

Another mistake you should avoid is trying to do it all yourself. Marketing, bookkeeping, customer service, admin, sales, and project delivery are all separate departments, and they can become very overwhelming when you’re wearing all of the hats of one.

Learning when to outsource or seek professional support will significantly improve your efficiency. Sometimes spending money to save time is one of the smart decisions that you could make.

Another frequent issue. Neglecting marketing when work becomes busy, it can feel logical to focus entirely on current projects. But with marketing stops completely, the future work will dry up.

Business owners maintain some level of marketing activity even during busy periods. Consistent visibility helps to create a steady flow of opportunities over time.

Speaking of time, poor time management also creates problems, and it’s a mistake that you could be making without clear routines. Many self-employed people find themselves constantly switching between tasks or working far longer hours than is necessary. You need to set your priorities and create a schedule to work with it.

Mistakes are a normal part of self-employment. Every business owner learns through experience and most challenges provide valuable lessons. The key is to recognize the pitfalls and not fall into them yourself.

THE RAIN IS NOT THE ACCUSED

Every year, across many African cities, a familiar and painful drama unfolds. The skies darken. The clouds gather. The rain begins to fall. Within hours, roads become rivers, homes become islands, businesses become casualties, and communities become victims. News headlines emerge. Television cameras arrive. Public frustration grows. Social media becomes flooded long before the streets do. Then begins the annual search for a culprit.

1. The rain is blamed.
2. The storm is blamed.
3. Climate change is blamed.
4. Nature is blamed.

Yet perhaps it is time to ask a more uncomfortable question.

1. What if the rain is not the primary problem?
2. What if the flood is merely the messenger?
3. What if the real culprit is not the weather but the behaviour that quietly prepared the stage long before the first cloud appeared?

What is wrong with us is not that it rains. What is wrong with us is that we continue behaving as though nature should adapt to our irresponsibility instead of us adapting to nature’s reality.

• Rain has always fallen.
• Rivers have always flowed.
• Floodwaters have always followed gravity.

Nature has not changed its job description. The more pressing question is whether we have abandoned ours.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): The rain rarely creates the entire disaster. It often reveals the disaster that human beings quietly prepared for it.

There is profound wisdom hidden within that observation. The flood that captures headlines today often began years earlier as a blocked drain nobody cleared, an illegal structure nobody challenged, a wetland nobody protected, or a planning violation that everybody noticed but nobody confronted. By the time the water arrives, the damage has already been years in the making.

WATER OBEYS ITS LAWS. HUMAN BEINGS OFTEN IGNORE THEIRS

1. One of the remarkable qualities of nature is consistency.
2. Water behaves today exactly as it behaved centuries ago.
3. Gravity remains stubbornly reliable.
4. Rivers still seek the lowest point.
5. Rain still falls where atmospheric conditions permit.
6. Floodwaters still search for available pathways.
7. Nature rarely breaks its own rules.

Human beings, however, regularly break theirs. Across many communities, drains designed to carry stormwater have become unofficial rubbish bins. Plastic bottles, food containers, old furniture, discarded appliances, construction debris, and household waste accumulate until drainage systems become little more than decorative trenches.

Then the rains arrive.

1. The water searches for a route.
2. The route no longer exists.
3. The flood follows.

And somehow society behaves as though the outcome was unexpected.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): When water refuses to stay where it belongs, it is often because human beings first refused to respect where it belonged.

The river is not rebelling. The flood is not plotting revenge. The water is simply responding to the environment that human beings created. In many cases, what we call a natural disaster is partly a behavioural disaster wearing a natural disguise.

THE EXPENSIVE COMEDY OF HUMAN CONTRADICTIONS

Human beings can occasionally be unintentionally hilarious.

1. We throw rubbish into drains and later complain about flooding.
2. We build houses on waterways and later complain about the water.
3. We destroy wetlands and later complain that nature no longer protects us.
4. We approve developments on floodplains and later express shock when floodwaters arrive.

There are moments when society resembles a person who deliberately locks every emergency exit in a building and then becomes outraged when evacuation proves difficult during a fire. The humour may provoke a smile. The consequences should provoke concern.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): The flood often knows exactly where it is going. The surprise usually belongs to the people who blocked its original route.

The irony is almost poetic. We frequently accuse nature of being unreasonable while behaving as though natural laws should suspend themselves for our convenience. Yet rivers have never attended town planning meetings.

• Rainfall has never negotiated building permits.
• Water has never agreed to ignore gravity simply because human beings made poor decisions.
• Nature remains faithful to its responsibilities.

The question is whether we remain faithful to ours.

HISTORY HAS BEEN WARNING US FOR YEARS

One of the most frustrating aspects of flooding disasters is that they are rarely surprises.

The warning signs usually appear years before the catastrophe.

• Engineers issue reports.
• Urban planners raise concerns.
• Environmental experts publish recommendations.
• Communities notice blocked drains.
• Citizens observe illegal developments.
• The evidence accumulates.
• The warnings multiply.
• The risks become obvious.
• Yet little changes.
• Then the predictable finally arrives.
• The flood becomes today’s headline.

The ignored warnings become yesterday’s forgotten conversations.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): Most disasters announce their arrival long before they arrive. Human beings simply become remarkably skilled at ignoring invitations.

The Netherlands offers an instructive example. Much of the country sits below sea level, yet it remains one of the world’s leading examples of flood management. Rather than fighting nature blindly, the Dutch invested heavily in understanding it. Singapore transformed flood management through disciplined urban planning, environmental regulation, drainage infrastructure, and public education. Japan continuously upgrades its flood protection systems despite facing some of the world’s most challenging weather conditions.

These countries recognised a simple truth. Nature cannot always be controlled. Human behaviour can.

THE BILL ALWAYS ARRIVES

Flooding is not merely an environmental problem.

1. It is an economic problem.
2. It is a health problem.
3. It is a governance problem.
4. It is a development problem.

Every flooded business loses income.

1. Every damaged road requires expensive repairs.
2. Every destroyed home creates emotional and financial hardship.
3. Every disrupted school affects learning.
4. Every contaminated water source threatens public health.

Eventually someone pays. Usually, everyone pays.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): The drain you neglect today may send an invoice to your entire community tomorrow.

Perhaps that is why flooding should concern everyone, including those who never experience it directly. The costs eventually spread through taxes, insurance claims, infrastructure budgets, healthcare systems, and economic productivity. The water may enter one neighbourhood. The consequences eventually visit many others.

WHAT MUST CHANGE BEFORE THE NEXT STORM

If the diagnosis is clear, the response must also be honest.

1. The first change must be behavioural.

Citizens must begin treating drains as critical infrastructure rather than convenient waste disposal sites. A drainage channel may appear insignificant during dry weather, yet become the difference between safety and disaster during heavy rainfall.

1. The second change must be cultural.

Environmental responsibility must become a shared social expectation rather than an occasional public campaign. Communities should feel collective ownership of public spaces and public infrastructure.

1. The third change must be institutional.

Planning regulations should be enforced consistently. Waterways should remain waterways. Wetlands should remain wetlands. Flood plains should remain flood plains.

1. The fourth change must be Accountable stewardship

People and professionals in these institutions responsible for issuing permits and certifications for structures or land use must be held accountable. Where necessary, they must be prosecuted for negligence and, if need be, their professional licence to practice revoked.

• The fifth change must be educational.

Environmental literacy should become part of civic education from an early age. Children should understand that environmental stewardship is not optional. It is a requirement for sustainable development.

• The sixth change must be political.

Governments must prioritise preventive infrastructure investment rather than waiting for disasters before responding.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): The cheapest flood prevention project is usually the one completed before the flood arrives.

The world has already demonstrated what works. The challenge is rarely knowledge. The challenge is discipline.

WHAT IS WRONG WITH US?

Perhaps we have finally arrived at the most uncomfortable question of all. What is wrong with us?

What is wrong with us is not that nature behaves like nature.

1. Rain has always fallen.
2. Storms have always formed.
3. Rivers have always flowed.
4. Floodwaters have always followed gravity.
5. Nature remains remarkably consistent.

What is wrong with us is that we often expect exemption from consequences.

1. We want the convenience of building anywhere.
2. We want the convenience of dumping waste carelessly.
3. We want the convenience of ignoring regulations.
4. We want the convenience of short-term thinking.

Then we become surprised when long-term consequences arrive.

NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom): Nature rarely sends a bill immediately. It simply keeps accurate records.

And perhaps that is the most inconvenient truth of all.

The rain is not our enemy.  The flood is often not our enemy.  The real enemy may be the behaviour that repeatedly places both in positions to cause maximum damage. Because rain does not need permission to fall.

Flooding does not need permission to destroy. Human behaviour, however, possesses an extraordinary ability to reduce the destruction caused by both. The tragedy is that we often wait for the storm before discussing what should have been done during the sunshine. History teaches that nations rarely become victims of the problems they cannot control. More often, they become victims of the problems they could have controlled but chose to postpone.

1. The next flood will come.
2. The next rainy season will arrive.
3. The next storm will form.

The real question is whether the next disaster is already being prepared today by the choices we continue to make, the warnings we continue to ignore, and the responsibilities we continue to avoid. For if we are honest, the rain may not be asking us the hardest question. Our behaviour might be.

About Ing. Professor Douglas Boateng

Ing. Professor Douglas Boateng is a pioneering international industrial, manufacturing, and production systems engineer, governance strategist, and Pan-African thought leader whose work continues to shape boardroom thinking, supply chain transformation, and industrialisation across both the continent and globally. As Africa’s first appointed Professor Extraordinaire in Supply Chain Management, he has consistently championed the integration of procurement, value chain, industrialisation strategy, and governance into national and continental development agendas, aligning practice with purpose and long-term impact. An International Chartered Director and Chartered Engineer, he has received numerous lifetime achievement awards and authored several authoritative books. He is also the scribe of the globally acclaimed and widely followed daily NyansaKasa (Words of Wisdom), which continues to inspire reflection, accountability, and purposeful living among audiences worldwide. His work is driven by a simple yet powerful belief: Africa’s transformation will not come from rhetoric but from deliberate action, strong institutions, and leaders willing to build for future generations.

By Ing. Professor Douglas Boateng
Chartered Director UK • Chartered Engineer UK • Fellow Institute of Directors UK • Fellow Ghana Institution of Engineering

Unfortunately, lately there have been too many traffic lights that aren’t working and are left unattended for weeks, sometimes months, adding to the stress for drivers, especially those of us who want to drive safely and soundly.

There are also too many sirens and warning flashes from behind or from oncoming vehicles as one waits in a very tight traffic queue with no space to pull aside or give way. These nuisance sirens and “emergency lights” tend to completely confuse a conscientious driver whose focus is on driving safely.

Default lights

Earlier this year, I started counting how many default traffic lights there were whenever I was out there. I, however, lost complete count, realising that I was overburdening myself needlessly. Now the reality is dawning, and one cannot help but speak out. There are just too many malfunctioning traffic lights to contend with.

Many drivers will admit that the chaos and danger at intersections with faulty traffic lights pose a risk in this era of endless lawlessness among commercial motorcycle riders (Okada) and now tricycle riders. They have tripled in numbers, and their bold affronts in causing additional mayhem at intersections where traffic lights are not functioning are unimaginable.

Though one tries hard to grapple with the nuances of Okada and tricycles on normal days, on abnormal days, when traffic lights do not work, especially at busy intersections, which is where one begins to curse those who are in charge of traffic lights in the city. Is it that they do not care, that their systems do not function well, and so they are unable to tell which one is faulty from their control rooms, or that they do not have systems in place for automatic tracking?

Ordinarily, why should traffic lights, which are meant to bring normalcy and some degree of orderliness on our busy roads, be left to go off for months and weeks?  

Sirens and warning lights

As the neglect goes on unattended, others take advantage to cause even more mayhem on our roads. I am talking about those who consistently use sirens and warning lights to get through traffic as if they are special and cannot wait in line, just like everyone else out there.

A friend recounted how, at a non-functional traffic light in the airport area, a motorcycle with a siren, leading a convoy of four vehicles with flashing lights, hit the back of her car at a faulty traffic light intersection, where there was chaos as usual, with no room to manoeuvre to the side. The siren just sped off. 

The car was badly dented, so she drove to the nearest police station to report, and was told that because those motorcades with sirens were not identified by number plates, it was difficult to trace the culprit.  She had to bear thousands of cedis in repairs to get her car fixed.

Crack down on sirens, emergency lights

The good news is that in some areas on the highways, the police Motor Traffic and Transport Department (MTTD) seems to be cracking down on the needless use of sirens and emergency lights.

In the Ghanaian Times newspaper of last Tuesday, June 2, the East Regional MTTD is reported to have arrested 13 drivers for the unauthorised use of sirens and emergency lights during a special enforcement exercise conducted along the Kasoa-Winneba highway.

Reportedly, the operation that took place on 30th May at Budumburam was meant to educate offenders on Regulations 65 and 74 of the Road Traffic Regulations 2012 (L.I. 2180), after which they were processed in accordance with the law.

Further to that, drivers who were found using unauthorised sirens and emergency lamps had them removed from their vehicles, and the drivers were issued with warning letters and cautioned against the practice.

Perhaps it is time for the MTTDs in the capital to start applying Regulations 65 and 74 to check the unauthorised use of sirens and flashlights in traffic by a few, while taking serious action on malfunctioning traffic lights. Restoring them to proper functioning will help the police focus on other policing issues while maintaining safety at intersections.

The police MTTDs, admittedly, are doing their best to assist in the mornings to bring some sanity where the lights are not working.  However, by mid-morning when they leave for their various offices, chaos returns. 

We need our traffic lights to work all the time, 24 hours a day, nonstop. They help to enforce order and discipline on our roads while keeping all drivers and pedestrians safe.

*******

The writer can be reached via email at vickywirekoandoh@yahoo.com

As if to really dare the STATE, the terrorists have refuased to negotiate with families of the victims, insisting on speaking only with state officials. On Wednesday, news filtered in that the terrorists are demanding a ¦ 1 billion ransom to be paid into an account in Benin Republic, the release of detained accomplices, two Toyota Hilux vehicles, weapons, and legal concessions favouring their extremist operations. In the interim, the Oyo State House of Assembly and Governor Seyi Makinde’s administration have rejected any form of negotiation with the terrorists, demanding an uncompromised military and police rescue operation. A federal delegation comprising the Chief of Staff, the National Security Adviser, and the Minister of Defence has visited the state to coordinate rescue operations.

Before the ransom demand was made, kidnappers struck again in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, and abducted Mrs Olaide Busayo John-Paul and her twin sons as she made to drive them to school in the Elewura area of Ibadan. Mrs John-Paul is a younger sister of the immediate past Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, and the abductors are yet to make contact.

The above is by way of information and recap. It really looks to me that we may be heading towards a resolution of our insecurity conundrum as the felons who engage in this nefarious business appear to be striking closer to the echelons of power, exemplified in the kidnap of Adelabu’s younger sister. This streak of optimism is anchored on our experience with our rulers in these climes. For instance, bad roads don’t get repaired until a big man or ruling party topshot uses the road and complains; and an area long starved of electricity gets reprieve only when a resident who “knows” a big man implores the said potentate to intervene and they get a transformer. And so on. Maybe when a governor’s convoy is attacked and a governor’s wife gets dragged out of her car and whisked into the forests by kidnappers, then people in power might begin to appreciate the gravity of the insecurity situation and do the needful

Maybe I’m being too optimistic. But what is getting clearer everyday is that government and our security agencies, as presently constituted, seem incapable of routing the menace of kidnapping and banditry. What we see and hear each time there is an incident are press statements from state houses, sympathising with the families of victims and vows that the situation will not repeat itself. Until the next one happens. After kidnaps in Oyo and Askira Uba of Borno State, what did we hear from the president? Is it not after that Adelabu’s sister and twin sons got kidnapped? I recall the Plateau killings and the president’s assurances when he visited that it will not happen again. I can bet the Presidency itself has lost count of the number of people killed in Plateau State since then.

We really have problems; tons of them, especially when you look around you and cannot really see why you have a government. Virtually all water corporations in the states have abdicated; we all drill boreholes or dig wells for our water supply. Even government offices have boreholes! For electricity, we gave up a long time ago as we all opted to power our needs with the use of generators. Now that petrol and diesel costs are choking all of us, we are shifting to solar energy. When we fall sick, we fly abroad for treatment while fellow compatriots who can only dream of such option simply die. Now security, which is the primary duty of government in the social contract, we have lost. Why else do we have a government?Even what remains of education in our mangled system is being taken from our children as kidnappers now target schools. Again, what do people in government do?

Now that the whole nation is in the vice-grips of kidnappers and bandits, maybe the politicians in Abuja and government houses in state capitals will put on their thinking caps and come up with durable solutions. But I have a feeling they will not, because they cannot abandon the more rewarding activities that will ensure re-election; because getting re-elected guarantees better welfare than solving the insecurity problem. 

At the moment, we must realise that kidnapping has taken on a life of its own; it has become an industry. It is easy to finger Fulani herdsmen, not that they are blameless, but we must acknowledge that many of our youths are into kidnapping and banditry in an effort to make meaning of their lives that have been made meaningless by clueless politicians posing as messiahs. If there is gainful employment, an enabling environment for businesses, the development of rural areas, and access to education, as done in the LOOBO states between 1979 and 1983, maybe we can begin to see an end to insecurity. Right now, what we need is a solution of the nature that the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua deployed against militancy during his time in office. But our politicians are thinking only of elections. I think we should tell them to forget about that, just continue in office, but end the insecurity. Abi? TGIF.

For Ghana, the theme is especially important because the country’s environmental challenges are already visible. Climate change is no longer an abstract global conversation. It is seen in erratic rainfall, urban floods, drought, sea-level rise, coastal erosion, polluted water bodies and increasing pressure on land and forests. The question, therefore, is not whether Ghana should act. The real question is how quickly and how effectively the country can turn environmental concern into governance, enforcement, innovation and long-term resilience.

The Government of Ghana’s environmental direction can be understood through four connected priorities: restoring forests, protecting water bodies, promoting responsible mining, and strengthening climate resilience.

Restoring Nature: Tree for Life and Forest Recovery
One of the clearest examples of Ghana’s response to the World Environment Day theme is the Tree for Life Reforestation Initiative. The programme is positioned as a flagship intervention to combat desertification, restore degraded landscapes and support Ghana’s participation in carbon markets. Under the 2025 phase of the initiative, about 23,600 hectares of degraded landscapes were restored, with 30.8 million seedlings planted nationwide. The initiative also reportedly created more than 41,000 green jobs, training youth and rural communities in agroforestry and sustainable timber practices.

This is important because restoration is not just about planting trees. It is about rebuilding ecological systems that support rainfall, protect soil, store carbon, conserve biodiversity and sustain rural livelihoods. When Ghana restores degraded landscapes, it is not only responding to climate change; it is also investing in food security, community resilience and future economic opportunity.

Forest recovery has also become central to the national environmental agenda. The Forestry Commission’s colour-coded threat index for monitoring illegal mining incursions into forest reserves provides a practical way of identifying high-risk areas and directing enforcement. All nine designated “Red Zone” forest reserves had been recovered, while the number of fully secured “Green Zone” reserves increased to eleven.

This matters because forest reserves are not empty lands waiting for extraction. They are ecological assets. They protect water sources, preserve biodiversity, regulate local climate systems and provide life-supporting services to communities. Protecting forest reserves is therefore a climate action, a water security action and a public health action.

Protecting Water Bodies: The Blue Water Project
The theme “Inspired by Nature” is also a reminder that rivers are living systems. They connect communities, agriculture, fisheries, health and livelihoods. When rivers are polluted, the damage travels far beyond the point of contamination.

In response to the pollution of major river bodies such as the Pra, Ankobra and Birim, the government introduced the Blue Water Initiative. The Blue Water Guards have been trained as a frontline environmental protection force to support surveillance, navigation and environmental enforcement. A new batch of 452 guards passed out from the Ezinlibo Naval Base on 15th May 2026, bringing the total active number of Blue Water Guards to 2,071 personnel deployed nationwide across mining hotspots.

Their work, in collaboration with the Ghana Navy and the National Anti-Illegal Mining Operations Secretariat, focuses on intercepting riverbed dredging equipment and illegal water pumping setups. Reported enforcement outcomes include improved water turbidity in some areas, more than 1,500 arrests, over 300 excavators seized, and more than 1,500 water pumping machines confiscated.

This connects directly with World Environment Day because climate action is not only about reducing emissions. It is also about protecting the natural systems that sustain life. Clean rivers are essential for agriculture, drinking water, ecosystems, public health and community survival. Protecting water bodies is therefore one of the most practical ways of working for climate and for the future.

Responsible Mining and Gold Governance
Gold remains central to Ghana’s economy. Ghana’s total export earnings rose to about US$31.1 billion in 2025, compared with about US$19.1 billion in 2024. Gold exports reportedly reached around US$20 billion in 2025, making gold the country’s largest export earner. GoldBod also exceeded its 2025 small-scale gold export target of 100 metric tons, mobilising more than US$10 billion in foreign exchange revenue.

These figures show why gold matters. However, World Environment Day also reminds us that economic value must not come at the cost of ecological destruction. Ghana’s challenge is not simply to produce more gold, but to govern the gold value chain responsibly.

The Ghana Gold Board’s role in formalising and regulating the artisanal and small-scale mining sector is therefore significant. Through Act 1140, GoldBod has authority to grade, assay, weigh and value ASM gold, as well as to purchase, sell and export gold from the sector. The rollout of District Gold Buying Centres is expected to improve miners’ access to formal purchasing channels, reduce dependence on intermediaries and strengthen pricing transparency.

GoldBod’s traceability agenda is particularly relevant to environmental governance. The planned blockchain-based Track and Trace system is intended to support end-to-end tracking of gold from mine to export, ensure that gold originates from verified and environmentally compliant sources, and align Ghana’s gold sector with international responsible sourcing standards. In this context about 600 mines will be supported under a traceability pilot programme.

This is where the World Environment Day theme becomes practical. Responsible gold governance means ensuring that gold contributes to national development without destroying forests, rivers and communities. It means linking economic transformation with environmental compliance, transparency and accountability.

Closing the Forest Reserve Mining Loophole
Another major policy direction is the revocation of L.I. 2462, which had allowed mining licences to be issued in forest reserves and Globally Significant Biodiversity Areas under certain conditions. The repeal blocked the finalisation of mining licences across 25 major forest reserves, including 12 internationally recognised biodiversity hubs. Atewa Forest Reserve was also reportedly excluded from multi-year bauxite mining interests, with steps underway to upgrade its legal protection.

This is one of the strongest examples of environmental governance because it shows that law is also a climate tool. When the law protects forests, rivers and biodiversity, it protects the future. Environmental protection cannot depend only on public campaigns. It requires legislation, enforcement, institutional coordination and political will.

Climate Resilience: The Role of the Ghana Hydrological Authority
Ghana’s climate reality is also visible in floods, sea-level rise and coastal erosion. The Ghana Hydrological Authority’s data shows that Ghana is exposed to multiple climate-related disasters, including floods and droughts. The country is experiencing erratic rainfall patterns, drought, increased flash floods, sea-level rise of about 3mm per year along the coast, and consistent pressure on urban drainage systems.

Past extreme events demonstrate the seriousness of the problem. The June 3, 2015 Accra flood disaster affected over 52,000 people, led to the loss of more than 150 lives, and caused major asset losses. The Akosombo Dam spillage also affected more than 30,000 people downstream, with impacts on homes, livelihoods and critical infrastructure.

This is why the work of the Ghana Hydrological Authority is central to climate adaptation. HYDRO supports flood resilience, coastal vulnerability reduction, water security and sustainable urban development. Its work includes hydrological data collection, flood forecasting, drainage infrastructure, coastal protection and early warning systems.

Flood Early Warning Systems such as FEWS–Volta, FEWS–Oti and the ongoing FEWS–Accra are especially important. FEWS–Accra, under the GARID Project, involves telemetry gauges, rain radar, modelling software, rainfall-runoff modelling, forecasting platforms and public alert systems. It is a multi-agency effort involving HYDRO, NADMO, GMet, WRC and MMDAs, with the aim of improving flood risk management in the Odaw River Basin.

This shows that climate adaptation is not only about building drains after floods occur. It is about data, prediction, communication, planning and preparedness. Early warning systems save lives because they give communities and institutions time to act.

HYDRO’s work also includes coastal protection against sea-level rise, erosion and tidal flooding. Interventions such as revetments, breakwaters, groynes, gabion defences and sand nourishment help stabilise coastlines, protect infrastructure and support livelihoods in fisheries and tourism.

Importantly, HYDRO’s drainage work also recognises the value of nature-based solutions. Wetlands are described as natural infrastructure because they absorb excess rainwater and reduce downstream flooding. This is a powerful reminder that “Inspired by Nature” is not a slogan. Nature already provides solutions. The task of government is to protect these natural systems and integrate them into national planning.

The Bigger Message: Environmental Governance for the Future
This year’s World Environment Day theme challenges Ghana to think beyond celebration and move toward implementation. Being inspired by nature means recognising that forests, rivers, wetlands and coastlines are not obstacles to development. They are the foundation of sustainable development.

Working for climate means investing in restoration, responsible mining, flood forecasting, drainage infrastructure, water protection, coastal resilience and environmental enforcement.

Building for the future means ensuring that today’s economic decisions do not destroy the ecological systems that future generations will need to survive.

The Government of Ghana’s emerging environmental direction shows that environmental protection must be treated as a national development priority. Gold governance, forest protection, water security, climate adaptation and youth-focused green jobs are not separate issues. They are part of one national agenda: building a Ghana that is economically strong, environmentally secure and climate resilient.

World Environment Day should therefore be a reminder that Ghana’s environmental future will not be built by government alone. It will require scientists, lawyers, engineers, hydrologists, planners, traditional authorities, community leaders, miners, farmers, students and young professionals working together.

The task before Ghana is clear: protect what sustains life, govern natural resources responsibly, and build climate resilience for the next generation. That is what it means to be inspired by nature, to act for climate, and to prepare for the future.

THEOPHILUS BERCHIE- OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT

When the Deputy Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Dr. Justice Srem Sai publicly announced that, judgment in the Ashanti Regional New Patriotic Party (NPP) Chairman, Bernard Antwi Boasiako, popularly known as Wontumi’s case would be delivered on July 3, 2026, it immediately intensified public debate.

For many observers, the confidence surrounding the announcement appeared to suggest that the destination of the trial had become as much a subject of discussion as the journey itself.

This is precisely why the events of July 3 must be viewed through a broader lens. The issue before the nation is no longer merely about allegations of illegal mining.

It is about the integrity of due process, the perception of fairness within our justice system, and the dangerous intersection where law and politics often collide.

The Weight of Political History
In every democracy, the prosecution of a prominent opposition figure inevitably raises questions beyond the courtroom.

Citizens begin to ask whether the process is driven solely by evidence and law or influenced by political considerations.

It is against this backdrop that the case involving Chairman Bernard Antwi Boasiako, popularly known as Chairman Wontumi, has attracted such intense national attention.

For many observers, the case has become a symbol of a broader debate about justice, power, and political neutrality.

The question is no longer whether such perceptions exist.
The real question is whether our institutions can rise above them.

The Politics of Timing
Politics often rewards timing, and timing often shapes perception. Many analysts have observed that the speed with which this matter has progressed stands in contrast to the pace typically associated with complex, high-profile prosecutions.

Such observations naturally raise questions.

Why the urgency?

Why the accelerated timetable?

Why the apparent determination to conclude proceedings before significant political developments within the NPP?

These are legitimate questions in any democracy. They do not undermine the judicial process; rather, they reinforce the public’s right to scrutinize it.
Justice must not only be done. It must be seen to be done.

The Judiciary’s Moment of Truth
On July 3, the central figure in the dock may be Chairman Wontumi. Yet in a broader sense, the institution on trial is the judiciary itself.

The court now carries a responsibility that extends far beyond the fate of one political actor. Its decision will inevitably shape public confidence in the independence, impartiality, and credibility of Ghana’s justice system.

A ruling perceived as grounded solely in evidence and law will strengthen democratic institutions regardless of which side celebrates or mourns the outcome.
A ruling perceived as the product of political pressure, however, would deepen national cynicism and weaken confidence in the very institutions designed to protect citizens from arbitrary power.

A Defining Choice
History offers every nation moments that reveal the strength of its institutions. This is one such moment.

Will Ghana reaffirm the principle that courts exist to interpret law rather than settle political scores?

Will judicial independence prove stronger than partisan expectations?

Will constitutional principles outweigh the pressures of political expediency?

These are the questions that now dominate public discourse.

A Call for National Vigilance
At this critical juncture, civil society organizations, the legal fraternity, the media, and citizens have a collective responsibility.
Our commitment must not be to personalities.
Our commitment must be to principles.
The rule of law loses its meaning when legal processes are perceived as instruments of political convenience. Equally, democracy loses its credibility when public confidence in the courts begins to erode.

Regardless of political affiliation, every Ghanaian should want a judiciary that is fearless, independent, and guided exclusively by law.

Ghana’s Real Verdict
On July 3, a verdict will undoubtedly be delivered in the case involving Chairman Wontumi.
But another verdict will also be rendered.
That verdict will be delivered by history.
It will judge whether Ghana’s democratic institutions stood firm in the face of political pressure or yielded to the temptations of partisan retribution.

The outcome will determine far more than the fate of one individual.
It will speak to the character of our democracy, the strength of our institutions, and the future of justice in the Republic of Ghana.

July 3 is therefore not merely about Chairman Wontumi.

It is a test of Ghana itself.

Ewuradjoa Coleman
Dir. Media & Communications
(Wontumi Campaign)

For decades, A.C. Ohene has quietly influenced Ghanaian journalism, not merely through the stories he edited or the newsrooms he managed, but through the countless journalists he trained, mentored, and inspired. While many media personalities are celebrated for their visibility on television and radio, Mr Ohene’s greatest legacy lies behind the scenes, where he helped shape the values and professionalism of generations of reporters.

The Teacher Behind the Headlines

Those who have worked with A.C. Ohene often describe him as a teacher first and an editor second.

His newsroom was not simply a place where stories were filed and edited; it was a classroom where young journalists learned the fundamentals of accuracy, fairness, balance, and ethical reporting.

Former colleagues recall his meticulous editing style and insistence on getting facts right before publication. During his years at the Ghanaian Chronicle, journalists remember how he carefully reviewed reports, challenging assumptions, correcting errors, and demanding excellence from every reporter who passed through his newsroom.

For many young journalists, the lessons learned from A.C. Ohene extended beyond journalism. He taught discipline, patience, critical thinking, and the importance of credibility—qualities that remain the foundation of successful media careers.

A Champion of Professional Journalism

At a time when journalism faces growing pressure from misinformation, sensationalism, and the rapid pace of digital news, A.C. Ohene has consistently advocated for professionalism and ethical standards.

His career has been guided by a simple but powerful belief: journalism’s first obligation is to the truth.

Colleagues say he repeatedly reminded young reporters that journalism is a public trust and that every published story has consequences for individuals, institutions, and society.

That commitment to responsible journalism earned him respect across the media industry and positioned him as a trusted voice on matters relating to editorial standards and media ethics.

Building Newsrooms and Building People

The true measure of a mentor is not what they achieve personally but what they help others achieve.

Throughout his career, A.C. Ohene has played a significant role in developing journalistic talent in Ghana. Many reporters, editors, producers, and broadcasters working across the country’s leading media organizations today passed through newsrooms where his influence was felt.

Whether training reporters, supervising editors, or guiding interns taking their first steps in journalism, he approached every opportunity as a chance to nurture excellence.

His mentorship style combined firmness with encouragement. He demanded high standards but also believed in helping young journalists discover their strengths and build confidence in their abilities.

As a result, many professionals continue to credit him for helping shape their careers.

Leadership Through Example

A.C. Ohene’s leadership has never been defined by loud declarations or public attention. Instead, it has been characterized by consistency, humility, and a relentless commitment to quality.

In senior editorial positions, including within the Multimedia Group, he became known as a steady hand who valued teamwork, accountability, and editorial integrity. His ability to navigate complex media challenges while maintaining professional standards earned him admiration from colleagues and industry stakeholders alike. (GhHeadlines)

His career demonstrates that leadership is not merely about occupying positions of authority; it is about influencing people positively and helping institutions grow stronger.

A Legacy That Endures

The impact of A.C. Ohene cannot be measured solely by the stories he edited or the positions he held.

His legacy lives on in the journalists he mentored, the standards he upheld, and the culture of professionalism he helped cultivate within Ghana’s media industry.

At a time when the media environment continues to evolve rapidly, his career serves as a reminder that the fundamental principles of journalism—truth, accuracy, fairness, and responsibility—remain as important as ever.

For aspiring journalists, A.C. Ohene’s journey offers an important lesson: success in journalism is not only about breaking stories or achieving fame. It is about earning trust, serving the public interest, and helping others grow.

The Unsung Architect of Media Excellence

While the public often celebrates those in front of the camera or behind the microphone, the story of A.C. Ohene reminds us that some of the most influential figures in journalism work quietly behind the scenes.

As a media guru, trainer, editor, and mentor, he has dedicated his life to building not just newsrooms but people.

His contribution to Ghanaian journalism is a testament to the power of service, knowledge, and mentorship. Through the journalists he has trained and the standards he has championed, A.C. Ohene’s influence will continue to shape Ghana’s media landscape for generations to come.

Adenta building collapse: Margaret died trying to save her children –…

Weija dam spillage: Authorities will take tough decisions in good faith…

Yet when the next rainy season arrives, the same tragedy repeats itself.

The painful truth is that Accra’s flooding crisis is no longer simply a problem of rainfall. It is a crisis of attitude, indiscipline, poor planning, weak enforcement of laws, and a collective refusal to do what is right. Until these behaviours change, no amount of drainage projects, government spending, or emergency interventions will permanently solve the problem.

The Real Solution to Flooding in Accra

For decades, the people of Ghana have watched with sadness as torrential rains turn parts of Accra into rivers. Families lose homes, businesses suffer devastating losses, roads become impassable, and lives are tragically cut short. Every rainy season brings renewed anxiety, especially for residents living in flood-prone communities.

After every disaster, the same questions are asked. Why does Accra continue to flood? Why do lives continue to be lost? Why has a lasting solution remained elusive despite years of discussions, studies, and promises?

Many people point to climate change and increasing rainfall intensity. Others blame successive governments for failing to invest sufficiently in drainage infrastructure. While these explanations contain some truth, they do not fully explain the problem.

The uncomfortable reality is that many of the devastating floods in Accra today are largely the result of human actions and inactions.
Across the city, drains designed to carry stormwater are routinely clogged with plastic waste, discarded household items, and other forms of refuse. During heavy rains, these blocked drainage systems become incapable of handling the volume of water flowing through them. The water then spills into streets, homes, schools, shops, and workplaces.
This situation is not caused by nature alone. It is caused by behaviour.

How can a city successfully manage floods when some citizens continue to treat gutters and waterways as dumping sites?

Equally troubling is the persistent construction of buildings on waterways, wetlands, and flood-prone lands. In many cases, structures that should never have been approved are allowed to remain standing. Natural channels through which water once flowed freely have been blocked by houses, walls, and commercial developments.

When heavy rains arrive, water simply attempts to reclaim its natural path.
The result is predictable: “flooding, destruction, and suffering.”

Unfortunately, responsibility for this problem cannot be placed solely on ordinary citizens. Regulatory institutions, planning authorities, local assemblies, traditional leaders, and public officials also have important roles to play.
Questions must be asked.
How do buildings continue to appear on waterways?
How are permits granted for developments in high-risk areas?
Why are illegal structures often allowed to remain until disaster strikes?

The enforcement of planning regulations must become stronger, more transparent, and more consistent. Rules that exist only on paper cannot protect lives.
Yet even stricter enforcement alone will not solve the problem.
A broader change in national attitude is required.

Many Ghanaians become concerned about flooding only when a disaster occurs. Once the floodwaters disappear and life returns to normal, public attention fades. The urgency that existed during the crisis is forgotten until the next rainy season arrives.
This cycle must end.

Flood prevention should not be a seasonal discussion. It must become a year-round commitment involving citizens, businesses, community leaders, and government institutions alike.
Every resident has a role to play.

Every person who disposes of waste responsibly contributes to a safer city.
Every community that keeps its drains clean helps reduce flood risks.
Every developer who respects planning regulations protects lives and property.
Every public official who refuses corruption strengthens public safety.

In addition to addressing immediate causes, Ghana must also confront some of the deeper structural issues contributing to Accra’s growing vulnerability.
One major factor is excessive rural-to-urban migration.
For decades, Accra has attracted people from all parts of the country in search of jobs, education, healthcare, and better opportunities. As the population continues to grow rapidly, demand for housing increases. This pressure often encourages uncontrolled development and settlement in unsafe locations.
The long-term solution lies in balanced national development.

The government must continue efforts to decentralise economic opportunities by creating industries, businesses, educational institutions, and public services across all regions of the country. When meaningful opportunities exist outside Accra, fewer people will feel compelled to relocate to the capital.
Transportation infrastructure is equally important.

An efficient railway network connecting Accra to surrounding towns and regions could significantly reduce population pressure within the city. Many people would gladly live in safer and less congested communities if reliable transportation allowed them to commute comfortably to work and back.

Countries around the world have demonstrated that effective transportation systems can ease urban congestion while improving the quality of life.

Accra can achieve similar results through long-term planning and investment.
Ultimately, the solution to flooding is not simply about constructing larger drains or dredging waterways. Those measures are important, but they address symptoms rather than causes.

The deeper challenge is one of responsibility.
Floods do not become disasters because rain falls.
They become disasters when drains are neglected.
They become disasters when waste is dumped indiscriminately.
They become disasters when waterways are blocked.
They become disasters when laws are ignored, and enforcement is weak.
If Ghana is serious about ending the annual cycle of destruction, then citizens and leaders alike must embrace a new culture of discipline, accountability, and long-term thinking.
A cleaner environment.

A more responsible citizenry.
A stronger planning system.
A more decentralised economy.
An efficient transportation network.

These are the foundations upon which a flood-resilient Accra can be built.
The rains will continue to come, just as they do in cities across the world.
The real question is whether we will finally change the attitudes and behaviours that turn a natural event into a national tragedy.
The solution to flooding in Accra begins with all of us.

ALSO READ:

NAPO urges Parliament to reconsider Anti-LGBTQ Bill amid controversy

Firefighters attacked while responding to Adubinsu tanker explosion

Eleven years after the June 3, 2015 fire and flood disaster that killed over 150 people at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle fuel station, Accra woke up to scenes many had vowed would never happen again.

This time, it wasn’t just flood and fire. It was a triple disaster.

A mantra turned cliché

“Never Again.” That was the theme that followed the 2015 tragedy, when choked drains met a downpour and a stray cigarette ignited fuel at the GOIL station.

The floodwaters trapped people seeking refuge from the rain. The fire took their lives. Millions of cedis in property were destroyed. Families were torn apart.

In the aftermath, a government-commissioned report blamed poor drainage, weak enforcement of building codes, and indiscriminate waste disposal. Promises were made. Drainage works were announced. “Never Again” became the mantra at every first, third, fifth anniversary commemoration.

But 11 years on, a light drop of rain still paralyzes parts of Accra. Drains remain choked. Buildings still go up without proper permits.
2026: Flood. Fire. Collapse.

Today’s events unfolded like a cruel echo of 2015, only worse:

1. Flood: Hours of rain submerged low-lying areas. NADMO teams were deployed to rescue residents and move victims to safety, just as they did 11 years ago.
2. Fire: A fire broke out at Accra’s Central Business District, sending thick smoke over the capital as firefighters battled to contain it.
3. Building collapse: While disaster managers and rescuers tried to douse the CBD fire, another team rushed to a collapsed building where many are feared trapped and dead. The coincidence was too painful to ignore. The same agencies, the same scenes, the same questions.
   Has any lesson been learned?
   For years, “Never Again” has drifted from rallying cry to cliché. Reports gathered dust. Demolition exercises made headlines, then stopped. Drains were desilted before rainy seasons, only to clog again with plastic and silt.
   Urban planners have warned for years that Accra’s rapid, unplanned growth and poor waste management were a disaster waiting to happen. Today, that warning came true – three times over.
   As rescue operations continue tonight, one question hangs over the capital: If 11 years, a government report, and over 150 lost lives could not make us change, what will?
   For the families mourning tonight, “Never Again” feels like the cruelest lie. Until drastic action replaces slogans, Accra may be forced to say it again next June 3.

Predictably, many have once again pointed fingers at former Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta, accusing him of orchestrating the collapse of GN Bank and other financial institutions.

Everyone is entitled to their opinion. However, before we rewrite history, there is one simple question that critics must answer: The first question is this: Did Ken Ofori-Atta personally take the decision to revoke the licence of any bank or financial institution in Ghana? The answer is no.

The authority to supervise financial institutions, determine their regulatory compliance, and where necessary revoke licences rests with the Bank of Ghana under Ghana’s banking laws.

The decisions to revoke licences during the banking sector cleanup were taken by the Bank of Ghana in the exercise of its statutory mandate as the country’s banking regulator.

It is important to be clear about this because much of the public discourse creates the impression that Ken Ofori-Atta personally shut down banks. He did not. He neither possessed the legal authority to revoke banking licences nor signed the revocation notices issued to affected institutions.

Indeed, his role during the cleanup was largely centred on helping government mobilise resources to protect depositors whose savings were at risk. Billions of cedis had to be found to ensure that customers of affected institutions could recover their funds and that confidence in the financial system was preserved.

If Ken Ofori-Atta’s primary role was helping to secure funds to protect depositors and stabilise the financial sector, it is fair to ask why he has become the principal target of criticism for decisions that were legally taken by the regulator. This does not mean every aspect of the cleanup was beyond criticism.

Reasonable people can debate the process, the pace, and the implementation. However, any serious discussion must begin with an accurate understanding of who made which decisions and under what authority.

The second question is equally important: Did Ken Ofori-Atta make the decisions that caused these institutions to fail, or did the owners and managers of those institutions make those decisions themselves? That question lies at the heart of this debate.

The Real Issue Was Governance Much of the public discussion conveniently ignores the actual reasons that necessitated regulatory intervention. Several institutions affected by the cleanup were found to have serious governance and financial challenges.

These included breaches of capital adequacy requirements, liquidity difficulties, related-party transactions, and, in some cases, an inability to meet obligations to customers and creditors. GN Bank itself faced concerns regarding its financial position and ability to satisfy regulatory requirements.

In fact, we were informed that at one point the institution struggled to pay employee salaries and was unable to honour some cheques issued by customers. Such a situation posed serious risks not only to depositors but also to confidence in the broader financial system.

Had the Bank of Ghana failed to intervene when these warning signs emerged, the consequences could have extended far beyond a single institution.

Confidence is the lifeblood of banking. Once depositors begin to fear that a bank may be unable to meet its obligations, panic can quickly spread to other institutions, triggering withdrawals, liquidity pressures, and instability across the sector. The Bank of Ghana’s responsibility is not merely to protect one institution but to safeguard the entire banking system.

Allowing a financially distressed institution to continue operating without adequate intervention could have undermined public confidence in banks generally, threatened depositors’ funds, increased systemic risk, and potentially created a wider banking crisis with serious consequences for Ghana’s economy.

So the obvious question is this: Did Ken Ofori-Atta approve the loans extended to related parties that were never repaid? Did Ken Ofori-Atta authorize the transfer of depositors’ funds to companies connected to bank owners and directors? Did Ken Ofori-Atta instruct management to breach capital adequacy requirements?

Did Ken Ofori-Atta approve loans that were allegedly used by some owners and insiders to acquire private assets? Did Ken Ofori-Atta authorize the use of liquidity support for purposes other than stabilizing troubled institutions? Did Ken Ofori-Atta sit in board meetings and approve the lending decisions that later created huge holes in these banks’ balance sheets?

Did Ken Ofori-Atta direct institutions to grant loans beyond acceptable limits? Did Ken Ofori-Atta instruct banks to ignore prudential regulations and risk management requirements? Of course not. The responsibility for running a bank rests with its owners, directors, and management.

Regulators do not decide who receives loans, how credit is assessed, how depositors’ funds are managed, or whether insiders receive preferential treatment. Those decisions are made within the institutions themselves. If a bank’s resources were diverted into related companies, if loans were granted and not recovered, if liquidity support was misapplied, or if funds found their way into private assets rather than strengthening the institution, responsibility must first lie with those who made those decisions—not with the Finance Minister.

That distinction is important. Government Tried to Save These Institutions First This is the part many critics rarely discuss. Before licences were revoked, regulators attempted to stabilize struggling institutions through various support measures.

Several institutions received substantial liquidity support from the Bank of Ghana. Some received hundreds of millions of cedis, while others reportedly received support running into billions.

If Ken Ofori-Atta’s objective was to destroy these institutions for political, personal, or competitive reasons, why provide financial support in the first place? Why attempt to rescue them? Why inject billions of taxpayers’ money into institutions that regulators supposedly wanted to collapse?

The argument simply does not make sense. One cannot reasonably claim that the government was determined to destroy these institutions while simultaneously providing them with significant financial support in an attempt to keep them afloat. That is a question critics have never satisfactorily answered.

The truth is that intervention did not begin with licence revocation. It began with efforts to save institutions that were already facing serious challenges. The Cleanup Was Never About One Man Another popular narrative is that GN Bank was singled out because of its founder. That argument becomes difficult to sustain when one considers the scale of the cleanup.

The exercise affected hundreds of financial institutions across multiple categories, including banks, savings and loans companies, microfinance institutions, and other deposit-taking entities. Different institutions had different owners, different shareholders, different management teams, and different political affiliations.

Are we seriously expected to believe that an exercise affecting nearly 400 institutions was designed solely to target one individual? That claim requires far more evidence than has ever been presented.

Even Independent Observers Acknowledged There Were Problems One does not have to agree with every aspect of the cleanup to acknowledge a simple fact: Ghana’s banking sector faced genuine challenges. The IMF supported reforms aimed at strengthening Ghana’s financial sector, including tighter supervision and recapitalisation of weak institutions.

The World Bank also consistently emphasized financial stability and stronger regulatory frameworks as essential for economic resilience. Credit rating agencies, investors, and financial analysts similarly acknowledged deep vulnerabilities in parts of the banking system and the need for intervention to protect depositors and restore confidence.

That does not mean every decision was perfect. Reasonable people can debate whether the process should have been slower, less costly, more transparent, or more restructuring-focused. Those are legitimate discussions. What is far less convincing is the suggestion that the entire cleanup was merely a political project directed at a handful of individuals.

A Present-Day Warning We Are Ignoring Recent reports concerning Equity Savings and Loans show thousands of depositors reportedly unable to access their funds, with closed branches and prolonged withdrawal difficulties. Whatever the final outcome of that situation, the lesson is obvious: when financial institutions become distressed and confidence collapses, ordinary people suffer first.

Small businesses stall. Families lose savings. Trust in the financial system erodes. This is exactly why regulators cannot afford to wait until a full collapse before acting. Yet instead of learning from these realities, public discourse is often reduced to political blame games. The Question That Remains Even today, many of those criticizing Ken Ofori-Atta rarely address the actual conduct that led to regulatory action.

If loans were granted beyond acceptable limits, who approved them? If related-party transactions occurred, who authorized them? If liquidity support was diverted from its intended purpose, who made that decision? If capital requirements were breached, who was responsible for ensuring compliance? Surely the answer cannot always be “Ken Ofori-Atta.”

At some point, accountability must rest with those who managed the institutions involved. Lessons from a Painful Chapter The recent Court of Appeal ruling will continue to generate legal and political debate. That is expected in any democracy. There is room for differing views on whether the banking sector cleanup was executed in the best possible way.

There is also room for debate about whether some institutions could have been restructured differently. However, there should be little debate about one fundamental principle: those who run financial institutions must be accountable for the decisions made within those institutions.

Before blaming Ken Ofori-Atta for the collapse of banks and other financial entities, critics should first answer a simple question: Who actually made the decisions that put those institutions in trouble? Until that question is honestly addressed, much of the criticism risks becoming politics rather than analysis.

I am tempted to conclude that many of those who continue to blame the former Finance Minister, Ken Ofori-Atta, are less interested in understanding what actually happened and more interested in finding a convenient political villain. A serious national conversation should not be about assigning blame where it does not belong.

Rather, it should focus on the lessons from this painful chapter in Ghana’s financial history and the reforms needed to ensure that such a crisis never occurs again. That would serve Ghana far better than recycling political narratives that overlook the actions and decisions of those who were actually entrusted with managing these institutions.

Efficient and effective public transportation in any country is essential for economic growth and social inclusion. Studies have shown a relationship between productivity, access to social services, and employment, among others, and the availability of well-coordinated and managed public transport systems.

For the purpose of this write-up, the discussion is confined to public transportation within the road transport sector.

In Ghana, where travel during rush hours from areas such as the University of Ghana to the Central Business District should ideally take no more than 15 minutes but currently exceeds one hour, serious concerns arise regarding the efficiency of the public transport system.

The long-term socio-economic consequences of such inefficiencies on productivity, fuel consumption, environmental sustainability, and quality of life are well documented.

Despite numerous policy interventions by successive governments, Ghana has made limited progress in developing and implementing coherent, sustainable, and cost-effective strategies to address the persistent challenges of the country’s ineffective and inefficient public transport system.

• State Operators, Weak Regulation and Road Safety

Ghana currently has three main state owned road transport operators: Intercity STC Coaches Ltd, Metro Mass Transit Ltd and Aayalolo. These institutions were established to provide safe, reliable and affordable transport services, and to serve as benchmarks for operational standards. With their experience and assets, they should be strong pillars of Ghana’s public transport system.

Unfortunately, their current technical, financial and operational condition raises serious questions. Aayalolo was introduced as a modern bus service, with buses, technology and institutional arrangements comparable to systems in better-managed cities. Yet, within a few years, the service struggled to survive.

This should force Ghana to ask why promising public transport initiatives fail to deliver sustainable results. Although I am not privy to any formal studies that evaluate and assign specific reasons for the performance of these state-owned institutions, my experience as Managing Director of both ISTC and MMT enables me to attribute the challenges broadly to a combination of internal and external factors.

One major weakness is the regulatory framework. Entry barriers are low, enforcement is weak, and there are limited safeguards for passengers and operators. A proper transport regulatory system should promote fair competition, protect passengers, ensure safety and support financial sustainability.

The expanded mandate of the National Road Safety Authority provides an opportunity to bring stronger discipline into the sector. Ghana needs enforceable standards covering vehicle condition, driver competence, passenger safety, route discipline, terminal management, service reliability and operator accountability.

Driver education and training must also be treated as a national priority. Ghana continues to record unacceptable levels of road traffic crashes, with serious consequences for families, productivity, tourism, health costs and national development. Driver skills and behaviour remain central to reducing crashes. Current training should move beyond basic defensive driving.

The Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority, National Road Safety Authority and accredited providers should modernise modules for commercial drivers, heavy goods vehicle drivers, motorcycle riders and potential okada operators.

• Fare Pricing, Fleet Renewal and Policy Recommendations

Passenger fares are another critical issue. Fare increases often lead to tension between passengers and operators, especially when fuel prices rise. Fuel is a major cost component, sometimes accounting for more than 30 per cent of operating cost.

But fare determination cannot be based on fuel alone. Tyres, spare parts, maintenance, insurance, wages, fixed costs and reasonable business margins must also be considered.

Many private operators do not know the true cost of providing services. This partly explains why many trotros are old and poorly maintained. Ghana needs a transparent passenger fare pricing model that reflects both fixed and operating costs, while protecting passengers from arbitrary increases.

1. Ghana should establish a clear national public transport regulatory framework, led by the Ministry of Transport with the National Road Safety Authority, Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority and local assemblies. This framework should define minimum standards for vehicle condition, driver competence, terminal operations, route discipline, passenger safety and service quality.
2. Government should support the gradual replacement of old trotros with high-occupancy buses through structured financing, leasing arrangements and incentives that allow private operators to acquire safer and more efficient buses while operating under regulated routes and schedules.
3. Intercity STC, Metro Mass Transit and Aayalolo should be restructured under a clearer policy direction. Their roles must be defined to avoid duplication, unhealthy competition and waste. They should become benchmark operators for safety, reliability, maintenance standards and professional transport management.
4. Ghana needs a transparent passenger fare pricing model. Fare adjustments should be based not only on fuel prices, but also on tyres, spare parts, maintenance, insurance, wages, fixed costs and a reasonable margin for operators. This will protect passengers and sustain operators.
5. Driver education and training should be modernised to include passenger handling, fatigue management, road safety technology, emergency response, vehicle inspection and professional ethics.
6. The Ministry of Transport should champion local bus assembly and maintenance capacity, including the revival of the Neoplan Assembly Plant. This would support local industry, reduce import dependence, create jobs and help operators acquire buses suited to Ghanaian conditions.
7. Technology should be introduced into public transport management. Digital ticketing, GPS tracking, fleet monitoring, route scheduling and fuel management systems can improve revenue control, reduce leakages and make services more predictable.

• Conclusion: Public Transport as a National Priority

Ghana’s public transport problem can be solved. What is required is bold reform, strong regulation, disciplined implementation and a shift from fragmented transport operations to a modern, safe, reliable and financially sustainable system.

Public transport must be seen as a national development priority. A country that wants to increase productivity, reduce congestion, expand access to jobs and improve quality of life cannot continue to rely on an inefficient and poorly regulated system. Reform is urgent.

About the Author:

Ing. Noble J. Appiah is a transport engineer, transport management expert, and road safety practitioner with over thirty (30) years of experience in the transport industry.

He has served in several executive leadership roles, including Managing Director of Intercity STC Coaches Limited and Metro Mass Transit Limited, Executive Director of the National Road Safety Commission (now the National Road Safety Authority), and Chief Executive of the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority. He currently works as a transport management and road safety consultant

While Ghana’s democratic framework guarantees freedom of speech and expression, that constitutional right was never intended to become a licence for abuse, misinformation, or the degradation of others.

Indeed, Ghanaian law recognises limits to irresponsible speech. Section 208 of the Criminal Offences Act, 1960 (Act 29) criminalizes the publication or reproduction of false statements, rumours, or reports that are likely to cause fear, alarm, or disturb the public peace.

In addition, the law of defamation provides remedies against false publications that damage the reputation of individuals. Although the wording of Section 208 has often been criticised as broad or vague, and concerns have been raised about its possible impact on freedom of expression.

The underlying principle remains important: freedom of speech does not grant anyone the right to publish falsehoods irresponsibly, spread misinformation, or unjustifiably attack defamation law provides remedies for false publications that damage individuals’ reputation and the reputation of others.

Constructive criticism, advocacy, and political accountability are essential pillars of democracy. However, there is a clear distinction between legitimate criticism and conduct that seeks merely to insult, provoke, intimidate, or destroy reputations through falsehoods, sensationalism, and personal attacks.

Public discourse should be guided by truth, decency, and restraint, particularly in an era where misinformation spreads rapidly and can cause lasting reputational, social, and even security consequences.

In recent times, there appears to be a noticeable rise in these behaviours, especially across social media and politically charged platforms, where some individuals publish allegations without verification and resort to abusive or inflammatory language against persons in authority and other public figures.

Unfortunately, activism in some quarters is gradually being reduced to insults, propaganda, and deliberate misinformation merely to gain public attention, social media relevance, or political favour.

This trend does not strengthen democracy; rather, it weakens the quality of national dialogue and undermines respect for institutions and leadership. A society where people speak without responsibility gradually becomes one where truth loses value and public confidence in governance erodes.

It is therefore important to strongly admonish all persons engaged in political commentary, activism, and media advocacy to exercise greater responsibility in their public utterances.

Information must be properly verified before publication. Disagreements must be expressed respectfully. Criticism should focus on policies, actions, and governance issues rather than descending into insults, character assassination, and needless hostility.

Freedom of speech is a constitutional right, but like all rights, it must be exercised with wisdom, discipline, and respect for the dignity of others. No democracy can thrive where abuse is mistaken for courage or where recklessness is celebrated as activism.

Ghana’s democracy will be strengthened not by loud insults and unverified accusations, but by informed criticism, responsible advocacy, and civil engagement.

The time has come for all well-meaning citizens, political actors, media practitioners, and activists to consciously reject the growing culture of toxic public discourse. We must collectively promote truth, decency, accountability, and respectful engagement in our national conversations. Our words have consequences, and they should be used to build the nation rather than divide and destroy it

The party Chairman, Johnson Asiedu Nketia’s ‘thank you tour at Tamale, clashing with that of President Mahama, who was in Sawla within the same constituency, same week, for the same purpose, is a case in point. Mahama did the 16 regions last year.

I listened to the defence put up by Majority Chief Whip, Rockson Dafeamekpor, explaining the rationale for the Chairman’s tour.

The explanation makes sense. But as someone asked, what conversation does ‘Thank You’ have with the January 2023 reshuffle of Haruna Iddrisu as Minority Leader and Mohammed Mubarak Muntaka as Minority Chief Whip?

How the NDC chooses to spend its money is none of my business, but as a newspaper columnist to whom everybody’s matter matters to me, the clash suggests a lack of co-ordination by the centre. Was Jubilee House unaware of the Chairman’s itinerary, and vice versa?

Haruna’s reference to “curtain-raiser” or “fake thank you” suggests to me that he was aware of the Chairman’s presence in the constituency for that function.

If indeed he was, then the President was aware. If my reasoning is correct, then I am surprised the President followed Haruna to Sawla. 

Back to the Chairman’s speech, the people are asking what advantage he thought the revelation would inure to the political future of the NDC, going into 2028?

As Chairman, did he care about the tribal, religious and, therefore, political implications of antagonising Haruna at the latter’s backyard at this time?

One does not need political savviness to discern the undercurrent at play here.

First of all, it is evident that Haruna and Mosquito are at daggers drawn.

Haruna, obviously still feeling wounded, has not forgiven the Chairman for the 2023 reshuffle. 

Secondly, Ghanaians took note that the President was at the Sawla rally and heard Haruna so describe the Chairman’s tour.

That places the President and Haruna in one camp. 

Using Aristotelian syllogism, “If A is equal to B and B is equal to C, then C is equal to A”. There is something in the soup.

It is not for nothing that Asiedu Nketia is named General Mosquito. His political teeth are sharp and when he bites, they sink so deep that his opponents seldom recover quickly, if at all.

Remember the fatal blow he dealt to Ofosu-Ampofo, his opponent in the NDC chairmanship race in December 2022.

He “accidentally” happened to be at Peace FM on December 14.

Invited for an interview, he commented on a leaked tape whose contents suggested that the party’s defeat in 2020 was a direct result of failure of leadership at national level. 

Those he was addressing, and all NDC supporters in Ghana, immediately knew whom “leadership at the national level” was referring to: Ofosu Ampofo.

Ghanaian Politics Reports

On the leaked tape, Asiedu Nketia also acquitted himself of blame in his performance at the Election Petition which NDC lost.

On the tape, he was heard “confessing” that “in the night of the 2020 election, at the most crucial time when the NDC was to do its collation, the system that the (NDC) Director of IT brought and touted as robust, crashed after collation of results of five regions.”

This, Asiedu Nketia claims, “is why when we went to court and they asked me about my results, I said I did not bring any result”.

Remember that for years, NDC had officially boycotted Peace FM’s Kokrokoo morning show. How did Asiedu Nketia, “accidentally” drop in on the station’s morning show just in time to be asked if the contents of the tape was true, to which question he “reluctantly” answered in the affirmative?

Motivation

In the instant case of the Tamale Thank you tour, the question is, what was the General’s motivation for “revealing” the reasons for the Haruna/Muntaka 2023 reshuffle in Parliament ― after three years?

For Asiedu Nketia to refer to Haruna as “my boy”, in Haruna’s own ‘18’ in Tamale, was a low blow. Asiedu Nketia is not a naïve politician.

He picks his battles, and in nearly all instances, he wins them.

That is why people are wondering what wild card the Master Strategist has up his sleeve, what with his use of “I” throughout his Tamale speech.

In that speech, he revealed that John Mahama was against the Haruna-Muntaka reshuffle, but “I countered by reminding him (Mahama) that I am the coach, and he (Mahama) backed down”.

He says that in January 2025, it was “I” who prevailed upon Mahama to give Haruna and Muntaka prominent appointments.

You don’t joke with this man! Even Presidents obey him!!

But, in the run-up to 2028, the fears the NPP will harbor if Asiedu Nketia becomes flagbearer are: Will the North’s vote reflect their solidarity with and sympathy for Haruna?

Will the Zongo communities of Ashanti desert Muntaka and vote for a presidential candidate who is a sworn foe of their darling Ashanti politician? 

The writer is the Executive Director, Centre for Communication and Culture. 
E-mail: ashonenimil@gmail.com 

While government officials have often attributed recent outages to technical incidents, some critics suggest that these incidents may also point to deeper structural weaknesses within the power sector.

On paper, Ghana appears to have significant installed generation capacity. Industry estimates have often placed installed capacity at around 6,000 MW, compared with peak demand reportedly around 4,300 MW. If accurate, this suggests that Ghana’s current challenges may not be solely about insufficient generation, but rather about transmission reliability, dispatchability, grid resilience, and the financial sustainability of the power sector.

Recent incidents, including the reported Akosombo substation fire, allegedly affected the ability to transmit or dispatch a portion of available power.

Some industry observers have suggested that a significant amount of power may have been temporarily constrained or “stranded,” although the precise figure remains subject to verification. If true, the incident may raise questions about grid redundancy, backup systems, and the need for continued investment in transmission infrastructure.

The sector also appears to remain financially fragile. Government has reportedly made substantial payments toward arrears owed to fuel suppliers and Independent Power Producers over the past 18 months.

However, some market participants suggest that significant obligations may still remain outstanding. Certain estimates place these unpaid balances in the hundreds of millions of dollars, though the precise amount should be confirmed through official sources.

To be Ghana’s Energy Minister or Finance Minister today is almost like being a one-legged man with no crutches in a butt-kicking competition.

The sector is under pressure from every direction: suppliers seeking payment, consumers resisting tariff increases, political actors debating responsibility, and an aging grid expected to support a modern economy.

As one GRIDCo employee is alleged to have remarked, though the quotation has not been independently verified:

“We still operate with some infrastructure from the 1950s. When the center cannot hold, things fall apart.”

The Fuel Factor

Fuel remains one of the largest cost drivers in Ghana’s power sector. Ghana continues to rely in part on imported or price-sensitive feedstock, and some thermal plants are reportedly exposed to expensive liquid fuels.

At the same time, Ghana is often described as having meaningful domestic gas potential, which could help reduce costs if brought on stream reliably and affordably.

The challenge, according to sector observers, is not simply whether Ghana has gas resources, but whether those resources can be developed, transported, and integrated into the power system quickly enough. As some industry sources put it, that task is easier said than done.

Against this background, some analysts view liquefied natural gas, or LNG, as a possible transition bridge toward improved energy security. However, Ghana’s LNG pathway has also attracted scrutiny, particularly in relation to the Tema LNG project and the commercial challenges allegedly associated with it.

The Helios Investment Group LNG Challenge

Several years ago, Helios Investment Group, a London-based Africa-focused investment firm, became associated with an ambitious LNG infrastructure project at Tema. The project was widely expected to contribute to Ghana’s energy security and potentially position the country as a regional LNG hub.

Publicly available information and industry estimates have suggested that the overall project exposure may have been substantial, with some market participants placing the figure above $300 million.

That figure has not been independently verified for purposes of this commentary and should not be treated as a confirmed valuation, loss, liability, or write-down.

What was once viewed as a promising strategic infrastructure project has allegedly faced commercial and operational headwinds.

Asset Performance

Some industry sources allege that the Tema LNG-related investment may have experienced valuation pressure or commercial underperformance.

There have also been reports that one purpose-built vessel is located in Tema, while a related vessel may not have entered full commercial operation as initially expected. These claims remain unverified and should not be treated as established facts.

Financial Pressure

There have also been market allegations of financial pressure surrounding the project, including claims of delayed vendor payments and financing-related stress.

These matters have not been independently confirmed. Any assessment of such claims should be based on audited accounts, lender records, regulatory filings, court documents, or official statements from the parties involved.

Legal and Commercial Risk

Market participants have also speculated about possible legal or commercial disputes involving parties connected to the broader project structure. At this stage, any such potential dispute should be treated as unverified unless and until formal proceedings are filed or official records become available. No conclusion should be drawn regarding liability, breach, misconduct, or fault by any party unless determined by a competent court, tribunal, regulator, or settlement process.

A Cautionary Infrastructure Lesson

If the reported challenges are accurate, the Tema LNG experience may offer a cautionary lesson about the complexity of large-scale public-private infrastructure projects in politically sensitive sectors.

Such projects often depend on long-term offtake commitments, regulatory stability, financing discipline, technical execution, currency predictability, and effective government-sector coordination.

What was intended to strengthen Ghana’s energy-security architecture has, according to some observers, not yet delivered its full expected commercial value. However, it would be premature to characterize the project definitively without access to the full contractual, financial, regulatory, and operational record.

For Helios, its partners, lenders, vendors, government counterparties, and other stakeholders, the project may still evolve. The ultimate commercial, legal, and strategic outcome remains uncertain.

A Path Forward

As Ghana emerges from this latest period of power instability, the deeper structural issues remain. Long-term stability will likely require three major reforms: sustained investment in transmission and grid resilience, credible financial restructuring across the energy-sector value chain, and reliable access to affordable feedstock.

Generation capacity alone will not solve the problem. Ghana needs a power system that is technically resilient, financially sustainable, contractually disciplined, and less vulnerable to political cycles.

Sometimes, even Black Stars require an element of darkness to truly shine.

These days, it has become so fashionable that a funeral is seen not only as a measure of respect for the dead and status for the living.

Hitherto, funerals were modest and not that expensive and not lavish as today.

No serious food was served except for travelling relatives who eat after the funeral, especially on Mondays and this relates to typical Akan communities like my hometown in Sefwi. 

But increasingly, civilisation and urbanisation have made Ghanaian funerals too expensive.

There are pockets of communities where the leaders have tried to limit lavish funerals, and I don’t know for sure how these measures have been effective.

Apart from the high financial outlay, the funeral ceremonies have left in their trail an increase in social vices, the result of excessive merry-making instead of mourning the dead.

Many families go to the extent of selling properties, and borrowing from financial institutions that come to the funeral grounds to collect donations to make up for any money given out.

Yet losses are recorded many a time with expectations not being met. 

This disturbing emerging conundrum needs to be tackled with practical steps to reduce the burden, if not eliminate same.

Why the emerging trend?

Studies on funeral practices in Ghana show that funeral celebrations have gradually transformed from modest communal rites into expensive social events heavily influenced by modern lifestyles, migration, social expectations and competition.

It is to be noted that whilst funerals in Ghana can consume substantial household income, they also negatively affect productivity, as many workers travel frequently for funeral activities.

Social pressure and competition in the public space lead many families to do what is beyond their means because of the fear of criticism if a funeral appears relatively simple. In some communities, funerals have become occasions to display affluence, influence and social standing.

Multiple ceremonies also account for this trend. Hitherto, one-week observances, pre-burial rites, wake-keepings and thanksgiving services, which now all add to the final cost, were modestly done and limited to a few people.

Now what seems to be the major driver of the high cost is food, drinks, chairs, canopies, sound systems and entertainment.

These consume a chunk of all funeral budgets.

Even people from relatively lower-income backgrounds spend so much on very expensive custom-designed funeral cloths and expensive attire for family members and this, in many cases, has become almost mandatory, such that those who cannot afford have to seek financial assistance.

The financial burden of funerals can have long-term consequences.

Some families remain in debt for years after a funeral. Ironically, people who did not and could not afford proper health care, for instance, for relatives while alive, sometimes spend heavily after death.

, including yours truly, argue that society must begin prioritising dignity over display.

Way forward?

We must, as Ghanaians, return to simplicity and our old ways of doing things rather than seeing life as a competition.

In this way, all traditional leaders, churches and families can encourage modest funerals focused on mourning and remembrance rather than spectacle, so to speak. 

Funeral days, especially the one-week observance, must be regulated and limited to only family members to announce the day of the final funeral rites. Reducing funeral activities to a single main day could significantly cut costs.  

Families should be encouraged to set clear spending limits and avoid unnecessary expenses driven by public pressure.

Furthermore, families should be encouraged to do funeral savings and insurance schemes as this is also an emerging scheme which may help families prepare without resorting to loans.

Ultimately, a cultural reorientation to changing attitudes is essential.

A dignified funeral does not have to be extravagant. Respect for the dead should not come at the expense of the living.

More children have to be in school.

Arguably, funerals remain an important part of Ghanaian culture and social identity.

Ghanaian Affairs Analysis

They unite families, preserve traditions and provide emotional support during grief.

However, as costs continue to rise, there is a growing need for honest national conversation about sustainability.

Honouring the dead should not impoverish the living.

Perhaps the time has come for Ghana to redefine what truly makes a befitting funeral.

The writer is Legal Manager/Company Secretary, 
Graphic Comm. Group Ltd., Accra. 
E-mail: sahstephen2002@gmail.com

The Republic has failed to establish any credible evidence that Chairman Wontumi assigned mining rights, authorized illegal mining, or personally benefited from any alleged unlawful mining activity.

This case was heavily publicized from the very beginning. Serious allegations were made publicly. Yet in court — where evidence matters more than propaganda — the prosecution continues to struggle to produce the very foundation required under Ghana’s mining laws to sustain these accusations.

Under the Minerals and Mining Act, 2006 (Act 703), assignment or transfer of mineral rights is not a casual conversation, speculation, assumption, or political accusation. The law is clear. Any lawful assignment of mineral rights requires:

• Formal written documentation;
• Strict regulatory procedures;
• Ministerial approval;
• And statutory compliance under Ghana’s mining regulations.

During proceedings, expert mining testimony placed before the court made this legal position abundantly clear.

Most importantly, the Republic has still failed to produce:

• Any written assignment agreement;
• Any ministerial approval authorizing transfer of mining rights;
• Any payment trail linking Chairman Wontumi to alleged illegal mining proceeds;
• Any operational authorization proving Akonta Mining engaged in illegal mining;
• Any evidence showing Chairman Wontumi directed, supervised or financed illegal mining;
• Any gold proceeds traced to him;
• Or any direct evidence proving criminal intent.

Instead, what the court continues to hear are assumptions, conjectures and attempts to criminalize alleged verbal interactions which, under Ghanaian mining law, do not constitute lawful assignment of mineral rights.

The court further heard expert evidence explaining the important distinction between reclamation activities and mining rights assignment. The testimony clarified that reclamation support services may occur within mining concessions without amounting to a transfer of mineral rights.

Indeed, the defence witness emphatically stated before the court that:
“Any assignment which is not conveyed in a deed and expressly approved and signed off by the Minister responsible for Mines is not recognized by the laws of Ghana.”

That statement goes to the very heart of this case.

Even more revealing is the fact that after months of investigations, public commentary and intense political attention, the prosecution has still failed to produce the most basic documentary evidence ordinarily expected in a criminal prosecution of this magnitude.

In criminal law, suspicion — no matter how loud — can never replace proof.

Public opinion cannot replace evidence.
Political commentary cannot replace legal proof.
Media headlines cannot replace statutory requirements.

The constitutional standard remains proof beyond reasonable doubt.

This principle is not unique to Chairman Wontumi’s case. Courts across democratic jurisdictions have consistently held that criminal convictions cannot stand on speculation or association alone.

In the celebrated Ghanaian case of Kpebu v Attorney-General, the Supreme Court reaffirmed the importance of constitutional protections, due process and the presumption of innocence. Similarly, courts in several commonwealth jurisdictions have repeatedly warned against prosecutions driven more by public sentiment than legally admissible evidence.

History teaches an important lesson:
When politics enters criminal prosecution, courts must become even more careful guardians of fairness, objectivity and the rule of law.

Chairman Wontumi has throughout this process cooperated with lawful procedures, respected the authority of the court, and demonstrated confidence in the independence of Ghana’s judiciary.

This matter must therefore be decided strictly on evidence, law and constitutional fairness — not political emotions, media pressure or public hysteria.

The Republic bears the burden of proof.
That burden cannot be shifted.
And based on the evidence currently before the court, serious and reasonable doubt continues to exist.

Justice demands courage.
Justice demands fairness.
Justice demands evidence.

We therefore remain fully confident that truth, law and justice will ultimately prevail.

We urge all party faithful, supporters and members of the public to remain calm, peaceful and respectful of the judicial process as the court prepares to deliver judgment.

Evidence, not noise.
Law, not politics.
Justice, not persecution.

Rapid urbanization, poor drainage systems, climate variability, and unsafe human practices continue to worsen the impact of seasonal disasters. As officers of the Ghana National Fire Service respond to emergencies nationwide, it is evident that disaster prevention cannot be left solely to emergency institutions. Public safety is a shared responsibility that requires collective action from individuals, communities, institutions, and local authorities.

Fire Safety During the Rainy Season
Contrary to public perception, fire outbreaks often increase during periods of heavy rainfall. Most of these incidents are linked to electrical faults caused by leaking roofs, poor wiring systems, and neglected infrastructure.

When rainwater penetrates damaged roofing systems and ceiling spaces, it frequently comes into contact with electrical wiring. Compromised insulation and overloaded circuits can trigger short circuits, generating intense heat capable of igniting combustible materials such as wooden roofing components, furniture, and household items.

To reduce such incidents, property owners must conduct regular inspections of roofs and electrical installations before the peak rainy season. Faulty wiring systems should be repaired by certified electricians, while homes and workplaces should be equipped with functional smoke detectors and fire extinguishers, particularly Dry Chemical Powder and Carbon Dioxide extinguishers.

Public education on basic fire response procedures is equally important. Early detection and immediate intervention can significantly minimize damage and save lives.

Electrical Safety and Storm Hazards
Water and electricity remain a deadly combination during storms and floods. Heavy rains and strong winds frequently damage electrical infrastructure, causing fallen power lines and exposed electrical systems.

A fallen cable on a flooded street or metallic surface can instantly become fatal. Unfortunately, some members of the public unknowingly approach or attempt to move such wires, placing themselves at great risk.

Indoor electrical hazards are also common during floods. Electrocution incidents often occur when individuals attempt to unplug appliances or move through flooded rooms while electricity is still connected.

The public is therefore advised to observe the following safety precautions:
• Never touch or approach fallen electrical cables. All downed wires should be treated as live and immediately reported to the Electricity Company of Ghana or emergency services.
• Switch off the main power supply immediately when floodwaters begin entering a building, provided it can be done safely.
• Avoid using appliances exposed to rainwater or flooding until inspected by qualified electricians.
• Keep children away from flooded areas and exposed electrical installations.

Flooding and Environmental Challenges
Flooding remains one of the most destructive disasters during Ghana’s rainy season. While climate change contributes to increased rainfall intensity, many flood incidents are largely caused by human activities.

The indiscriminate disposal of plastic waste into gutters and drainage systems continues to obstruct water flow and worsen flooding in urban communities. Additionally, unauthorized construction on waterways, wetlands, and floodplains interferes with natural drainage channels.

To strengthen community resilience, residents in flood-prone areas must develop evacuation plans and identify safe locations on higher ground. The public should also monitor weather forecasts from the Ghana Meteorological Agency and avoid unnecessary travel during severe weather conditions.

Importantly, no individual should attempt to walk, swim, or drive through moving floodwaters. Even shallow fast-moving water can sweep away people and vehicles within seconds.

Public Health and Community Responsibility
Floodwaters often contain sewage, chemicals, and harmful bacteria that expose communities to diseases such as cholera and typhoid fever. Residents are encouraged to avoid contact with contaminated water and thoroughly disinfect homes and surroundings after floods recede.

Ultimately, the rainy season should not become a period of destruction and preventable deaths. By promoting environmental sanitation, maintaining safe electrical systems, observing fire safety protocols, and prioritizing disaster preparedness, communities can significantly reduce the impact of seasonal hazards.

The Ghana National Fire Service remains committed to protecting lives and property through fire prevention, emergency response, public education, and disaster management initiatives. However, building safer and more resilient communities requires active public participation and a collective commitment to safety.

Understandably, strong emotions emerged around those who occupied leadership positions during this painful period, particularly former Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta.

However, any honest reflection on Ghana’s economic crisis must also acknowledge that these difficulties did not emerge in isolation, nor were they unique to Ghana alone.

The COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war triggered one of the most severe global economic disruptions in modern history. Whether critics agree or not, this remains a fact. Both advanced and developing economies suffered enormously.

The United States experienced inflation levels not seen in decades; the United Kingdom faced severe cost-of-living pressures and political instability; Germany and other European economies struggled with energy shocks linked to disruptions in Russian gas supplies; while China itself suffered major slowdowns arising from lockdowns, weakened trade activity, and global supply-chain disruptions.

Governments across the world borrowed heavily simply to keep businesses alive, support households, stabilize banking systems, and prevent economic collapse.

For Ghana, a smaller import-dependent economy with longstanding structural vulnerabilities, weaker fiscal buffers, and high exposure to external financing, the effects were naturally even more severe.

This does not mean mistakes were not made, nor does it eliminate the need for accountability regarding policy decisions and economic management. However, it does challenge simplistic narratives that attempt to reduce one of the most turbulent global economic periods in recent history into the actions of a single individual.

Ghana’s economic pain was shaped not only by domestic decisions, but also by structural weaknesses within the economy and extraordinary global shocks that affected nations across the world.

Yet as the national conversation has evolved, an important question now confronts Ghana: are we still engaged in a sober discussion about accountability and economic management, or has the debate gradually transformed into something far more political, emotional, and media-driven?

Increasingly, public discourse surrounding Ken Ofori-Atta appears to extend beyond economics or law. It has become a broader national contest involving public anger, media amplification, competing historical narratives, and, in some instances, geopolitical speculation.

More shockingly, some of these narratives are being driven by personalities regarded as learned and influential, making the situation appear less like a search for accountability and more like a personal or politically charged pursuit.

Recent commentary reflects this evolution clearly.

Lawyer and media commentator Martin Kpebu, in discussing broader extradition-related matters,

suggested that “the verdict of the Ghanaian people” is that Ken Ofori-Atta must be brought back to

Ghana. The language is powerful because it projects public opinion as though guilt or culpability has already been conclusively established at a national level. Interestingly, this position comes from a lawyer of good standing, a profession ordinarily expected to uphold due process and the presumption of innocence.

Others have moved the discussion beyond accountability into geopolitical interpretation. Oliver Barker-Vormawor recently argued that if American authorities genuinely wished to return Ken Ofori-Atta to Ghana, they could have done so immediately following visa complications.

He speculated instead that the former minister may be serving as a form of geopolitical leverage against the current government, suggesting the matter is no longer merely legal or procedural but politically strategic.

Whether one agrees with these claims or not, they demonstrate something important: the Ken Ofori-Atta issue is increasingly being discussed not only as a legal or economic matter, but as a politically symbolic one onto which wider frustrations and anxieties are being projected.

At this stage, it is becoming increasingly difficult to determine what some of the ongoing attacks against Ken Ofori-Atta truly represent. What appears more evident, however, is that certain narratives are gradually being twisted and amplified in ways that seem deliberately calculated to fuel public dissatisfaction and deepen resentment toward him.

There is also a growing sense that aspects of his leadership, intentions, and even some of the difficult decisions taken during one of the most turbulent global economic periods in recent history are being selectively interpreted or misrepresented by some individuals and even respected civil society voices.

While criticism and accountability remain legitimate and necessary in any democracy, there is a difference between fair scrutiny and the deliberate construction of a singular public villain for a complex national crisis.

History often has a way of revisiting emotionally charged national moments with greater balance and perspective. For that reason, many of the current narratives surrounding Ken Ofori-Atta may ultimately face a far more measured judgment with time than the intensity of today’s public atmosphere suggests.

At the same time, fierce disagreements remain over the true causes of Ghana’s economic collapse and the fairness of assigning responsibility, particularly if Ghana genuinely seeks to prevent a recurrence and better restructure the economy for long-term national benefit.

Policy commentator Franklin Cudjoe recently argued that Ghana’s current economic recovery under the Mahama administration demonstrates that the previous crisis was largely self-inflicted through “waste, mismanagement and plunder.”

In his view, the current government inherited a broken IMF programme and has since restored confidence, stabilised inflation, strengthened the cedi, rebuilt reserves, and repaired the macroeconomy.

Yet responses to his commentary revealed that there is far from unanimous agreement on this interpretation of events.

Critics argued that debt reduction figures were being oversimplified, that DDEP was fundamentally tied to IMF conditionalities rather than merely discretionary political choices, and that global shocks such as COVID-19, tightening international financial conditions, and the Russia-Ukraine war played far greater roles than some narratives now acknowledge.

Others argued that delayed political consensus around IMF engagement and difficult reforms may itself have worsened the eventual pain Ghana experienced.

This disagreement matters because it reveals that Ghana’s economic crisis remains contested terrain intellectually, politically, and historically. There is no universally accepted interpretation of what happened, when the crisis truly began, who bears primary responsibility, or what could realistically have been avoided.

That complexity matters.

Democratic societies must be able to investigate allegations, examine policy failures, and hold public officials accountable. However, accountability in constitutional democracies must remain evidence-based, institutionally grounded, and insulated from emotionally manufactured verdicts. Public anger, no matter how understandable, cannot become a substitute for due process in any shape or form.

This principle becomes even more important when public narratives move from criticism into presumptions of collective guilt.

Some social media commentary increasingly presents Ken Ofori-Atta not merely as a former

finance minister whose policies are under scrutiny, but as the singular embodiment of Ghana’s economic suffering. Such framing risks oversimplifying a crisis that involved global shocks, longstanding structural vulnerabilities, debt pressures accumulated over many years, and difficult policy decisions made under extraordinary circumstances.

None of this means public criticism is invalid. Citizens have every right to question decisions surrounding DDEP, IMF negotiations, debt accumulation, expenditure choices, and economic management during one of the most difficult periods in Ghana’s history. Those debates are legitimate and necessary in any functioning democracy.

But there is an equally important obligation to preserve fairness, proportionality, and institutional integrity within national discourse.

Ken Ofori-Atta did not emerge from obscurity into public office. Long before entering government, he had established a significant professional and financial career, built international networks, and participated in major investment and economic initiatives.

During his time in office, supporters point to achievements such as banking sector stabilisation, efforts to maintain macroeconomic credibility during COVID-19, energy-sector financing interventions, and attempts to sustain investor confidence under extraordinary global pressure.

Critics dispute aspects of these achievements or argue that later failures overshadow them. Both perspectives continue to exist within the national debate.

That is precisely why caution is necessary.

When political transitions occur during periods of economic pain, there is always a temptation to compress complex national crises into simplified morality narratives involving heroes, villains, and symbolic punishment. Yet history often judges such periods more carefully than the emotions of the moment allow.

Ultimately, Ghana’s democracy will not be judged merely by whether powerful individuals are investigated. It will be judged by whether those investigations, discussions, and public narratives remain fair, evidence-based, constitutionally grounded, and free from the pressure of emotionally manufactured verdicts.

In moments of national frustration, democracies are tested not only by their willingness to pursue accountability, but by their ability to preserve fairness while doing so.

During the 2024 election campaign, then opposition leader John Dramani Mahama strongly criticised the handling of Ghana’s financial sector clean-up and repeatedly assured victims of collapsed banks and financial institutions that relief was coming under his leadership.

At the unveiling of his running mate in 2024, Mahama declared: “We shall within one year of being in office pay customers of the collapsed financial institutions all funds locked up.”

He went further and pledged: “I pledge on behalf of the NDC that we shall pay within one year all who have funds locked up with the collapsed financial institutions. Within one year. I promise!”

Those words resonated deeply with affected customers whose businesses collapsed, savings vanished, and livelihoods were destroyed during the banking sector clean-up.

Again in 2024, while campaigning for a return to power, Mahama doubled down on the issue. He promised to restore the licences of what he described as “wrongfully collapsed” financial institutions.

At another engagement, he reportedly assured owners of some collapsed banks: “I’ll give your banks back to you.”

These were not vague political statements whispered behind closed doors. They were loud, public, emotional campaign promises repeated before cheering supporters across the country.

Today, nearly one and a half years into his administration, many victims say they are still waiting for action.

Speaking on PM Express, Finance Minister Cassiel Ato Forson appeared to pour cold water on expectations of immediate payment. According to him, government cannot continue absorbing the liabilities of failed private institutions while critical sectors like health and education also demand funding.

For many affected customers, those comments felt like a painful contradiction to the confidence and certainty with which the promise was made in opposition.

This naturally raises serious questions: Did the government fully understand the financial implications before making those promises? Was the pledge realistic from the beginning? Or was it simply politically convenient at the time?

Leadership is not only about winning elections with emotionally powerful promises. It is also about accountability, consistency, and keeping faith with citizens who believed your word.

The silence from President Mahama on this specific promise has become louder than the campaign applause that greeted it.

Thousands of affected customers are still watching. Still waiting. Still hoping that “Within one year. I promise!” was not just another campaign slogan.

In the eight years of Akufo-Addo’s presidency, when the noose around the neck of free expression remained forever tight, I was one of those who spoke out constantly.

Not only did I speak up, but I also missed no chance to remind Ghanaians of the freedom we had enjoyed under your first term, largely due to your tolerance of free speech. I told them you were not as vindictive as Akufo-Addo and his administration.

I said these things not because I hated Akufo-Addo. Neither was I campaigning for you, as others construed it.

I’d lived that freedom under your presidency. I believed in your tolerance, your quest for a free speech atmosphere, even when you were the target of toxic speech and vitriol.

When you became president again, I expected nothing less because I hadn’t seen you change in that aspect of your character.

That is why I feel so ashamed about what is happening now. It is as if we are in a military regime. Ghanaians, especially members of the opposition NPP, are constantly harassed under the widely abused law of publishing false news. Aside from Abronye, others have spent weeks in custody for no crime other than making harmless comments. Someone was arrested and detained for posting about power outages.

Mr President, this is a blot in your presidency, a severe dent in your high reputation as a friend of the media and a guardian of free expression.

This is not the John Mahama I know, the Mahama whose high level of tolerance I could vouch for without batting an eyelid.

Why have I left the police and the judiciary to focus on you?

An elder who sits at home and watches children eat the forbidden snake will not be left out when a roll call of the snake’s eaters is taken. So said the sages of old. And it remains true to this day.

You appointed the IGP. You appointed the Director of the BNI. The political officeholders whose complaints have led to the arrest and detention of citizens are your appointees.

Calling your appointees and security agencies to order is not an interference in their lawful duty. It is safeguarding the integrity of our democracy, protecting the constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of the people.

There’s a reason members of the governing party are not the target. The security agencies and some judges have resorted to these shameful actions because they are too eager to please the political authority headed by you. As we experienced in the past, members of the incumbent party do worse and get away with it.

Mr President, you mustn’t sit down and watch. It is your presidency. It is your legacy. Defend it. Don’t put those of us who trust in your tolerance to shame.

Free speech is not a crime, even if it is laced with stupidity, as is often the case in these instances. The law against publishing false information that causes fear and panic is being abused. It is being used to settle political scores, and the head of state must be concerned.

Many years ago, Ghanaians woke up to fear and panic. False information swept the nation, claiming an earthquake was imminent and that people should leave their homes. It was one of the rare instances in which false news had, indeed, caused “fear and panic” in the nation.

The framers of the law probably anticipated such rare situations, but now the law is being used to teach critics of the government a lesson. It is used to show them where power lies. And you must not sit unconcerned.

After keeping people in custody, the cases don’t succeed in court because the charges are stupid and lack legal legs to stand up in court.

If this was wrong under Akufo-Addo, it must be wrong under Mahama, especially now that it’s worsening.

I hope you sit up and act. Don’t feign ignorance or innocence. You can’t be. The buck stops with you.

Yours sincerely,

Manasseh Azure Awuni

In three minutes, we were done. He then asked us a simple question. Did we already anticipate and deploy a public service process? We had not. Indeed, if we had, the solution to our problem could have been more seamless. The President’s question betrayed our poor planning. I felt embarrassed.

However, in typical Mahama fashion, Mr. President warmly glided through the glitch, soothing the moment with smiles, and proffering a solution to a challenge that might otherwise not have needed his intervention. Actions promptly followed within 24 hours! President John Dramani Mahama’s long experience as a politician, deep understanding of public sector processes, his sharp wit and uncommon grasp of issues, make him a ‘tough’ customer to deal with.

Overall, it has been a great year; a baptism of fire of sorts in public sector rigmarole, lots of support from family, colleagues, comrades, and not least, the Honorable Health Minister, Kwabena Mintah Akandoh. A truly great honor done me by Mr. President to serve in an impactful role. What reflections and experiences rise to the top, especially as it relates directly to President Mahama?   

1. The President’s Accra Reset Agenda Has Gone Viral!

The President has caught the attention and fired the imagination of the global health community. With the withdrawal of the United States from global health organizations, the collapse of USAID and its associated development funding, Africa was in dire need of a new kind of leadership. Mahama stepped into it. Forcefully. Elegantly. Inspiringly. His Accra Reset Agenda has elucidated a steady path to achieving Africa’s Health Sovereignty. For obvious reasons, health has now become the rallying cry for greater local financial ownership, stronger equal partnerships focused on national priorities, and a reset of the global health governance architecture.

• President Mahama Backs Global Health Rhetoric with Concrete Local Actions:  On 5^th August, 2025, Mahama articulated his bold vision on Africa’s health sovereignty in Accra. A day later, he backed his words with deeds when he allocated $50M in additional seed funding to the National Vaccine Institute (NVI). The President tasked NVI to advance local vaccine manufacturing, boost compliance with international regulatory standards, and build research and biomanufacturing skills.

John Mahama’s bold promise to uncap  Ghana’s National Health Insurance Fund, which he honored soon after he assumed the Presidency,  freed  an additional USD 320 million in 2025, with similar or higher inflows expected in 2026 and beyond. Even as Ghana undergoes a stringent International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, President Mahama’s far reaching policies are resetting the narrative on local resource mobilization.

To quote Dr. Victor Bampoe, CEO of the NHIA, “President Mahama’s visionary leadership has enabled the health sector to pursue end-to-end health coverage in its quest to achieve universal health coverage (UHC). With a decisive pivot to address the epidemiological transition (which now makes NCDs account for 42% of mortality among Ghanaians), healthcare provision starts with free primary healthcare, moves to the national health insurance scheme for communicable diseases and then to the Ghana Medical Trust Fund or Mahama Cares, which takes care of people with NCDs like cancer, stroke etc. With the extra funding provided by the uncapping, we have enabled four main outcomes; reduction in financial barriers to care; addressing low awareness of Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs); detecting NCDs early; and closing systemic gaps including gaps in equipment and infrastructure.” 

This decisive move by President Mahama to create more fiscal space for health has accounted  for the rapid payment of $25M in vaccine copayment in 2025, $120M earmarked for the free Primary Healthcare initiative in 2026, including the $46M worth of equipment already purchased to kick off the fPHC programme.

• Mahama’s Office Demonstrates Operational Efficiency: My meetings with the President are by far, my favorite. They are short, to the point and always impactful. I have never attended a meeting with President Mahama that lasted more than 30 minutes. This means that advanced preparation is always key; with key issues crystallized and options for decision making outlined. The ambassador in attendance promptly introduces attendees and agenda, a few thoughtful remarks from selected speakers, and the President caps it off, with clear decisions and the way forward. We take pictures. Post meeting actions are always tackled with prompt efficiency, often with Dr. Callistus Mahama, the President’s Executive Secretary acting within 24 hours of the end of the meeting. No frustrating repeated requests for appointments, non-responsive personal assistants, ill-defined agendas, missing correspondence, and the like! None of that!
• Mahama – An Authentic Champion for Global Initiatives. President Mahama is a communicator at heart, an excellent public speaker. Combined with his impactful reset agenda, the world is increasingly taking note, reaching out to him for leadership. In 2025, GAVI CEO, Dr. Sonia Nishtar reached out to Mahama to support the GAVI replenishment in June 2025 in Brussels to raise $9billion dollars to subsidize global immunization programmes. Why Mahama? Afterall, he was not the AU Chair. Not the ECOWAS Chair. Not on the GAVI Board. In the build up to Brussels, Bill Gates also reached out. And so did the Global Fund. At the fund raiser, the speech by Ghana’s John Mahama became the toast of the community. There he showed an uncanny ability to connect his personal story to the why of the moment, ending with an unforgettable rallying cry for action. It worked! And the decision of GAVI to rope in Mahama proved to be both strategic and wise. Today, President Mahama is the champion for numerous initiatives by the Africa Union including ACHIEVE, Africa’s latest attempt to redefine the vaccine R&D agenda!
• Never Miss the Mahama-moments. This is difficult to fully explain. Typically, it will happen during a situation where the President is required to explain an issue. He would sometimes launch into this detailed almost technical explanation, betraying such a deep grasp of the issues that belies his high-level strategic role as a President. How does he know so much about “galamsey” and the “Blue Economy” anyway?

If the health sector seizes the moment, this grand opportunity that the President has offered us, we stand the chance of being the most articulate definition of the Mahama legacy tenure.

But behind his daily battles lies a deeper wound: the loss of a father he never truly knew, taken away by football in one of Ghana’s darkest sporting days.

Clottey lost his father, Atu Quaye Clottey, in the May 9, 2001, Accra Sports Stadium disaster, the deadliest stadium tragedy on the African continent, which claimed 127 lives.

Emmanuel was only a year old at the time.

“I believe if my father was alive, things would have been different,” Emmanuel said quietly. “Anytime I remember that his love for football is what took him away, I become restless.”

For years, the tragedy existed in Emmanuel’s life only as silence. It was not until he was about 10 years old that the truth found him, not through his family, but through friends during a football match in his community.

“They were talking about the stadium disaster and then someone mentioned my father’s name,” he recalled. “I didn’t understand everything, but I knew something was wrong.”

He returned home in tears and confronted his mother. That was the day the story he had been shielded from was finally revealed.

“I remember my mother showing me a picture of my dad and telling me he was a kind, caring and hardworking man,” Emmanuel said. “She said he loved his family deeply.”

A day that changed Ghanaian football forever

On May 9, 2001, Ghana’s football rivals Accra Hearts of Oak and Asante Kotoko were locked in a tense league match at the Accra Sports Stadium.

After a goal gave Hearts of Oak a 2-1 lead late in the game, crowd trouble erupted, leading police to fire tear gas into the stands. The action was later termed the principal cause of the disaster by the Sam Okudzeto Commission of Inquiry.

There was panic as fans tried to find their way out of the stadium. Overcrowding and poor crowd control and a sealed gate, turned the stadium into a death trap.

By the end of the night, 127 football fans had lost their lives, including Emmanuel’s father, who had gone to the stadium simply to watch the game he loved but never came back home.

The disaster exposed deep flaws in stadium safety, crowd management and emergency response, leaving scars and phantoms that still linger across Ghanaian football.

A dream born out of pain

From the moment he learnt the truth, Emmanuel said he carried pain but found purpose in pursuing a career in football, especially after his inability enter university after completing secondary school.

“After knowing about my father’s death, I decided to honour my father by becoming one of the best footballers in the country. I believed that would make him proud in his grave,” Emmanuel said.

But for many young talented footballers in Ghana, pursuing a career in football can be an ordeal, with few making it professionally.

Emmanuel excelled at the game during his youth, earning recognition as a promising talent. He played colts football for Mighty Victory and attended several trials with lower-division clubs.

“But things didn’t go well,” he said. “Sometimes it’s money, sometimes connections, sometimes just bad luck.”

As opportunities faded, Emmanuel said he turned to boxing, sparring with professional fighters like John Laryea, popularly known as “Expensive Boxer,” who encouraged him to pursue a career in the ring.

Once again, circumstances stood in his way and Emmanuel could not realise his dream in the ring.

For Emmanuel Clottey, remembrance is personal. Football gave him joy, dreams and belonging but it also took away his father.

“I still love the game,” he said. “But every time I enter the Accra Sports Stadium, I remember what it cost my family.”

Today, Emmanuel says he has largely given up on a professional sports career. For years, he has attempted to enlist in Ghana’s security services, but without success.

“I’m still trying to find stability. Life has not been easy. I have been trying to enrol in the security service since 2019 but have not been successful,” he said.

A Survivor’s Memory

Sixty-year-old Mr Raphael Okoo Parker is one of the lucky ones. A passionate Hearts of Oak supporter, he survived the May 9 disaster and still remembers the day vividly.

“It was a Wednesday, and it was raining,” he recalled in an interview with the Ghana News Agency. “I was confident Hearts would beat Kotoko. I sneaked out of work just to watch the match.”

Mr Parker said entering the stadium that day was difficult. The stands were packed well before kick-off.

“When the tear gas was fired, people panicked. I stayed calm and didn’t rush,” he said. “Breathing was hard, but I stayed where I was and that decision might have saved my life.

“When I got home, my wife was relieved. The news had spread that people had died and I watched on television when people were receiving treatment at the 37 Military Hospital,” he said in a teary mood.

But Mr Parker believes Ghanaian football still has lessons to learn.

“Even after May 9, we still see hooliganism at various match centres and that worries me. It is about time fans realised that you will always get one of the three outcomes of football: win, draw or lose.

“I have friends who have lost or have body scars because of the stadium disaster, but that doesn’t deter me from coming to the stadium because I love football and always want to support my team,” he said.

Remembering, learning, moving forward

At the 25th anniversary commemoration of the disaster, Kofi Adams, Ghana’s Minister of Sports and Recreation, urged football supporters across the country to reject violence.

He praised football stakeholders for sustaining the annual remembrance and said it remained vital for educating younger fans who were not alive at the time.

“Some supporters were not born then, and it is through such commemorations that they get to understand what really happened,” he said, adding that lessons from the tragedy had led to improvements in stadium safety and crowd control.

Mr Prosper Harrison Addo, the General Secretary of the Ghana Football Association, said the anniversary was a reminder to strengthen discipline, safety and fair play across the game.

“Twenty-five years on, we honour the memory of our fallen football faithful whose passion for the game led them to an unexpected end. We continue to stand with the families and must apply the lessons learned to improve our football,” Mr Addo said.

For many Ghanaian football fans, the statue at the entrance of the Accra Sports Stadium is a reminder of the tragedy grief football can bring, despite the joy and laughter it gives.

READ ALSO:

Former Nigerian minister arrested in hiding after corruption conviction

National Tenants Union proposes review of rent law, supports one-year advance payment

Its mandate encompasses the organisation and discipline of the military, disaster management, humanitarian support, and active participation in international peacekeeping operations.

In addition, the Ministry fosters bilateral and multilateral partnerships, generates employment, and strengthens national unity—factors that collectively underpin Ghana’s trajectory towards sustainable development and prosperity.

The role of the defence minister is pivotal, particularly in a developing and risk-exposed country like Ghana. The minister’s responsibilities include overseeing the armed forces, ensuring operational readiness, shaping defence policy, managing military budgets, and cultivating strategic alliances.

Effective leadership in this capacity is fundamental for internal security, deterrence of external threats, and the successful execution of peacekeeping missions both domestically and abroad. Deficiencies in ministerial leadership can compromise the Ministry’s ability to fulfil its mandate, exposing the nation to security vulnerabilities.

In recent times, the absence of a substantive Defence Minister has necessitated reliance on an acting minister. This interim leadership has maintained operational continuity, discipline, and commitment to national security. The acting minister has overseen defence projects, coordinated with international partners, and upheld military readiness, while also advocating for reforms to enhance efficiency and morale among personnel. Despite persistent challenges, these efforts have mitigated disruptions and supported ongoing progress.

For the fiscal year 2026, the Ministry of Defence was allocated GHC 10.77 billion from the national budget of GHC 357.1 billion, representing 3.2% of total government expenditure. This marks a significant increase from previous years—up from 1.76% in 2024 and 1.9% in 2025—positioning defence as the fourth largest budgetary priority after Education (9.5%), Health, and Interior. The year-on-year increment of 68.8% is the most substantial in recent history, driven largely by procurement requirements (including four helicopters), personnel costs, infrastructure, and enhanced security needs following the passing of key government officials.

Ghana’s defence budget aligns closely with the African average of 3.5%, although it remains below the African Union’s target of 2% of GDP. By comparison, Nigeria and Ivory Coast allocate 3.66% and 3.07%, respectively, though Ghana’s per capita defence expenditure (USD 2.36) is lower than both countries (Ivory Coast: USD 21, Nigeria: USD 6).

The increased budgetary allocation and operational successes may suggest justification for maintaining interim leadership. However, pressing concerns necessitate the appointment of a substantive minister. The acting minister’s background in finance, while valuable, does not adequately project the Ministry’s strategic relevance to external actors, and expertise in defence or security is conventionally expected.

The deputy defence minister’s experience within the Ghana Armed Forces, though notable, lacks the professional and academic depth required for the role, further underscoring the need for an appropriately qualified appointment.

Internal party cohesion is another consideration. The reduced size of government has led to perceptions of marginalisation among party members. Appointing a substantive minister not only addresses these concerns but also demonstrates the government’s commitment to competence and inclusivity, while also eroding perceptions of mistrust and indecision.

Security and defence challenges in Ghana require robust intelligence and proactive management, particularly in light of regional instability, terrorism, and geopolitical tensions. Recent incidents—including attacks on traders in Burkina Faso and fishermen in Ewutu—have disrupted economic activities and heightened public fear, highlighting the urgent need for strengthened security measures. Additional threats, such as armed robberies, kidnappings, and assaults on public transport, further reinforce the necessity for decisive leadership within the Ministry of Defence.

Ghana currently lacks an updated defence policy or strategy, with the most recent document dating back to 2021. The development of a new strategic framework is imperative and constitutes a critical rationale for the appointment of a substantive minister. The leadership vacuum has had tangible implications for governance and security. Delays in decision-making, policy implementation, and international coordination have the potential to impact military readiness and response capabilities. Morale and discipline within the armed forces may also be compromised, with broader consequences for public confidence and national stability.

While the acting minister and the president must be commended for their resilience and management, continued reliance on interim arrangements risks engendering procrastination and exposing the nation to political and governance vulnerabilities. Immediate action to appoint a substantive Defence Minister is essential to fortify Ghana’s security architecture and ensure continued progress in national development.

READ ALSO:

Interior Minister presents new vehicles to GNFS

Deputy Transport Minister joins dignitaries for GCAA 40th anniversary grand finale dinner

The recently released 2025 Non‑Traditional Exports (NTE) Statistics Report points to a structural shift away from the export of raw produce toward value addition, processing and deeper industrial activity. In 2025, Ghana’s non‑traditional exports reached US$5.01 billion, representing a 30.7 per cent year‑on‑year increase. Yet the headline figure tells only part of the story.

What truly matters is how Ghana is earning this growth.

Cocoa is Still King—but No Longer Raw

Cocoa continues to dominate Ghana’s export earnings, but the nature of cocoa exports has changed fundamentally. In 2025, it was processed cocoa products—not raw beans—that drove export growth.

Cocoa paste alone generated nearly US$790 million, while cocoa butter and cocoa powder recorded growth rates exceeding 100 per cent compared to the previous year. Taken together, cocoa derivatives accounted for a substantial share of non‑traditional export earnings, reflecting both rising global demand and expanded domestic processing capacity.

This shift is economically significant. Unlike raw cocoa beans, processed cocoa products embed industrial activity within the local economy, skilled labour, energy consumption, packaging, logistics, quality control and financing. Each additional stage of processing retained locally deepens value creation, improves export margins and strengthens linkages across the economy.

Manufacturing Emerges as the Growth Engine

The clearest evidence of Ghana’s changing export structure lies in the composition of non‑traditional exports. In 2025, manufactured and semi‑processed goods accounted for approximately 83 per cent of total NTE earnings, far surpassing agriculture and handicrafts.

Beyond cocoa, strong export performance was recorded in products such as: aluminium plates, sheets and coils; articles of plastics; canned tuna; and shea‑based products.

These outcomes are not accidental. They reflect years of policy emphasis on industrialisation, import substitution and downstream value addition under initiatives such as the Accelerated Export Development Programme (AEDP) and the broader 24‑Hour Economy agenda.

Crucially, manufacturing‑led export growth also changes the nature of financing and infrastructure needs. Processing‑oriented exporters require reliable energy, logistics efficiency, trade finance and patient capital. This shift places financial institutions, development banks and state‑linked enterprises at the centre of Ghana’s export transformation.

What the Shift Means for Policy and Institutions

Ghana’s evolving export profile highlights the growing importance of industrial and resource‑based institutions in driving growth. Beverage processing facilities, aluminium smelting, energy provision, ports and trade facilitation agencies are no longer peripheral actors; they are essential enablers of value‑added exports.

In cocoa, rising local processing demands closer coordination among export promotion agencies, COCOBOD policy frameworks, energy planners and financiers. A similar pattern is emerging in aluminium, plastics and fisheries, where progress depends on alignment across mining, manufacturing, transport and power supply.

In effect, export success today is less about isolated sectors and more about how well key institutions work together.

A More Resilient Export Model

The move from raw exports to processed goods makes Ghana’s export sector more resilient. Value‑added products are typically less exposed to commodity price volatility and can access a wider range of markets. This is already evident in Ghana’s expanding export footprint across Europe, North America and African markets under AfCFTA.

Retaining more value domestically also strengthens Ghana’s position within global value chains and reduces vulnerability to external economic shocks that often affect commodity‑dependent economies.

Looking Ahead

The 2025 export figures suggest that Ghana is moving—gradually but deliberately—from a resource‑exporting economy toward a value‑creating, industrially anchored export model. Sustaining this momentum will require scaling up processing capacity, improving access to long‑term finance, strengthening standards compliance and ensuring smaller firms can integrate into industrial value chains.

Cocoa will remain central to Ghana’s economy. But its role is evolving. The future of export growth lies not in shipping raw beans abroad, but in processing, branding and capturing value at home. That transformation—more than the US$5 billion headline—is the real story behind Ghana’s export turnaround.

Short Profile – Oliver Tackie

The writer, Oliver Tackie, is a seasoned banker with over nineteen years of experience in Ghana’s financial and banking sector. He is currently the Sector Head, Government & Parastatals at Prudential Bank LTD. His work spans a broad range of areas, including financial institutions, investment analysis, private sector development, government and public sector, and the assessment of risk across diverse debt and equity financing structures. He is an award‑winning chartered banker and a chartered accountant, bringing a strong blend of technical expertise and strategic financial insight to his work.

READ ALSO:

Escaped tiger shot by police after attacking man in Germany

There’s no immunity from crime – Lawyer clarifies limits of MP immunity in Ghana

So, you should not form an opinion about someone based on what another person says. Not everything you hear is true, and not every negative thing said about someone is accurate.

You need to be careful and patient. Take time to get to know people for yourself. You do not truly learn about someone by listening to gossip, and you do not discover the truth through rumours.

Spend time with people and observe how they behave. Listen to what they have to say, not just what others say about them. Sometimes, those who are genuinely kind are treated unfairly, while those who are not can appear friendly.

Remember this: if someone is trying to damage another person’s reputation, they may have their own motives and could be pretending to be innocent.

Often, the person spreading rumours is the one you should be most cautious about.

Not everyone who wishes you harm will be obvious. Some people may even pretend to be your friend.

So, be careful about what you believe. Do not hate someone just because others do. The truth eventually comes out to those who are willing to seek it, not just to those who accept what they are told.

About the author
Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa (Amos Kwofie) is a journalist with the Multimedia Group Limited and Development Communication Advocate

Key achievements:

· Exit from the IMF programme with star-studded honours
· Rapid decline in inflation
· A confident cedi
· International reserves built back better
· The quickest debt reduction from 65% to 45% of GDP in just one year

Buoyed by confidence, candour, and transparency, the government’s finance team — competently led by Dr. Ato Forson — carefully choreographed how to work with the IMF programme they inherited, even though it was badly bruised, broken, and moribund from excessive haemorrhage following the twin shocks of the DDEP, which amounted to the literal pickpocketing of our savings and investments by the previous administration.

Remember: the previous government renegotiated the IMF programme the NDC government handed to them. Sadly, they missed almost 70% of the structural benchmarks they had promised the IMF by the end of 2019 — when the economy was already stuttering in fits — only to later be exposed and overwhelmed by COVID-19 and, to a very minute degree, the Russian war on Ukraine.

In essence, the final apocalyptic collapse of the economy we witnessed in 2022 — with all macroeconomic indicators gasping for air — was entirely avoidable.

So what has changed this time with the exit plan from the IMF? A commitment never to return to the IMF after three and a half years — the period we have been cursed, through maladministration, to return to the Fund since independence in 1957.

The Finance Minister and his team defended a decision before Cabinet to be bound by additional strictures of the IMF for 36 months, long after the general elections in 2028. This is to remain credible to investors and the markets, and in the process mobilise enough capital to invest in critical areas of the economy to provide jobs — but crucially, to free up domestic resources for the private sector to blossom. It is a promise not to splurge and waste resources, as has usually been the case with governments that exit IMF programmes.

Essentially, the Government of Ghana announced the official conclusion of the IMF Extended Credit Facility Programme and transitioned immediately to the non-financing Policy Coordination Instrument (PCI) of the IMF.

What is the PCI? It is a non-financial advisory and monitoring tool provided by the IMF. It allows the country to design and implement its own economic reforms without receiving a financial bailout, acting essentially as a global seal of approval for the government’s fiscal management.

This masterstroke in economic diplomacy could not have been achieved without the backing of the President, whose mission this time around is legacy and respect. The President reads every document handed to him, often correcting grammatical mistakes before signing the country up to the contents.

So, we can say that yes, stability has been achieved after the races with death we experienced prior to 2025. Resilience is what we aim for now as a country. We need to remain disciplined and reduce losses by State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), which cost governments approximately $2 billion annually.

Quite a number of SOEs must be axed outright, others merged, and still others injected with independent, world-class management to return profit — because they are enterprises, not social care homes.

In the meantime, we are grateful for the dexterity of the economic management team, the Governor of the Bank of Ghana, the encouraging progress of GoldBod, and all other functionaries of government who will abide by the honour code of spending within budgets to make Ghana’s self-imposed IMF PCI possible.

In Ghana, people like to talk about what’s going on in the country. They do it on the bus, at work, in church, and on social media. There is something that people are not talking about enough: selective criticism.

Selective criticism is when people only get angry when someone they do not like does something. When someone they like does the same thing, they make excuses or stay quiet. This is not a problem in Ghana alone, but it is very visible here.

A person from Ghana might get very angry when a different political party does something. If their own party does the same thing, they get defensive. A pastor might talk about how bad it is when people do wrong things but stay quiet if someone in their church does something bad. People might get mad at the government for wasting money. If someone from their own group does it, they think it is okay. The problem is not that people are criticizing. The problem is that they are not being fair.

This happens because people are not thinking about what’s right or wrong anymore. They are thinking about who’s on their side. In this kind of situation, what is true does not matter as much as who you like.

Politics is a reason why people are being selective with their criticism in Ghana. People who support the parties often act like they are fans of a football team. They will do anything to defend their team. When their party is not in power, they want the other party to be accountable. When their party is in power, they get quiet or make excuses. If there is a problem with corruption, they will find a way to explain it away.

This means that leaders know they can get away with things if they have people defending them. Instead of being afraid of doing something wrong, they just get their supporters to defend them on social media, on the radio, and in public. This makes it hard to hold people accountable because criticism is not fair.

Social media has made this problem worse. Platforms like Facebook, X, TikTok, and WhatsApp make it easy for people to get angry only when it is convenient for them. People attack others for doing things they would excuse if their friends did them. They ignore facts if they do not fit what they want to believe. It is more about being loyal to a group than about what’s true.

This is very bad for Ghana.

First, it makes people lose trust.
When people only criticize their enemies, they do not seem honest. It is hard to take them seriously when they are trying to make a point.

Second, it means leaders do not have to try hard.
Leaders only get better if people are always pushing them to do the right thing. If people only criticize when it is convenient, leaders can get away with doing a bad job.

Third, it makes people fight with each other.
Instead of talking about issues in a fair way, people only care about their own group. This makes it hard for the country to come together.

Fourth, it makes institutions weaker.
In a country, institutions are more important than the people in charge. When people are being selective with their criticism, they attack institutions when they do not like what they are doing.

This problem is not about politics alone. It happens in families, at work, in church, and in life. Parents might get mad at kids for doing something wrong but excuse their own kids for the same thing. Employers might expect their workers to be honest but cheat on their taxes themselves. Religious people might criticize others but not look at their own problems. This makes it seem like it is okay to have double standards.

So why do people do this?

Part of the reason is that people do not want to be left out. They think that if they criticize their group, they will not be liked anymore. So they defend their group instead of defending what is true. In Ghana, loyalty is often more important than honesty.

Another reason is that people get emotional. They want to protect the people and things they care about. Sometimes this makes them not think clearly. They criticize people in a way that is not helpful.

Some people also do this because they need something from someone powerful. They might need a job or protection, so they stay quiet and do not criticize.

Ghana cannot be a fair country if people only get angry when it is convenient. A country gets better when people always try to do the right thing no matter who is involved. If someone does something wrong, it should not matter if they are a friend or an enemy. It should still be wrong.

Being a citizen is not about defending a person or a party. It is about caring about what’s right and fair.

The Ghanaian who only gets mad about corruption when it helps their party is not really fighting corruption. The citizen who only demands accountability from their enemies is not really defending democracy. The activist who only talks about injustice when it is convenient is not really fighting for what’s right.

To stop being selective with criticism, people need to be honest with themselves. They need to separate what is true from how they feel. They need to be able to say that their own group is wrong sometimes. That is what it means to be mature and honest.

Ghana has a lot of people. Sometimes they are not consistent about what is right and wrong.

If people used the energy to criticize their friends as they do to criticize their enemies, Ghana would be a better place. Leaders would be more afraid of doing something wrong. People would trust the government more. The country would have more productive conversations.

Being selective with criticism might make people feel good for a while, but it hurts the country, a group, or company in the long run. A country cannot get better if what changes depends on who is talking.

Ghana’s future depends on having leaders who are good, but also on citizens who are brave enough to always do what is right, even when it is hard.

About the author
Kodwo Mensah Aboroampa (Amos Kwofie) is a journalist with the Multimedia Group Limited and Development Communication Advocate.

On the surface, the rationale is compelling. Modern airport infrastructure is a strategic national asset. It enhances Ghana’s image, boosts tourism, improves safety standards, and positions the country as a regional aviation hub. In a global economy where connectivity defines competitiveness, investment in aviation infrastructure is essential.

However, the mechanism chosen to finance this ambition raises important concerns, particularly when examined through the lens of youth mobility, diaspora engagement, and broader economic impact.

The immediate effect of the levy is a direct increase in the cost of travel to and from Ghana. For international travellers, especially those from the diaspora in places like the United Kingdom, an additional $100 on intercontinental tickets is not insignificant.

Air travel is already price-sensitive, and Ghana competes with multiple destinations across Africa and beyond for diaspora visits, tourism, and business travel. When costs rise, travellers often adjust their behaviour rather than absorb the increase. This is a well-documented principle in aviation economics: demand for air travel is elastic, particularly in leisure and diaspora segments.

From a youth perspective, the implications are even more significant. Young Ghanaians in the diaspora—students, early-career professionals, and young families—are among the most price-sensitive travellers.

These are individuals still building financial stability, yet they remain a key demographic for sustaining long-term cultural and economic ties with Ghana.

Rising travel costs risk weakening that connection. Visits home may become less frequent, shorter, or postponed altogether. Over time, this has implications for identity, remittance flows, and investment behaviour.

Comparatively, global best practices show that while airport development is often supported through user charges, successful aviation hubs carefully balance these fees to remain competitive.

Airports such as Dubai, Istanbul, and Kigali have pursued aggressive infrastructure expansion, but they also implement policies that encourage passenger growth. In many cases, governments absorb a significant portion of infrastructure financing or structure fees in ways that do not discourage travel. The underlying logic is simple: higher passenger volumes generate greater overall economic benefit than high charges on fewer travellers.

In contrast, Ghana’s current approach risks prioritising short-term revenue collection over long-term traffic growth. If fewer people travel, the downstream effects are substantial.

Reduced arrivals mean lower spending in hospitality, transportation, retail, and tourism services. Hotels experience reduced occupancy, local businesses lose customers, and informal sector operators—from taxi drivers to market traders—see declining incomes.

The aviation levy, therefore, cannot be viewed in isolation, as its effects ripple across the wider economy.

There is also a competitiveness dimension. Ghana has positioned itself within West Africa as a preferred destination for conferences, cultural tourism, and diaspora return initiatives such as “Year of Return” and “Beyond the Return.”

These initiatives succeeded partly because they reduced barriers and encouraged travel. Higher costs risk eroding that competitive advantage, particularly when alternative destinations offer similar experiences at lower overall travel costs.

That said, the policy’s objective should not be dismissed. The need for modern, efficient, and scalable airport infrastructure is undeniable. The challenge is not whether to invest, but how to finance that investment in a way that aligns with broader economic goals.

A more balanced approach would involve phased or tiered implementation of levies, allowing the market to adjust gradually rather than imposing sudden cost increases.

Additionally, government could explore blended financing models that combine public investment, private sector participation, and concessional funding to reduce the burden on travellers. Transparency is also critical. When citizens and the diaspora clearly understand how funds are used and see tangible improvements, acceptance of incremental costs increases.

Another consideration is differentiating between traveller categories. Incentives or reduced levies for students, young professionals, and frequent diaspora travellers could help maintain engagement with younger demographics.

Similarly, policies that encourage airline competition and increased route availability could help offset higher charges through lower base fares.

From a youth advocacy standpoint, this issue presents an opportunity for constructive engagement. The role of a youth organiser—particularly within the NPP-UK context—is not only to echo policy positions but to assess their impact on young people and propose workable alternatives.

This means advocating for policies that strengthen connectivity without excluding the very demographic that will shape Ghana’s future.

Ultimately, the issue is one of balance. Ghana must invest in its future, but it must do so in a way that keeps doors open—financially and socially—for its youth and diaspora.

If travel becomes a luxury rather than a bridge, the country risks losing not only visitors but long-term partners in development.

Positioning the debate this way is not about opposition, but about ensuring that infrastructure development is inclusive and that economic policy reflects the interconnected realities of travel, youth engagement, and national growth.

Growing up, many of us learned about the ozone layer in school — how it helps protect the earth from harmful solar radiation and why environmental protection matters. Back then, it felt distant and theoretical, like one of those science topics meant only for exams and classrooms.

Today, climate realities are making those lessons feel personal.

From March through April and now into May, the intensity of the heat has been difficult to ignore. Even on days when it rains, the atmosphere quickly returns to extreme heat. The weather patterns feel increasingly unpredictable, and many people are visibly exhausted from simply moving through the day.

What is even more interesting is how climate conversations are now happening organically in everyday life:

• in offices,
• in taxis,
• on the streets,
• in markets,
• and in casual conversations among ordinary people.

People may not always use scientific terminology, but they are experiencing the effects directly.

And perhaps that is the bigger message: climate change is no longer a distant environmental discussion. It is becoming a lived human experience.

This is why environmental responsibility can no longer be treated as secondary.

As individuals and institutions, there are practical steps we can take:

• plant and protect more trees,
• reduce indiscriminate waste disposal and burning,
• support cleaner and greener practices,
• conserve energy and water responsibly,
• create more environmentally conscious workplaces and communities,
• and continue having meaningful climate conversations.

Awareness alone is not enough anymore.

Responsibility must follow awareness.

Because lately, the sun is telling us something.
And maybe we should pay attention.

If Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s 23-sector policy committee framework achieves its stated ambitions, governance experts say it may do precisely that, permanently altering the expectations Ghanaian voters and analysts hold for political parties when they are not in power.

Several leading political scientists, economists, and governance scholars consulted by this portal were united in their assessment: the Bawumia model represents a structural innovation with the potential to become the new baseline for credible opposition politics in Ghana and, by extension, across West Africa.

Opposition parties in sub-Saharan Africa have typically operated in one of two modes: paralysis or pure opposition theatre said one professor of comparative politics.

What Bawumia is introducing is a third mode, constructively, research-based, programmatic engagement. If it works, it will be very hard for future opposition parties to justify doing less.

The transformation, experts note, will not be instantaneous. The committees must deliver substantive, high-quality output. Their findings must be genuinely independent and intellectually honest.

The NPP leadership must demonstrate the willingness to be challenged by its own research, including, where necessary, abandoning previously held positions in the face of contrary evidence.

“The real test of the framework is not whether it produces policy papers,” said one public policy researcher. “It is whether the NPP leadership actually reads them, takes them seriously, and allows them to change minds. That is where most political think tanks ultimately fail.”

On the opposition dynamics specifically, experts are watching to see how the NDC government responds to what will soon become a constant stream of detailed, technically grounded alternative proposals. If the committees function as designed, the government will face the unusual pressure of defending its programmes not against point-scoring politicians, but against fully worked-out rival policies.

“That changes the terms of political competition entirely,” one analyst observed. “You can’t dismiss a costed, evidence-based policy paper the way you can dismiss a campaign speech.”

Beyond the 2028 horizon, the broader implication of the Bawumia model, if adopted across Ghana’s political spectrum, is a measurable improvement in the quality of policy debate and, ultimately, in the quality of governance the country can expect, whichever party holds power.

“Democracies are strengthened by strong oppositions,” one governance expert concluded. “And strong oppositions are built on serious policy work. Ghana is watching an example of what that looks like. The question is whether it becomes the norm.”

If it does, analysts agree, the architect of that norm will be Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, and the legacy of this moment will extend far beyond any single election result.

With the formal launch of its 23-sector policy committee framework, the New Patriotic Party (NPP), under the intellectual stewardship of the 2028 flagbearer, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, has placed itself in uncharted territory: an opposition party that functions, structurally and operationally, like a government-in-waiting.

No opposition party in Ghana’s democratic history has assembled anything approaching this scale of organised policy capacity.

Previous opposition cycles, whether NDC in opposition post-2000 or NPP between 2009 and 2017, relied heavily on ad hoc policy teams convened primarily during election season, with limited cross-sector coordination and no standing research infrastructure.

What Bawumia is building is categorically different.

The framework features 23 sector committees with full technical membership, a dedicated Policy Coordination Office, internal reporting mechanisms, and a phased deliverables schedule running through to 2027.

Each committee is tasked not merely with critiquing the current government’s performance but with developing fully costed, implementable policy alternatives, the kind of detailed programming that can be converted directly into a governing agenda.

Dr. Bawumia’s fingerprints are all over the design. During his tenure as Vice President, he was famously meticulous about evidence-based policy, spearheading Ghana’s digital transformation agenda with a rigour that set new standards for public administration.

That same disposition, systematic, data, driven, forward-looking, is now being institutionalised in the NPP’s opposition architecture.

Senior party figures interviewed were emphatic about the significance of the moment. The NPP is redefining what it means to be in opposition in Ghana,” one veteran party official said. “We are not just opposing, we are proposing. Not just criticising, we are constructing.

For a country whose political culture has often reduced opposition to mere noise-making, the Bawumia policy committees represents a genuine qualitative leap.

If the committees deliver on their mandate, the NPP will arrive at the 2028 polls not with promises, but with a programme, detailed, researched, and ready for implementation on day one of a new administration.

Ghana’s political history, it appears, is being rewritten. And the NPP, under Bawumia’s direction, is holding the pen.

While the response from the Ghana Police Service is acknowledged, there is deep worry about the handling of sensitive details particularly the public disclosure of the minor’s full identity.

This has left the young girl exposed, traumatised, and facing difficult confrontations from peers who are now aware of the painful circumstances surrounding her abuse.
The case had earlier been reported without revealing her identity, in line with basic child protection standards. That protection has now been compromised.

AAccording to the victim’s account, the abuse allegedly began when she was just 10 years old during a period she lived with her father in Garu. At age 11, after reportedly being given medication to terminate a pregnancy, she confided in a doctor at Garu Presbyterian Hospital, leading to a police report.

Despite this, the case appears to have stalled. Reports suggest that although it reached police authorities in Garu and Bolgatanga, no decisive action was taken at the time.

The victim further alleges prolonged abuse under threats, including being locked up and deprived of food. Medical reports later confirmed she is HIV positive. The accused officer has also reportedly admitted to being HIV positive.

Even after the girl was relocated to Agona Jamasi for care, the alleged abuse is said to have continued.

This raises troubling questions: Why was this case not pursued with urgency from the outset? Why did earlier reports fail to trigger decisive intervention? And why, months after a formal complaint was lodged at the Agona District Police Command in November, is interdiction still described as “ongoing”?

The gravity of this case demands more than procedural updates it requires swift, transparent, and decisive action.

The protection of vulnerable victims, especially minors, must remain paramount.

The writer, Abena Opokua Ahwenee, is a senior broadcast journalist with Multimedia Group Limited’s Adom Brands.

Let me begin by celebrating my late mother, Madam Abena Atta, as well as my wife, Evelyn, for all the cooking and housekeeping and helping raise the kids. In addition to these, I have reflected a lot on the “mothers” in my life.

I start with my surrogate mother, Aminata Wangara, who stepped in whenever my mother was absent or angry, with comfort and tuo-safi and other great dishes. Teacher Mercy Adubofuor of TAPASS was a great mother figure. At Osei Kyeretwie Secondary School, Alberta Bodom showed us tough love and provided encouragement. When I got into trouble as a student leader, Maame Serwaa was incredible. As she said, us boys were trouble, “Menfii mo mpo!”

And I still remember the matronly, grey-haired Ivoirien woman who, upon hearing my story, gave me a hug and kept repeating, “Mon Dieu,” while crying.

In Canada, at the University of Toronto, my mother was Head of Department, Professor Doane. After writing many references for me, I finally went to thank her for her support before leaving to begin my residency. Her reserve broke. “Come for a hug, son,” she said. “You are the most determined and resilient student I have taught in my 30 years here.” Then, as I headed out of the door, she shouted, “Stay humble.”

During my residency, my mother/big sister was the iconic OKESS SP, Josephine Oppong. She and her husband were incredible. They really made me feel at home.

In honour of these great women and those in your life, let’s encourage our women to get their pap smears, mammograms and colonoscopies. And while at it, let’s encourage them to celebrate and where necessary, reconcile with the men who made them mothers.

And to you, my fellow men, every day is Mothers’ Day. Be kind and supportive to the women in your life. If you are treating your wife better than your mother, you are setting a bad example for your children! Your wife/side-chick should not get the latest phone from you when your mother only has a “bankye” phone.

Happy Mothers’ Day and God bless you all.

As a nation with decades of self-rule, we should be boasting of a robust healthcare infrastructure. Instead, we are witnessing the lethal consequences of system failure.

1. The Cost Of Political Petulance
   Per the expert report by Prof. Agyekum Badu Akosa and his team, an effective Bed Management Network would have likely saved Mr. Amissah. We had a system that achieved nearly 80% national coverage, housing over eight years of patient records. Yet, due to the toxic culture of “canceling inherited projects” for political optics and “chop chop”, that progress was scrapped.

We must ask the Ministry: What has our healthcare system gained from this retrogression? While they seek new contracts, the Ghanaian people are losing their lives.

2. The Erosion Of The Ambulance Service
   What has happened to our EMTs? You inherited over 300 ambulances and a trained workforce of thousands. Today, we see a service run aground.

• Why are our EMTs no longer receiving Advanced Trauma Life Support (ATLS) training?
• How can a Ministry of Health justify scapegoating frontline staff when the leadership has failed to provide the basic tools for survival?

Administration of intravenous fluids in ambulance during transportation could’ve avoided the death of Charles Amissah – Prof Akosa report.

When the policy direction is Abobolance, then the system is in trouble.

3. Stop Scapegoating Our Doctors
   It is cowardly to blame overworked, underpaid Medical Officers for a “death trap” system they didn’t create.

• Our doctors are treating patients in corridors.
• “Improvisation” has become the standard operating procedure due to a lack of resources.
• Fresh Medical Officers and thousands of nurses are sitting at home unemployed while the patient-to-doctor ratio remains dangerously high even at Ridge, Police Hospital and Korle Bu.

To the politician enjoying the trappings of being a parliamentarian, with an army of staff to cater for your every whim: Do not lecture a tired young doctor on a “crazy” night shift about a referral they innocently made that has led to a loss of an innocent life. Their hearts are already burdened by the “had I known” menace.
Your policies have ensured that finding a bed to refer to is like climbing Mount Kilimanjaro. No doctor finds joy in losing a patient. None. No one refers with malice.

4. Our Demand For Accountability
   We don’t need “chop chop” contracts; we need functioning hospitals. We have completed and near-complete facilities rotting away while the Ministry plays politics with human lives.

Employ the doctors. Employ the nurses. Reinstate the national healthcare database. Restore the Bed Management System. Work was started on a national ambulance network database, what is the progress?

Our deepest thoughts and prayers are with the family of Charles Amissah. No family should ever have to endure a loss like this. We will not stop demanding a system that values life over politics.

In his editorial segment, “Samson’s Take”, before the commencement of Newsfile, he stated that the public could not dismiss the minister’s comments as a mere mistake, arguing that such transfers have existed for years and are often used by politicians to punish their opponents.

He revealed that, following the recent development, many professionals had contacted him with similar complaints, alleging that after the change of government in 2024, they were transferred to the northern part of the country for no apparent reason other than to serve political interests.

Watch the full Samson’s Take below:

Ghana’s children are already online, tonight, in homes and dormitories across the country. The platforms that surround them have been permitted to govern themselves. They have not governed themselves well.

Source: UNICEF Ghana • Cyber Security Authority • Ghana Police Service CID

Ghana did not build its physical cities without traffic regulations, child protection services, schools, and courts. The understanding was intuitive: a city without foundational rules is not freedom — it is danger, and the youngest and most vulnerable bear the greatest cost.

The internet is now, functionally, a city. It is the largest, most densely connected, and most behaviourally influential city in human history. For too long, it has operated without the most rudimentary protections for those least equipped to protect themselves.

Ghana has made a credible beginning. The Cybersecurity Act, 2020 is a genuine legislative achievement — not merely performative. The Cyber Security Authority is operationally active. The Ghana Internet Safety Foundation is conducting substantive community engagement across schools, churches, and mosques. UNICEF is investing in Ghana’s forensic infrastructure. Children hold Ghana Cards in their pockets and a legal framework, however incomplete, in their corner.

But the statistics demand a reckoning.

More than 13,000 reports of child sexual abuse material were attributed to Ghana in a single year. One in three senior high school girls in Accra has been subjected to digital blackmail. Five thousand cyber incidents were reported to the Criminal Investigations Department in a single two-year period. These are not the metrics of a country that can afford to conclude that the start is sufficient.

The second world in which Ghana’s children live — always on, borderless, algorithmically curated, and commercially optimised — does not have school gates or neighbourhood watches. It has platforms, and those platforms have, to date, been largely permitted to govern themselves.

The legislative tools are substantially available. The institutional architecture is partially in place. The political will must now match the scale of the problem.

THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONSIBILITY

Among the most persistent and consequential errors in this debate is the impulse to assign responsibility to a single actor. Parents blame platforms. Governments blame parents. Platforms blame regulators. The operational result of this triangular recrimination is that children fall through the gaps between institutions, each of which believes the obligation lies elsewhere. Effective protection demands that all parties act simultaneously — each with clearly delineated, non-delegable duties.

Protecting children online is not a problem that belongs to any one of these actors alone. It belongs to all of them at once. The moment any single party stops acting and waits for another to move first is the moment a child is left unprotected.

Ghana’s children are online. They are there now, tonight, in homes and dormitories across the country. They cannot wait. Neither can we.

“Are they selling my details? ”You’re not alone. We’ve all gotten that strange MoMo text minutes after signing up somewhere. So yes, we pause before hitting “Buy Now.”

But a new study I published in the Journal of Electronic Business & Digital Economics asked 1,000 Ghanaian online shoppers about this fear. The result? When companies handle your data right, that fear makes you trust them more, not less. For smart businesses, data privacy isn’t a problem. It’s their best sales pitch.

Ghana’s Online Boom Has a Trust Problem

We’re all shopping online now, wigs on IG, food on Bolt, clothes on Jiji. MoMo moved GH₵1.9 trillion last year. But with growth comes fear. Data leaks. Fake shops. Companies that take your info and suddenly you’re getting loan calls you never asked for.

Many business owners think, “Ghanaians don’t care about privacy. They just want cheap.” My research says that’s wrong. Ghanaians care. And how you treat their data decides if they buy once or for life.

What 1,000 Shoppers Told Us

We surveyed Jiji users and others across Ghana. We tested: How does worrying about data privacy affect trust in online shops? And does it change if:   The website is easy to use?  The shopper knows basic online safety?

4 Things Every Online Seller in Ghana Must Know

We Protect Your Data” Is Your Best Advert.

When companies say plainly: “We take your number only for delivery. We never share it. We delete it after 30 days,” trust jumps. Customers think: “Ah, these people respect me.” They buy — and come back. So stop hiding your privacy note in tiny font. Make it your selling point. If MTN can explain MoMo charges simply, you can explain data use simply.

A Slow Website Looks Like a Scam

Privacy fear is real. But a bad website makes it worse. If your page loads slowly, payment fails, or nobody replies to WhatsApp, customers think: “If they can’t run a site, how will they protect my card?”

But when it’s fast, click, pay, “Order Confirmed” in seconds, customers relax. They think: “These people are professional. I’m safe. ”Your website speed is your privacy policy. Fix it before you boost ads.

Teach Customers, And They’ll Spend More

Shoppers who understand basic online safety don’t avoid buying. They choose better companies. We found that Ghanaians with digital know-how don’t panic about data.

They ask: “Is this company following the rules?” If yes, they trust more, and buy more. Post a 30-second tip: “How to spot a safe website.” Do “Data Safety Sunday” on your page. When customers feel smart, they feel safe. Safe customers spend.

Ghana’s Privacy Story Is Different In a Good Way

In the West, people say they care about privacy but overshare anyway. In Ghana, privacy concerns directly shape buying. But if you handle it right, those concerns build trust.

That means you don’t have to choose between “using data for ads” and “respecting privacy.” Do both. Be open, be clear, be fast and customers will reward you.

Same Sneakers, Different Results

Two IG pages sell sneakers in Accra. Page A: Takes your details. No explanation. Website crashes. Replies after 2 days. Customers think: “Scam.” No sales.

Page B: Says: “Your number is for delivery only. We never share it.” Site is fast. MoMo works. Replies in 2 minutes. Customers think: “Professional.” They buy and tag friends. Same product. Different outcome. The difference? Trust.

Moves To Make Today 

Talk Plain About Data. “We use your number for delivery only. Nothing else.” No big English. Put it where people see it.  Fix Your Site First. That GH₵5,000 ad budget? Spend GH₵1,000 making your site faster first. Slow sites kill sales. 

Make Customers Digital Sharp. Share one safety tip weekly. They’ll thank you with their wallet.

For Government and Banks Too

Ghana’s Data Protection Act exists, but many SMEs don’t get it. The Data Protection Commission should train traders in Makola and Kejetia, not just fine them. Banks and fintechs: Give lower fees to shops with clear privacy rules and secure sites. Make good data behavior profitable.

Last Word: Trust Is Ghana’s New Online Currency

We say “24-hour economy” and “Ghana Beyond Aid.” But that fails if people fear shopping online after dark. This research proves Ghanaians aren’t afraid of digital. They’re afraid of being disrespected. Respect their data.

Explain clearly. Make the experience smooth. Do that, and trust follows. Trust brings sales, jobs, and growth. Don’t treat data privacy as legal wahala. Treat it as your best marketing strategy.

In Ghana’s digital market, the shops that protect info, and say so, will win. The rest? Customers will swipe left and tell the whole group chat to do the same.

The author:

Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan is a lecturer and researcher in Marketing, Sustainable Business and Leadership in emerging markets

When John Dramani Mahama took office in January 2025, the country stood at a difficult crossroads. The economic headwinds were not abstract; they were real, immediate, and deeply felt by ordinary Ghanaians.

Expectations were high, but so too were the constraints. The task before his administration was not simply to govern, but to steady a nation, restore confidence, and chart a credible path forward. That work is still underway.

Barely a year and a half into this mandate, it is sobering to reflect on how quickly attention can drift. The conversation, subtle as it may be in some quarters, about succession in 2028 risks arriving before the foundations of recovery have even been firmly laid.

The weight of the present moment

Governance, especially in times of recovery, demands concentration. It demands a certain humility – the recognition that the work before us is larger than any one individual’s future ambitions.

President Mahama still has more than two and a half years to deliver on the commitments made to the Ghanaian people. Those years are not excess time; they are the core of the mandate, that is to say, what is done or left undone within this period will shape not only the judgment of this administration, but the credibility of those who may seek to lead after it. To turn, even partially, from that task toward personal political calculations is not just premature; it is a quiet form of neglect.

A party yet to complete its own journey

Within the National Democratic Congress, the internal democratic journey is itself incomplete. At the most basic level, the branch, the party has yet to renew its structures through elections. From there will come the constituency, regional, and ultimately national processes.

These are not procedural formalities; they are the lifeblood of the party’s legitimacy. Leadership, if it is to endure, must emerge from this order, not from anticipation of it, and certainly not from attempts to outpace it.

There is something deeply instructive in this moment: even the foundation has not yet been settled, yet thoughts are already drifting to the summit.

The burden of responsibility

For those entrusted with roles in government, the obligation is even clearer and heavier.

Public office is, at its core, a trust. It demands presence, attention, and a full measure of commitment. It does not lend itself easily to divided focus. The pursuit of personal ambition, when it begins to compete with the demands of governance, creates a quiet erosion of performance, discipline, and ultimately trust. It must be said plainly: those who cannot subordinate ambition to duty risk doing injustice to both.

And where that tension becomes irreconcilable, there is honour, not weakness, in stepping aside. The nation deserves full service; ambition deserves honest pursuit. The two must not be confused.

The fragility of a national reset

The reset agenda that underpins this administration is not indestructible. It is fragile in its early stages and depends on consistency, discipline, and collective alignment. It requires that those entrusted with responsibility act not as individuals advancing separate interests, but as custodians of a shared national project.

To fragment that focus, to reduce it to parochial platforms or emerging factions, is to place the entire effort at risk. Nations have lost momentum this way before: not through dramatic failure, but through gradual distraction.

A time for reflection, not positioning

There will be a time, inevitably, for leadership contests, for ideas to be tested, for ambition to find its proper expression. That time will come through the party’s structures and the rhythms of the democratic process. But this is not that time.

This is a time for quiet discipline, for reflection, for work that is often unglamorous but essential, and for an understanding that the legitimacy of tomorrow’s leadership will be built on the integrity of today’s service.

Conclusion

There is something sobering in recognising how easily focus can be lost, not through crisis, but through premature anticipation. The question before us is not who leads in 2028. The question is whether, by 2028, we would have delivered enough, done enough, steadied enough, to justify the trust that was placed in this administration in 2025.

Discipline is what will answer that question. The clock is not yet ticking toward succession; it is ticking toward delivery, and for now, discipline must prevail over ambition.

Now imagine that silence breaking, not because a student is done thinking, but because a door swings open.

A group walks in and automatically, heads begin to turn. The invigilator stiffens. And just like that, concentration is broken.

Across several Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE) centres in Ghana, a growing concern is emerging: interruptions during active exam sessions, often in the name of “monitoring visits” or goodwill gestures. While supervision is essential to maintaining credibility, the manner in which some of these visits are conducted raises serious questions about focus and the overall integrity of the examination process.

The Unseen Disruption

For a candidate seated in an exam hall, the stakes are high. BECE is not just another test; it is a defining academic milestone. Students prepare for months, sometimes years, for these few hours.

So what happens when, in the middle of answering a question, a convoy of dignitaries enters the room?

In some instances, students are expected to pause, look up, or even acknowledge the presence of these visitors. It may last only a few minutes, but in an exam, minutes are not just time, but momentum.

Thought processes are delicate. A student solving a mathematics problem or structuring an essay relies on mental flow. Interrupt that flow, and the mind must restart. For some, that reset comes at a cost they cannot recover from within the limited time.

Monitoring or Misplaced Presence?

To be clear, monitoring is not the problem. In fact, it is necessary.

The West African Examinations Council (WAEC) explicitly states that it may deploy inspectors, supervisors, or authorised officers to ensure that examinations are conducted in strict accordance with regulations. These individuals are trained, expected, and, most importantly, non-disruptive.

But the growing trend of “monitoring visits” by individuals who fall outside this technical category is where the line begins to blur.

Yes, high-ranking officials; Ministers, Municipal Directors, or District Chief Executives, often conduct oversight visits. In some cases, traditional leaders and other public figures join in what is described as morale-boosting engagements.

But the question remains: must morale be boosted during the exam itself?

Encouragement is powerful, but timing is everything. A word of motivation before the paper begins or during scheduled breaks can inspire confidence. Walking into an exam hall mid-paper, however, risks doing the opposite.

A System Without Clear Boundaries?

One troubling gap is the apparent lack of a clearly defined structure for non-essential visitors during examinations.

WAEC regulations are detailed when it comes to candidates, invigilators, supervisors, and authorised inspectors. But when it comes to external visitors, especially those not directly involved in the conduct of the exam, the guidelines appear less explicit, at least in practice.

Does the system formally permit such visits during active writing periods? If so, under what conditions? And if not, why does it continue to happen?

Without clear enforcement or boundaries, what begins as a goodwill gesture can easily become a disruptive norm.

A Real Scenario

In one reported instance, a well-known individual (name withheld) entered an examination centre accompanied by an entourage of about ten people. The group moved through the centre while candidates were actively writing.

No matter how well-intentioned, such a presence inevitably shifts attention. It alters the environment. It reminds students that they are being watched; not just by invigilators, but by an audience. And from what I know, exams are not performances.

The Psychological Cost

Distraction in an exam is not just physical but deeply psychological.

A student who loses concentration may struggle to regain their train of thought. Anxiety can set in while the pressure of time intensifies. For candidates already dealing with exam stress, even a brief interruption can feel overwhelming. Then we have the issue of ‘chew and pour’ and the mind waiting for such an interruption to forget everything a candidate crammed last-minute.

Research in cognitive psychology consistently shows that task-switching, in this case, the shifting attention from the answer sheet to the visitor’s gaze, reduces efficiency and increases error rates. In an exam setting, that could mean the difference between a correct answer and a careless mistake.

Rethinking the Approach

The solution is not to eliminate oversight or community involvement. It is to refine it.

If monitoring visits are necessary, they should be strictly limited to authorised personnel trained to observe without interference. If dignitaries and well-wishers wish to support candidates, structured opportunities should be created before the exam begins or after it ends.

Examination halls should remain exactly what they’re meant to be: controlled, quiet and free from avoidable distractions.

Protecting the Moment That Matters

The BECE is a moment of transition. It’s a bridge between basic education and the future. For every candidate seated in that hall, it represents hope and possibility.

They deserve more than good intentions. They deserve focus.

Because in the end, success in an exam is not just about what you know; it is greatly about the environment in which you are allowed to show it.

Think about it.

That was not a suggestion, it was a test.

Arrive at 6:10 a.m., and you would be met with piercing disappointment:
“Are you a serious candidate? I gave you seven minutes after six o’clock, and you are already three minutes late. You are not time-conscious. Go and return in a fortnight same time.”

But arrive early say, exactly 6:00 a.m. and you would still not pass. A knock at the door would be met with his firm, unmistakable voice:
“Yees, come in… My friend, it is not yet time. Leave my office and return at the agreed time.”

That was Dr. Kojo Opoku Aidoo a man of precision, principle, and purpose.

If you walked into his office unprepared unable to initiate scholarly discussion or situate your work within reviewed literature you would quietly be dismissed and sent back to do the real work. He did not tolerate intellectual laziness. He demanded excellence. And he got it.

This was the secret behind his legacy:
His students did not just complete their PhDs they defended them with authority.

I vividly recall Thursday, August 14, 2025 the day of my oral defence (Viva) scheduled for 1:00 p.m. I met him that morning. Calm as ever, he looked at me and said:
“Don’t be nervous. Go with ‘takashie’ and kill it for me. I wish you all the best.”

That was his way simple words, but deeply empowering.

To another of his students, Dr Harrison Kofi Belley, during his Viva in November 2021, he remarked:
“Why are you in a dark shirt on such an important day? You should be in white you will sail through.”

Even in the smallest details, he spoke confidence into his students.

Beyond the lecture room and office walls, he was warm, human, and full of life. On his birthday last year, I, together with Dr David Agbey, visited his residence to celebrate him. There, we met Pastor Richard, Kweku Darko Ankrah, and a circle of friends. It was laughter, fellowship, and joy.

I will never forget the simple but cherished moments sharing pizza and fruit juice after intense thesis reviews. Nor will I forget how Dr. Belley would bring him abolo, lobsters, and fried fingerlings all the way from Ho in the Volta Region. These were not just meals; they were symbols of respect, gratitude, and deep connection.

Today, however, the vibrancy, discipline, and intellectual fire of this great man are no more.

Prof as I fondly called him we, your proud products from the College of Humanities, Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, carry your imprint forever. You shaped not only our academic journeys but our character, our discipline, and our pursuit of excellence.

Though you are no longer with us, you live on—in every thesis defended, every lecture delivered, and every standard upheld.

Nante yie, Prof.
Damerifa Due! Due ne amanehunu!

The BOG, instead of following laid down rules and regulations on how to proceed with this simple mandate, rather engaged in a PR stunt with the MPs of the ruling political party and has thereby clearly and dangerously politicised, for the first time, such an important independent state institution and its functions.

For me, these issues highlight the immense challenges and difficulties of the job of the Finance Minister. I dare say that if everything were good in the books, then there would have been no stunt, and the Governor of the BOG would have undertaken his responsibilities ordinarily and normally, without the Majority in Parliament first disclosing bits and pieces and defending issues before the actual publication.

So it may be important for us to be sincere with ourselves that the work of the Finance Minister is a Herculean task, and we must therefore appreciate occupants of that post, especially for their commitment to deliver, regardless of the posturing of the Cabinet and the President. Why do I say this? On two bases:

1. The Finance Minister is a member of Cabinet, but he is not the only member, and decisions taken at Cabinet may not be in tandem with what he believes. But if the group decides contrary to his advice, he is bound by the group’s decision. If the group agrees to undertake a project for which he finds that the economy would be strained, his opinion may be overlooked, and he would have to raise the cash for that project regardless of his views.
2. The colonial structure of the economy of Ghana makes it difficult to manoeuvre, as fiscal space is so tight and limiting, and yet the needs of the people are unlimited. Ghana is heavily dependent on imports, and industrialisation is very low, so there is a huge global impact whenever there is global volatility.

There are other factors, but let me limit myself to these two. So basically, the foundation is very weak, as local productivity is very low and unemployment is high. The pressure on the local currency is daunting, and the Finance Minister has very limited options in the management of the economy, supported by the Bank of Ghana and other relevant institutions like the Ghana Revenue Authority.

Who do we blame, for instance, for the GHS15.6 billion losses in the books of the BOG? Is it the BOG Governor, the Finance Minister, or Gold Board’s operations? You see, this is a complex situation because the whole idea was to protect the people and industry from maybe a harsher reality in terms of inflation and exchange rate volatility. But we notice that regardless of the noble reasons, it always comes at a heavy price, and if this continues, then the very same people that this decision aimed to protect would have to pay the price, as it happened under such programmes as the Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP). The thing is, something has to give.

These are the reasons why I believe our former Finance Minister, Ken Ofori-Atta, needs to be rather praised than condemned and blamed for our economic woes. Let us be real—this same man we blame has arguably, without question, seen Ghana through one of the best sustained GDP growth periods recorded in the last 20 years, if not more. Ghana recorded sustained growth which was policy-driven between 2017 and 2019—the best ever—and yet some would want us to believe he was the worst.

But let us take a few of his decisions and put them to the test. Some commercial banks had been terribly mismanaged—let’s forget the political twists at the time, as time has proven that this was the case—and the result was that all the depositors of those banks should have lost their money. But Cabinet, on the advice of Mr Ofori-Atta, rather saved 4 million depositors their money rather than save 3,000 workers their jobs. Are we saying that the government should have saved both, or that the 3,000 affected people should have been saved instead? The state could not apply the same solution and get a different result. We are aware that some of these banks had already been saved but continued the abuses.

Mr Ofori-Atta also, with the BOG team, decided to put some of these banks together and thereby save some jobs rather than let everyone lose their jobs. So technically, some banks were saved and some jobs were saved.

Let me hereby mention some of the other pressures that confronted him:

1. President Akufo-Addo was undertaking huge developmental policies and projects which required massive financing, including FREE SHS and 1D1F.
2. The state was also constructing new roads everywhere, similar to what the John Mahama government wants to achieve under the BIG PUSH.
3. The man was hit by COVID—a period of supply chain disruptions and cash flow entrapment, where the government only spent without making revenue.
4. Then came the Russia-Ukraine war.

How many Finance Ministers could have easily navigated these impediments? Yet, this man went through them, and when the country could no longer hold, he came up with a solution, which is today referred to as the DDEP. Even though this was painful, I want to see the positive side—the mindset of the man, Ken Ofori-Atta, and his ability to adapt and find solutions in hard times.

So next time you mention that name, maybe think about the positive and not the political propaganda.

Yet behind these impressive numbers lies an uncomfortable question: the very institution that engineered this recovery, the Bank of Ghana, is financially broken. And fixing it will cost every Ghanaian, one way or another, for years to come.

A close reading of the Bank’s newly released 2025 financial statements, prepared on 29 April 2026, reveals the full scale of the damage. The central bank’s total equity, the difference between what it owns and what it owes, stands at a staggering negative GH¢96.3 billion. That is not a typo. The Bank of Ghana, the guardian of our currency, has a balance sheet that is deeply underwater.

How did we get here? The answer is both simple and troubling. The Bank of Ghana has, in effect, spent itself into a deep financial hole in order to rescue the economy from runaway inflation. Its primary weapon has been Open Market Operations, the process of selling high interest securities to commercial banks to mop up excess money in the system. In 2025 alone, the interest cost of these operations reached a staggering GH¢16.7 billion, nearly double the GH¢8.6 billion spent the year before.

To put that number in perspective, GH¢16.7 billion is roughly equivalent to the entire budget of some government ministries combined. It is money the central bank has paid out to commercial banks, essentially as the price of controlling inflation. The strategy worked. Inflation is down, the currency has stabilised, and businesses can plan again. But the central bank itself has been left financially crippled.

A large one off gold sale provided a lifeline. The Bank sold 869,915 ounces of refined gold in 2025, generating proceeds of roughly US$3.6 billion and booking a gain of GH¢9.57 billion. Without this windfall, the reported loss of GH¢15.63 billion for the year would have been far worse. Even so, the Bank still recorded a total comprehensive loss, including exchange rate movements on its foreign reserves, of GH¢34.95 billion.

The Bank’s management is keen to point out that despite these frightening numbers, the institution remains what they call “policy solvent.” This means its core income can still cover the direct costs of its monetary policy operations. They calculate this surplus at GH¢5.5 billion for 2025, a significant improvement over the GH¢794 million recorded in 2024.

Technically, they may be right. A central bank is not like a commercial bank. It cannot become insolvent in the traditional sense because it can always create cedis to meet its local currency obligations. But this argument, while legally sound, misses the practical reality. A central bank that finances its own operations by printing money is a central bank that is fuelling the very inflation it is supposed to fight. We cannot celebrate the defeat of inflation while quietly laying the groundwork for its return.

So what happens next? The Government has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Bank, and Parliament has passed the Bank of Ghana (Amendment) Act, 2025, which commits the state to recapitalise the central bank. The plan is to inject capital in phases between now and 2032, with the goal of restoring positive equity by the end of that period.

This is where the bill lands on the doorstep of every Ghanaian. Recapitalising the Bank of Ghana will require the Government to transfer either cash or interest bearing bonds to the central bank. Those bonds must be serviced. That money must come from somewhere. It will come from taxpayers, either through higher taxes, reduced public spending, or more government borrowing that crowds out private investment.

Ghanians are, in effect, being asked to pay for the successful fight against inflation. The alternative, leaving the Bank to print its way out of trouble, would be catastrophic. It would destroy the hard won gains of the last two years and plunge the country back into a cycle of rising prices and a collapsing currency. Nobody wants that.

But Ghanaians deserve an honest conversation about what this recapitalisation means. Every cedi the Government transfers to the Bank of Ghana is a cedi that cannot go to building roads, equipping hospitals, funding schools, or supporting vulnerable citizens. The trade off is real and it will be felt over the next seven years.

There is also a risk that the recovery proves fragile. The improved “policy solvency” figure for 2025 depends heavily on the gold sale windfall, which cannot be repeated every year. If inflation proves stubborn, if the currency comes under renewed pressure, or if global interest rates remain high, the Bank could easily slide back into a position where its core income no longer covers its costs. That would require even more taxpayer support, or worse, a temptation to abandon the zero financing agreement with the Government.

The current economic trajectory is encouraging. Inflation is low, growth is solid, and the IMF programme, now extended to August 2026 for technical reasons, has provided a crucial anchor of discipline. But this success was purchased at an enormous cost that the country has not yet fully paid and that cost is now sitting on the Bank of Ghana’s balance sheet.

As the IMF programme draws to a close and the Government’s need to issue bonds for the recapitalisation begins to push the debt to GDP ratio back toward 53 percent, we will face a critical test. Can we maintain the fiscal discipline that brought us this far? Can we recapitalise the central bank without undermining the very stability we have fought to achieve?

The Bank of Ghana has done its job. It has tamed inflation at great cost to its own financial health. Now the Government, and by extension every Ghanaian citizen, must pick up the bill. How we manage that obligation, honestly, transparently, and sustainably, will determine whether the current recovery endures or proves to be another false dawn.

READ ALSO:

The numbers speak for themselves – Majority replies Minority over BoG loss

Minority accuses NDC of hiding BoG’s true financial crisis amidst claims of GH¢44bn loss

Real GDP grew 6.3 % in the first half of 2025. The primary balance swung from a deficit of 2.9 % of GDP to a surplus of 2.6 %. Public debt tumbled from 61.8 % to 45.3 % of GDP, beating the IMF’s 2034 target by nearly a decade. Inflation, which had scorched households at 54 % in December 2022, was wrestled down to 13.7 % by mid‑2025 and, by March 2026, sat at a quiet 3.2 %. The Fund projects it will drift back to 7.9 % by year‑end, and GDP growth of 4.8 % in 2026, slightly above the sub‑Saharan average.

Finance Minister Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, receiving the mission, called the reform journey “long, demanding, but ultimately transformative” and, “in every material sense, a success.” The IMF team echoed the sentiment, describing the moment as a significant milestone.

Good numbers, however, have a dangerous habit of hiding bad structures. Imagine the economy as a tripod. One leg is fiscal, how the state collects and spends. The second is structural or real, the farms, factories, energy grids, ports and skills that produce value. The third is monetary, the central bank’s management of prices, credit and the currency. A stable nation walks on all three. What Ghana has done in recent years is more precarious: it has balanced almost the entire recovery on the third leg, using it to prop up the first, while the second, the one that actually builds wealth, remains dangerously thin.

The cedi’s comeback and a central bank fighting alone

The fight against inflation was won not only by high interest rates but by a dramatic appreciation of the cedi. After losing more than half its value in 2022, the currency staged a ferocious rally. By October 2025 it had gained 37 % against the dollar, ranked as sub‑Saharan Africa’s best performer over eight months. By April 2026, cumulative appreciation topped 40 %, gross international reserves hit $12 billion, and import cover reached 5.8 months. The central bank, having held the line, delivered its largest rate cut on record in July 2025, slashing the Monetary Policy Rate from 28 % to 25 %.

The exchange rate was the transmission belt that made the disinflation story credible. Imported goods, from fuel to food, are priced directly off the cedi. A strengthening currency compresses pass‑through into domestic prices faster than any interest rate alone can. It also anchors the daily expectations of businesses and households, who watch the cedi the way a patient watches a pulse.

Yet this triumph belongs largely to the Bank of Ghana, fighting almost alone. The fiscal leg, despite headline surpluses, relied heavily on cash rationing. Parliament authorised capital spending of 1.5 % of GDP. According to the Minority in Parliament, the government implemented only about 0.5 %, a $1.1 billion shortfall in public investment. That is not discipline; it is anaemia dressed up as prudence.

Structural hole: energy bleeds the budget

The IMF’s sixth review places structural reforms at the top of the agenda, and no issue is more urgent than energy. The Fund estimates the annual power‑sector shortfall at $2.2 billion, driven by massive commercial and technical losses at the Electricity Company of Ghana and sluggish tariff adjustments. The government paid $1.47 billion in 2025 alone to clear legacy debts and restore a depleted World Bank guarantee. Cumulative liabilities across the sector run into tens of billions of cedis, a drain the World Bank warns could cost the government $2 billion a year by 2026, roughly 20 % of the national budget.

This is not operational friction; it is structural haemorrhage. Unmetered streetlights, power theft, procurement inefficiencies and distribution losses swallow resources that could otherwise fund schools, roads, or agricultural extension. The IMF has repeatedly flagged weaknesses in state‑owned enterprises, especially energy, as persistent fiscal risks. Nationally, electrification stands at a laudable 90 %, yet rural access is stuck near 50 %. Electricity is available; reliability and affordability are not.

Beyond power: the hardware of an economy is missing

Energy is the most visible wound, but the structural deficit runs wider. Cocoa, which contributes a tenth of GDP, saw output crash to 425,000 tonnes in 2023/24, a 22‑year low, before recovering to a forecast 650,000 tonnes in 2025/26 on better weather, higher farm‑gate prices and a crackdown on illegal mining. The rebound is welcome, but it exposes how much of the productive base remains hostage to rain, price cycles and environmental decay, not anchored in processing and value addition.

Agriculture employs roughly one‑third of the workforce and contributes a fifth of GDP. Yet post‑harvest losses, low mechanisation and weak industry linkages cap its potential. Manufacturing, the classic engine of transformation, is stuck in reverse: value‑added fell to 10.1 % of GDP in 2024, down from the year before. The informal sector, where nearly 80 % of working Ghanaians earn a living, produces only 27 % of GDP, a staggering productivity chasm.

The composition of recent growth deepens the worry. The 6.3 % expansion in the first half of 2025 was services‑heavy, led by ICT, finance and trade. Construction and manufacturing lagged. Ghana is not building the productive base that sustains jobs and incomes over decades; it is consuming and transacting its way to growth that could evaporate with the next external shock.

Finance Minister Forson, even while welcoming the IMF team, named the silent threat: youth unemployment. “If we do not create the conditions for the private sector to absorb our young people,” he warned, “the pressure on the state to provide jobs will become unsustainable.”

The fiscal leg: the revenue trap and a historic legal break

All three legs converge on a stubborn number: the tax‑to‑GDP ratio has hovered below 14 % for years, roughly half the average of lower‑middle‑income peers. Without structural transformation, the tax base cannot broaden. The government is forced to borrow domestically. Banks now hold GH¢162.9 billion in government instruments against GH¢89.2 billion in private‑sector loans, a lopsided allocation that starves the very enterprises that might create jobs and pay taxes.

Parliament’s December 2025 amendment to the Bank of Ghana Act prohibits the central bank from buying government securities on the primary market, a clean break from the printing‑press financing that fuelled the 2022 crisis. That legal barrier is essential, but it cannot substitute for a growing real economy. If the structural leg does not strengthen, the fiscal numbers will wobble again, and the monetary leg will once more be asked to carry the weight.

A scaffold, not a building

The IMF mission will now draft its report. A Board meeting within weeks could clear the final disbursement and close the programme. African Department Director Abebe Aemro Selassie was blunt before the mission left Washington: “This is not for the IMF,  this is for the people of Ghana, the government, private sector and civil society.”

The World Bank’s 2025 Policy Notes frame the long game: Ghana can triple per‑capita income from $2,200 to $6,600 by 2050, but only with deep reforms that restore macro‑financial stability, lift productivity, manage natural resources and strengthen institutions. The pillars are indivisible. Fiscal discipline without structural reform is nothing but austerity. Monetary tightening without credit to the real sector is stagnation.

The macro‑stabilisation Ghana has delivered, anchored by a resurgent cedi and falling inflation, was necessary and genuinely hard‑won. The IMF programme provided the framework, the financing and the external discipline. But it is a scaffold, not a building. Exchange rate appreciation and reserve accumulation buy time. They do not, by themselves, modernise a port, repair a distribution line, or move a farmer from subsistence to agro‑processing.

For as long as the monetary leg props up the fiscal leg  without the structural leg bearing weight, stability in Ghana will remain borrowed, from the IMF, from foreign reserves, from deferred public investment. The final review is a moment of truth. Not for the Fund. For Ghana.

Structural transformation is not a slogan. It is the unglamorous, granular, politically costly work of making the Electricity Company of Ghana collect what it bills, of turning cocoa beans into chocolate, of giving small and medium enterprises cheaper capital than the government, of making rural electrification mean power that stays on, not just a wire that passes through.

The tripod can stand. But only when all three legs are planted in the ground.

END.

Disclaimer: This article is an opinion piece written for general informational and commentary purposes only. The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the position of any institution, organisation, or employer. All data and statements attributed to public officials, institutions, and other sources are based on publicly available information and have been fact‑checked to the best of the author’s ability at the time of writing. However, economic data can be revised, and readers are advised to consult official sources for the most current figures. Nothing in this article constitutes financial, investment, legal, or policy advice. Readers should seek independent professional guidance for decisions related to financial or economic matters.

Endnotes

1. IMF mission arrival, leadership, programme status and extension:

   Ministry of Finance (Ghana), “IMF Mission Arrives for Final ECF Review,” 29 April 2026; multiple news outlets (GhanaWeb, NewsGhana, The Herald) consistently report Dr Ruben Atoyan as mission chief, sixth review under the $3 billion ECF, and technical extension to 16 August 2026.

2. Finance Minister’s statement:

   Dr Cassiel Ato Forson quoted verbatim by MOFEP release (29 April 2026) and reproduced by GhanaWeb, NewsGhana, The Herald: “long, demanding, but ultimately transformative” and “in every material sense, it is a success.”

3. IMF African Department Director’s remark:

   Abebe Aemro Selassie, IMF Spring Meetings press briefing, reported by Ghana News Agency and Citinewsroom (April 2026): “This is not for the IMF – this is for the people of Ghana – the government, private sector and civil society.”

4. Real GDP growth of 6.3 % in H1 2025:

   Finance Minister’s 2026 Budget Speech to Parliament, 13 November 2025, as reported by multiple media.

5. Primary balance improvement from −2.9 % to +2.6 % of GDP:

   MOFEP fiscal data, also cited in NewsGhana and GhanaWeb.

6. Public debt decline from 61.8 % to 45.3 % of GDP:

   MOFEP and IMF programme documents; widely reported.

7. Inflation history: 54 % (December 2022), 13.7 % (June 2025), 3.2 % (March 2026):

   Ghana Statistical Service monthly CPI releases; March 2026 figure from MoFEP April 2026 release.

8. IMF inflation forecast: 7.9 % by end‑2026:

   IMF World Economic Outlook and programme review projections, reported by NewsGhana and The Herald.

9. GDP growth forecast of 4.8 % for 2026:

   IMF staff projections, cited in multiple news reports.

10. Cedi appreciation: 37 % by October 2025, 40 %+ by April 2026; best‑performing currency ranking:

    Bank of Ghana Governor statement (28 October 2025) and MoFEP April 2026 release; ranking attributed to World Bank assessment per the Governor’s speech.

11. Gross international reserves: $12 billion, import cover 5.8 months:

    Bank of Ghana Governor (October 2025) and MoFEP April 2026 data; SONA February 2026 cited “over $13 billion, five months.”

12. Monetary Policy Rate cut from 28 % to 25 % in July 2025:

    Bank of Ghana Monetary Policy Committee press release, 30 July 2025.

13. Capital expenditure gap ($1.1 billion):

    Minority in Parliament’s response to the 2026 Budget, November 2025; note this is a political statement, not an official outturn.

14. Energy sector shortfall estimate of $2.2 billion:

    IMF Fifth Review under the ECF (2025), cited by Ministry of Finance and World Bank documents.

15. Government payment of $1.47 billion for energy legacy debts:

    Ministry of Finance statement, 12 January 2026.

16. Energy sector liabilities “tens of billions of cedis”:

    Various sources report GH₵24.63 billion in ECG cumulative losses (2017–2023) and total sector debt of GH₵70 billion; the article avoids a single unverifiable figure.

17. World Bank warning of $2 billion annual cost by 2026:

    World Bank Ghana Economic Update and Public Finance Review (2025).

18. Electrification rates: ~90 % national, ~50 % rural:

    Energy Commission and Ministry of Energy data, widely cited.

19. Cocoa output: 425,000 tonnes (2023/24), 650,000 tonnes (2025/26 forecast):

    COCOBOD production reports and international cocoa market data.

20. Agriculture employment (~1/3) and GDP share (~20 %):

    Ghana Statistical Service Labour Force Reports and National Accounts.

21. Manufacturing value‑added: 10.1 % of GDP in 2024, down from 2023:

    Helgi Library, TheGlobalEconomy.com, World Bank WDI.

22. Informal sector productivity: 80 % employment, 27 % GDP:

    GSS National Report on Productivity, Employment and Growth, February 2025.

23. Banking sector allocation: GH¢162.9 billion government vs GH¢89.2 billion private:

    Bank of Ghana Governor Asiama, June 2025 data (reported by Joy Business, others).

24. Tax‑to‑GDP ratio below 14 %:

    GRA and IMF analysis; multiple media citations.

25. Parliament amendment to Bank of Ghana Act (December 2025):

    Bank of Ghana (Amendment) Bill, passed December 2025, prohibiting primary market purchases; reported by parliamentary news outlets.

26. World Bank Policy Notes 2025: $2,200 to $6,600 projection:

    “Transforming Ghana in a Generation: Policy Notes 2025,” World Bank.

27. IMF mission agenda (structural reforms, energy, social protection):

    NewsGhana, MOFEP releases.

28. Final disbursement of ~$360 million:

    NewsGhana and MOFEP.

29. Executive Board meeting timeline (2‑3 weeks):

    NewsGhana.

30. Forson’s youth unemployment warning:

    The Herald and other outlets covering the IMF mission arrival.

In less than a decade, audio streaming flipped the industry on its head. Platforms like Spotify, Apple Music, and Tidal turned access into abundance.

Today, more than 600 million people worldwide use music streaming services, and global streaming revenue crossed $19 billion in 2024, accounting for over 65 percent of total recorded music income. For artists, this looked like a golden ticket. Upload a track, reach the world, and watch the numbers climb.

But behind the glossy dashboards and viral playlists lurks a murkier reality. A shadow economy is thriving. It is built on fake plays, synthetic listeners, and quiet manipulation. Welcome to the world of streaming farms.

The Illusion of Popularity

Streaming farms, sometimes called bot farms, are operations designed to inflate music streams artificially. They use automation to mimic real listeners at scale. Think thousands, sometimes millions, of plays generated without a single human ear involved.

These farms are not fringe experiments. They are a global business. Some are run by independent operators chasing quick profit. Others are more organized, offering paid services to artists, labels, or managers desperate for visibility.

The pitch is simple. Pay for streams, climb the charts, attract real listeners. In a system driven by numbers, perception becomes reality.

How the Machines Fake the Music

The mechanics are both simple and sophisticated.

At the core are bot networks. These are automated programs thatstream songs on repeat across multiple devices or virtual machines. A single farm can control thousands of simulated listeners at once.

Then come fake accounts. Farms create or hijack user profiles on streaming platforms. Some estimates suggest that up to 10 percent of accounts on certain platforms could be inactive or fake. Each account becomes a tiny amplifier, adding to the illusion of popularity.

The real trick lies in behavior. Advanced farms do not just hit play endlessly. They mimic human habits. They vary listening times, switch songs, change locations, and even simulate playlist engagement. Some bots “sleep” at night and “wake up” during peak hours to appear authentic.

In short, they do not just game the system. They study it.

When Charts Stop Reflecting Reality

Charts are supposed to measure what people love. Streaming farms rewrite that story.

A track boosted by artificial streams can surge into trending lists, editorial playlists, and algorithmic recommendations. Once it gains momentum, real listeners may follow, unaware of the manufactured push behind it.

This creates a feedback loop. Fake success attracts real attention, which reinforces the illusion.

The result is distortion. Songs that might never have gained traction organically can dominate charts. Meanwhile, genuinely popular tracks risk being overshadowed by those with deeper pockets or looser ethics.

For an industry built on cultural relevance, that is a serious credibility problem.

The Money Trail Nobody Talks About

Streaming fraud is not just about ego. It is about money.

Streaming platforms pay royalties based on total plays. While individual streams are worth fractions of a cent, scale changes everything. A million fake streams can generate real income.

Industry analysts estimate that streaming fraud drains hundreds of millions of dollars annually from the music economy. That money does not disappear. It is redirected, often away from independent artists who rely on authentic listeners.

In a system where payouts are pooled, fake streams dilute the value of real ones. Every artificial play chips away at someone else’s earnings.

It is not just unfair. It is systemic.

The Playlist Gold Rush

Playlists are the new radio. Landing on a popular playlist can skyrocket a song’s reach overnight. Some top playlists boast tens of millions of followers.

This has created a booming side industry. Playlist promotion services promise exposure, often blurring the line between marketing and manipulation.

Streaming farms have seized this opportunity. They inflate streams within playlists to make tracks appear more successful than they are. That visibility can trick algorithms into pushing the song further, compounding its reach.

For artists, the temptation is real. When discovery feels like a lottery, gaming the system can seem like strategy rather than cheating.

Why Platforms Are Struggling to Keep Up

Streaming services are not blind to the problem. They invest heavily in detection and prevention.

Machine learning systems scan for suspicious patterns. Unusual spikes, repetitive listening behavior, and clustered activity can trigger red flags. Platforms also tighten account verification to limit fake profiles.

Yet the battle is uneven. For every detection method, farms evolve. It is an arms race where both sides adapt continuously.

Transparency remains another issue. Many platforms do not fully disclose how streams are counted or how payouts are calculated. That opacity creates room for exploitation and fuels skepticism among artists.

A System Built for Exploitation

The uncomfortable truth is that streaming farms exploit structural weaknesses in the system.

First, the payout model rewards volume over engagement. A passive stream counts nearly as much as an active, intentional listen.

Second, algorithms prioritize momentum. Rapid growth often triggers more visibility, regardless of its source.

Third, barriers to entry are low. Anyone can upload music and, with the right tools, manipulate its performance.

Combine these factors, and you have a system that can be nudged, if not outright gamed.

Is There a Way Out?

Fixing this problem will not be simple, but several ideas are gaining traction.

Blockchain-based streaming platforms are one option. By creating transparent and tamper-proof records of streams, blockchain could make fraud far more difficult. Every play would be verifiable and traceable.

Another approach is user-centric payment models. Instead of pooling revenue, platforms would distribute each user’s subscription fee only to the artists they actually listen to. This could reduce the impact of fake streams on overall payouts.

Independent audits could also help. Regular third-party verification of streaming data would increase trust and accountability across the industry.

Finally, clearer industry standards are essential. Consistent rules around counting streams, detecting fraud, and penalizing offenders would level the playing field.

The Human Cost Behind the Numbers

Beyond charts and revenue, there is a deeper consequence.

Music is culture. It reflects voices, stories, and communities. When success is artificially engineered, those authentic voices risk being drowned out.

Emerging artists, especially those without resources to compete in the gray market, face an uphill battle. Their growth depends on real listeners, not synthetic ones.

For fans, the experience also changes. Recommendations become less about taste and more about manipulation. Discovery becomes less organic.

Final Thoughts

Streaming transformed music for the better in many ways. It opened doors, expanded audiences, and reshaped how we listen.

But it also created vulnerabilities. Streaming farms are not just a technical glitch. They are a symptom of a system that rewards numbers without always questioning their origin.

The solution will require collaboration. Platforms must strengthen safeguards. Artists must resist the lure of artificial growth. Industry leaders must push for transparency and fairness.

Because in the end, music deserves better than fake applause.

And listeners deserve to know that when a song rises, it is because people truly pressed play.

He said the right things and he exudes good intentions. 15 months later, the sense of optimism has dimmed considerably. But even in the midst of that optimism, those with wisdom were worried.

As a Professor emeritus of Legon told me, “Some of us were shocked by the warm reception of Traore of Burkina Faso and hence, concerned about what would happen if President Mahama’s “RESET” does not succeed.”

She urged the NPP to “get your house in order so that Ghanaians can see a viable alternative to the NDC ready to govern to improve national stability.” She was dead right.

On November 30th, 2025, the UN Security Council stated that “the Security situation of several countries in West Africa and the Sahel region continues to deteriorate significantly as terrorist groups continue to expand their influence and secure greater stronghold across the region.”

On February 14th, 2026, 7 Ghanaians traders were amongst the 20 people killed by militants in Titao, Northern Burkina Faso. The sucess of the reset depends, not just on socio-economic development but also, national security and stability.

Kay Cudjoe, in an open letter to President Mahama, stated reassuringly that, ” This is not a rejection of your leadership. It is a warning about what is happening around it.” Really, Kay? Can one disparage the soup of a fufu meal while praising the fufu? Kay went on to state that , “accountability is weakening”.

Was accountability ever strong under this reset? Perhaps, Kay’s message should have been addressed to the Speaker of Parliament, the Chief Justice, the heads of SOEs, anti-corruption bodies, the media, religious leaders, party leaders and the public. The President alone is not the government and the government alone does not our democracy make.

Perhaps, like a pretty maiden in love, we were too eager to believe the blandishments of the resetters. They were facing the same challenges that led to the failures of all our governments since independence and have led to our 17 trips to the IMF and our many revolutions.

No changes were made to the system and as we learned from Edward Deming, a bad system will beat good men nearly every time. State-owned enterprises were not reformed before new leaders were named to administer the old corrupt institutions.

The corruption infrastructure anchored in decades-old practices and taken to unseen heights by the Kyebi mafia was not dismantled or disturbed, despite the loud noises about ORAL.

The National Economic Forum just repeated speeches delivered years earlier at Senchi and glaringly failed to grapple with corruption or the role of the Diaspora in our development.

No bold FATWAs were declared against CRONYISM, NEPOTISM and TRIBALISM. — Galamsey, that had been a defining issue of the 2024 campaign just hesitated for a moment and then, despite the new initiatives and policies, resumed its destruction of our forests and pollution of our rivers.

Sadly, it seems that the President and the “few good men” he had with him showed up to a gun fight with knives and the outcome has never been in doubt. French philosopher Monet once said, “Nothing is possible without MEN but nothing is lasting without INSTITUTIONS.”

Sadly, we have what 2024 Nobel laureates in Economics Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson described as EXTRACTIVE ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS, which are designed ” to extract incomes and wealth from one subset of society to benefit a different subset”.

We should be focusing our collective efforts on building and strengthening INCLUSIVE ECONOMIC and POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS that truly have the elements of the free enterprise system that we pay lip service to.

That is why despite the noise, the galamsey machinery keeps running smoothly while the emergency the President supported as a candidate has not been declared and NDC operatives are boldly attacking religious leaders for daring to complain about galamsey.

As Acemoglu and Robinson demonstrate in their book, “WHY NATIONS FAIL”, even when the right policies are put in place, they are deliberately subverted and that is why we have been to the IMF 17 times with the same problems.

To turn to the judicial system, it is unacceptable that despite all the ORAL noises, more fowl and cassava thieves have been jailed than political thieves under this reset while the public tribunals remain on the drawing board and the Attorney General seeks to weaken the Special Prosecutor.

Why would Anthony Yeboah tackle Abedi Pele when the latter has the ball and is trying to score for Ghana? Is this “aboro” or “bayie”? As Jeremiah 5:28 makes clear, ” They do not judge with justice the cause of the orphan to make it prosper and they do not defend the rights of the needy.”

As the President rightly told an NDC ignoramus, ” I am not in charge of Parliament “. With such a healthy majority and an experienced Speaker, Parliament could help the President and Ghana with some vigorous and fearless executive oversight.

And when they demand the removal of some non-performing executive officer, unlike the NPP, they should stand their ground! And a Judicial Reform bill that would put our justice system on a modern, fast, responsive footing is long overdue.

To return to the President briefly, I have some friendly and patriotic advice. Mr. President, your intentions are good but Presidencies are not judged by intentions and words. They are judged by bold decisive actions. Sir, END GALAMSEY OOO TOM!!! Enforce ACCOUNTABILITY!! Heads should have rolled when the youth died at El-Wak.

Since you admitted that some NDC officials are involved in the galamsey you are fighting, some heads should have rolled. Sir fight Nepotism, Cronyism and Tribalism with vigour.

Nepotism was the most despicable aspect of the Akufo-Addo led government and though the Kyebi Mafia has left town, other mafia persist and other, more powerful mafiasos have joined them.

As for the tribalism, I am told that under your government some are insisting that heads of Universities and Teaching hospitals must hail from the local area and getting their way!

The idea that some day, only Ganyobi can lead Korle-bu and Legon and only Ashantis can lead KNUST etc undermines our national character! Stop it. Next, lead a clean-up of our political parties.

They are the ultimate source of corruption in our public space. What happened in the NPP Presidential primary and the NDC primary that produced Baba Jamal was a disgrace to Ghana.

It seems neither the NDC that won 2024 nor the NPP that lost have changed one bit. The question, Sir, is whether your reset is about managing our decline or about leading Ghana to a better place. Let the media follow Joyfm, the 4th estate and the few standing for Ghana and let the Asofo speak truth to power, fearlessly.

As for the rest of us, let our actions match our words. Let’s stand with good people. This week, Professor Frimpong Boateng was in court, to deal with lawsuits from his anti-Galamsey work and report, unlike his colleagues who looked the other way or participated in it.

Pray for him, and when you see him, thank him for being a patriot. May God help our reset. May God bless Ghana.

Ghana saddens me. We have squandered almost every opportunity. We have turned our potential into a liability.

We have failed in every conceivable measure of governance. The Nana Addo administration ushered in gangster democracy, a governance system whereby corruption is put on steroids.

This has led to the existence of a binary competitive kleptocracy. We have replaced meritocracy and excellence with mediocrity by establishing naked favoritism, sectionalism, ethnocentrism(tribalism) and crass partisanship.

We have accepted this nasty toxic culture by introducing cheap Ghanaian lexicon such as “connection” and “protocol” to support diabolical behaviors.

We are watching the collapse of the social contract of a country through our pathetic apathy and our loss of shame, dignity, decency, and confidence. We are unable to stop our capital city’s slide to a slum.

Accra is now a slum capital of Ghana and Kumasi is now a village ghetto market. We have lost any ability to stop the bastardization and ghettoization of our life and society.

Today, Ghanaian cities and towns have become museums of horror living and we are doing nothing about it.

The continued existence of Ghana as a functioning country is seriously in doubt. The governance structure has broken down.

The social contract has also broken down. There is virtually no serious leadership. There is a serious absence of management and professional expertise in dealing with the challenges facing the nation.

Appointed and elected officials lack knowledge of their roles and responsibilities. They have absolutely no ability to undertake their responsibilities and the roles in which they have been appointed to are above their grade of competence.

As a result, not much can be accomplished by them. Therefore the critical and important challenges facing the country cannot be tackled at all. Ghana is facing several existential issues. In addition, Ghana has a serious case of pathetic apathy within its citizenry.

They have lost any sense of self and hope and confidence in themselves, and they have no appetite to challenge the leadership to lead.

The challenges facing Ghana are listed below:

1. Massive corruption and stealing with impunity by civil Servants, politicians and political appointees, as well as other workers.

As a result of the complete absence of law and order. The corruption and theft is and continues unchecked because there is no interest in prosecuting or jailing anyone involved in what has become a normal way of life and an accepted style of living.

2. Galamsey, which is illegal mining of unprecedented level. Our environment, our rivers, our lands, and our forests are under destruction and this seeks to completely destroy our very existence.

This destruction has collapsed the social contract and has made aspects of our country ungovernable.

Galamsey, which leads to the production of gold, is unable to generate enough revenue to eclipse the cost to society in terms of the destruction of the environment, the rivers, the lands and the social structure, not to mention our basic farming and fishing culture.

3. Climate change, climate change is impacting the north leading to increased desertification and uncomfortable and frightening high temperatures being experienced in the whole country. No serious, deliberate effort is underway to arrest these life-threatening conditions.

4. Unemployment is massive, but what is even more frightening is disguised unemployment, or people pretending to be working. Approximately 75% to 80% of the working population, pretends to be working and this manifests itself in the presence of nasty, shanty and slum structures on the sides of streets, in front of houses turning every place in the country into a ghetto marketplace and turning Ghana into a slum country, and the capital into a slum city.

This pretense and so-called work activity(buy and sell or ktbt) is very costly to the nation because it only increases prices, creates inflation, and leads to poverty and squalor while making Ghana a very expensive country to live in with zero productivity outcome for the work they pretend to be doing.

Their habits and work structures lead to unsanitary conditions. Filth and low level living has engulfed the society and turned it into a backwards, low class country below even the third world conditions.

5. Inefficient and costly transportation management – The government has abdicated its responsibility in doing anything good with respect to roads and transportation.

It has completely shirked its responsibilities in maintaining the streets and roads of the country.

Indeed, it has decided that it would operate the most inefficient way of transportation by not maintaining and repairing roads, streets and bridges, instead spending billions of dollars to buy expensive, uneconomical gas-guzzling vehicles.

Unfortunately, the citizens do the same, and these vehicles last a short time and cost a lot to maintain because of the bad roads and streets.

Ghana is becoming more of an Ice Age country and therefore journeys that took two hours are now taking seven hours. We are slowing down due to corruption and incompetence and this is walking us back to the ice age.

6. Darkness in our cities. Ghana started putting street lights in the streets in the 60s. Today, our capital cities, Accra and Kumasi and others have no street lights and there is no effort by the government to replace the missing street lights.

There is no program, no policy, no action by the leadership to repair the street lights so that Ghana is dark in the night and therefore the cities have now become village ghettos.

The citizens have accepted and have not challenged the government to act to correct the situation and therefore this embarrassing and shameful spectacle has become normalized.

The people of Ghana have no shame, no confidence in themselves, and no courage to require the government to undertake its basic responsibility to maintain streetlights in our capital cities despite the people’s continued payment of taxes for the continued presence of streetlights in our country.

7. Flooding in our cities. When it rains, flooding takes place in our major cities, Accra, Kumasi, and elsewhere and there is no effort by the leadership to correct this serious problem which leads to loss of lives and livelihoods of many.

This is because there’s a clear absence of leadership. to handle basic, pressing problems facing the nation. It is clear that Ghana seriously lacks  leadership, management,  supervisory and operational skills, to deal with basic governance problems.

We are facing a situation where incompetence is meeting corruption at unprecedented levels.

8. Unclean, unhygienic and unsanitary conditions. Our respect for sanitary and hygienic conditions is below acceptable levels. Sanitation is low on the radar of Ghanaians’ pressing problems.

Human faeces fill the gutters, and drains of Ghana’s streets are not swept leading to unbearable miasma wafting through the air while people eat unconcerned in so-called high class restaurants like Buka in Accra.

Trash is not removed, drains and gutters are not cleaned and most places, including eating places and areas where there are quality restaurants have smelling human faces because of the presence of human faces in the gutters and drains, which are not cleaned.

There is virtually no effort by the government to correct the situation. 

9. The government’s maintenance of parks and gardens and the lawns on the sides of the streets has stopped for several years. Grass is not cut and manicured. The place looks nasty. The place looks like a ghetto.

The whole place is bastardized and there are signs of poverty and squalor everywhere in the streets of Accra.

Increasingly we are facing a culture of Zongoism, where the worst form of unclean, unhygienic, unsanitary and nasty living is prevalent, and there is virtually no effort by the government to correct the situation.

10. Lack of order and indisciplined society. Leadership has allowed the whole country to be turned into a marketplace. Nasty structures on the sides of streets, in front of houses have turned us into a slum country.

We are facing a new era of low level living and this has become normalized. No respect for ourselves and we show no shame of how nasty our cities look, how nasty our environments look, how nasty our homes look because we have normalized poverty and squalor.

We are experiencing the worst form of low living with pockets of first world housing conditions to remind us as to the stark inequalities of our society.

11. We do not respect excellence, so we have collapsed excellence in our educational systems. Universities and high schools have become glorified elementary schools, producing rejects, and vacuous graduates.

There’s a painful, ignorant, conceptual belief that if one wears the jersey of Real Madrid one can play like Ronaldo of Real Madrid. We have therefore filled our top high schools with 4-5 times the number of students appropriate to produce excellence since they believe they can pack all the kids there irrespective of their ability or potential in order to become the high achieving and high paying professionals of society.

The dumb free senior high school system, poorly conceived, poorly implemented and poorly supervised, continues to produce mediocre results and a painful spectacle to the well informed.

There is the poverty mindset and thinking that if something is free it must be good. since they think if you put any useless person in a so-called previously excellent school, that dumb person can all of a sudden become a brilliant achiever.

Despite the fact that there’s the absence of resources to support the loading of large numbers of students in those previously prestigious schools, and turning the whole educational system into ghetto elementary schools, and thereby destroying the whole essence of excellence in education.

12. Failing Metropolitan Authorities and local government. City governments such as Accra Metropolitan Authority and Kumasi Metropolitan Authority are nonfunctioning, inefficient and corrupt.

They have become the focus of criminal activities. They have lost their direction. They appear not to know why they exist.

They appoint gangsters, criminals and thugs who go there with only one motive, to steal whatever they can get. They lack the requisite education, training, experience, ethics and competence to handle their responsibilities.

They have no intention of making the city a better place. So the cities continue deteriorating to the lowest level one can imagine.

13. The healthcare system has virtually collapsed and is nonfunctioning for the people who need it. It’s been replaced by a cash and carry system that is completely unsupported by financial resources, and therefore cannot deliver the appropriate results.

The government has a limited desire to improve the existing hospitals and clinics to make it functioning for the society, and therefore people falling sick are likely to die prematurely.

There is no serious effort to correct this sad but critical issue facing the nation as well.

14. The corrupt law enforcement system. The law enforcement system is corrupt from top to bottom. The government has deliberately set up the police system to be corrupt.

The law enforcement personnel lack the proper education, training and ethical consideration to perform their responsibilities.

They also lack the resources appropriate for the challenges of their responsibilities. Further, the legal system has created an opportunity for the law enforcement officials to be corrupt by not allowing them to have a ticketing or charging system when infringements occur on the streets or in public.

The lack of resources can be observed by looking at the police stations and seeing the streets of Ghana showing a lack of vehicles, and equipment to deal with the challenges of policing. Ghana’s police force is currently equipped to deal with police duties of 1900s and not of 2026.

15.  The Ministries, Departments, Agencies, and Quasi-Governmental Organizations. The Ministries, Departments, Agencies, and quasi-governmental organizations appear to have been deliberately structured as unconnected and non-integrated systems, rather than as cohesive entities working together to deliver the vision and goals of government.

They operate in silos, functioning independently of one another. There is a clear absence of communication systems that can seamlessly and efficiently connect these organizations, as is common in modern business environments.

It would be a surprise to observe the existence of an organizational structure that promotes coordination and accountability, and ensures efficiency, effectiveness and stellar outcomes. There appears to be a deliberate strategy by some political leaders and public servants to maintain this fragmented system, thereby enabling corrupt and criminal activities to go unchecked and unaccounted for.

One would expect the existence of an integrated email or communication system linking all ministries and agencies at the click of a button, facilitating the efficient dissemination of policies, practices, procedures, and programs.

Furthermore, there is a lack of comprehensive enterprise reporting systems to ensure that government activities are properly accounted for and reported in a professional and transparent manner.

The absence of a robust financial reporting system, coupled with weak and inadequate control mechanisms and a lack of responsible leadership, has created an environment where state functions are deliberately distorted for personal gain by some political leaders and civil servants.

In addition, these institutions continue to rely on outdated and obsolete policies, practices, programs, and procedures that are ineffective, uneconomical, and detrimental to the people of Ghana.

There has been little to no effort to update, improve, or modernize these systems. What we are witnessing is a nation in distress, reflected in the state of its ministries characterized by rot, decay, dilapidation, and systemic failure resembling institutions frozen in time over 60 years ago.

16. Civil Service and Public Service

The civil and public servants who supported Kwame Nkrumah in executing major national projects are long gone.

The era of distinguished civil servants such as A. L. Adu, E. M. Debrah, Amonoo, Mensah-Wilmott, and others who contributed to the emergence of Ghana as the Black Star of Africa—has passed. Gone are the days when a significant number of top civil servants were products of Mfantsipim School.

Following the coups led by Ignatius Kutu Acheampong and Jerry John Rawlings, Ghana experienced a massive brain drain, losing many of its best and brightest professionals.

This loss was followed by a decline in standards, with replacements often lacking the ethical grounding, patriotism, and professional competence required for excellence.

This loss of personnel led to a replacement by a  low grade of professionals and political leaders.

Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration(GIMPA), originally established to provide continuous professional education, training, and development for civil servants, has, in recent times, deviated from its core mandate of improving and enhancing the skillsets of civil servants.

It has increasingly been perceived as an institution focused on producing low content education, vacuous graduates mass certification instead of rigorous professional training and skills improvement.

This shift has deprived the civil service of essential skills while rewarding institutional leadership with financial and reputational gains, often without corresponding improvements in quality.

Civil servants, across various administrations, have in many instances supported and participated in corrupt practices alongside political leaders.

They often provide the technical knowledge, systems, and methods that enable corruption to thrive. As a result, parts of the civil service have become a burden on the state rather than an asset.

Work practices are frequently inefficient and ineffective, yielding limited positive outcomes due to declining competence levels and problematic mindsets.

We continue to implement archaic and outdated policies, practices, programs, procedures and processes which are costly and lead to negative outcomes.

17. The Legal System and the Judiciary

Ghana’s legal system has struggled to modernize over the past 60 years. It often fails to deliver timely justice, even for members within its own ranks. A modern legal system should be able to provide accessible databases summarizing cases by type, region, court, and duration. However, such systems are largely absent.

Court cases frequently take years to conclude if they conclude at all, resulting in frustration and significant financial losses for litigants. Justice is routinely delayed, and as the well-known principle states, justice delayed is justice denied.

While there are many dedicated and honest professionals within the legal system, the presence of corrupt officials and unethical practices undermines public confidence.

There is an urgent need for reforms to address these challenges, remove misconduct, and restore trust in the judiciary as a pillar of justice and accountability in Ghana

It is laughable that a country of 30-35million people will have a Supreme Court of Justices equivalent to two football teams. Such wasteful, bloated bureaucracy, a hallmark of useless political leadership and an uncaring politician makes a mockery of the whole judicial system.

We continue to see insensitivity and waste in the face of abject poverty while the elite live a lavish lifestyle without any benefit to society. Ghana does not need anything more than 7-9 Justices and this needs to be corrected immediately.

18. Absence of civic and adult education. Ghana faces massive corruption and ill discipline. In addition, there is a culture of lying to support the stealing brigade enterprise in Ghana. The average Ghanaian is a thief and a liar.

The bloodstream of a Ghanaian has been infected with this cancerous behavior of stealing and lying. The DNA of the Ghanaian has been corrupted and infected by a virus of stealing and lying.

There is no civic and adult education taking place in Ghana to correct this dangerous and traumatic experience facing Ghanaians. Society has crumbled to the extent that lying and falsehood has become normalized and this negative behavior and attitude has eaten into the fabric of Society.

Increasingly, Ghanaians are using their knowledge and abilities to do criminal or illegal activities or to defraud one another and this is as a result of the corrupt leadership in the last five decades.

We must correct these horrible and nasty attitudes through serious civic and adult education reforms.

What Next?
Ghana must undertake a series of serious, profound fundamental actions in order to address these existential issues discussed above.

In the first place, serious law and order must be established by undertaking a comprehensive review and implementation of a new law and order system which seeks to address historical and past criminal activity with serious punishment.

Penalties must include decades of imprisonment and bankruptcy of criminals, their families, their friends, their cronies and those commingling their stolen assets with them.

Secondly, we must look at the current law enforcement system and make it responsive to the current situation with appropriate resources in terms of manpower, education, training, and state-of-the art equipment, including high-tech computers, databases and forensic architecture.

Reliance on myopic solutions such as EOCO, the so-called Office of the Special Prosecutor as a solution is wrong-headed. Rather, a well-thought of comprehensive approach is needed. 

Law enforcement methods which are preventive must be emphasized. People must be made to pay time for crime and that doctrine must be strongly emphasized.

The principle of deterrence must be restored.

There is an urgent need for major reforms in several areas. Constitutional reforms must curtail unnecessary bloated bureaucracies and expanded, expensive programs.

Ghana does not need 275 constituencies and can do with a maximum of 150 constituencies of equal size in population. Ghana does not need 16 regions. It can do with 5 regions. Ghana does not need over 100 ministers, it can do with 30 ministers.

Apart from justices of the Supreme Court who may retire on their full salaries, no other group of people be they parliamentarians, military, bank of Ghana officials, etc. should be allowed to retire on their full salaries.

These are unconscionable, costly, expensive and unsustainable expenditure helping to bankrupt the nation.

The other reforms are: Public sector reforms, Judiciary reforms, Legal reforms, Educational reforms, healthcare reforms, tax reforms, industrial reforms, land reforms, local government reforms, extractive Industry reforms(in particular, oil, gas and mining), political reforms, police reforms, prison reforms, pension reforms, and agricultural reforms

Charles K. Amoo-Asante, M.A.
Windsor, Connecticut, USA
Kotoko2000@gmail.com
+1 (202) 277-9466

According to a report published on April 27, 2026, Dr. Sosu is recognized for his relentless legal approach, which combines activism with advocacy, specifically targeting police brutality and state overreach.

Dr Francis-Xavier Sosu fuses activism with legal advocacy. He has challenged police brutality, pushed for prison reforms, and filed cases against state overreach.

His method is simple: relentless legal pressure. Sosu petitions, sues, and speaks out, even when the political cost is high.

His courage and consistency have earned him both admiration and caution within legal and political circles.

Key reasons for Dr. Sosu’s inclusion

Relentless Advocacy: He is noted for his use of legal pressure, including petitions and lawsuits, even in high-stakes political situations.

Human Rights Focus: As a prominent human rights lawyer, he has been involved in high-profile cases involving prison reforms and public interest litigation.Political Act

His role as the MP for Madina and his consistent legal challenges against authorities have gained him recognition as a formidable figure.

Francis-Xavier Kojo Sosu is Legislator, Human Rights Lawyer and Activist. He is the immediate past 2nd Vice President of the United Nations Association of Ghana and is currently the Chairman of the ECOWAS Caucus of African Parliamentary Union (APU)

As a Member of Parliament, Hon Sosu introduced laws to abolish Death Penalty in Ghana and criminalizing witchcraft accusations in protection of vulnerable aged women.

Hon. Francis-Xavier Sosu has over 15 years’ experience as a lawyer and is a member of the Ghana Bar Association, Africa Bar Association, International Association of Peoples’ Lawyers, Lawyers without Borders, Canada, Criminal Justice Reforms Association, Lawyers In search of Democracy, and the Commonwealth Lawyers Association.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts degree (BA) (Hons) in Sociology and Archaeology, Bachelor of Laws (LLB) (Hons), Master of Laws (LLM) in Oil and Gas Law, Master of Arts (MA) in Economic Policy Management; and MPhil (Human Rights, Peace and Conflict Studies) and PhD in Regional Integration Laws.

He also holds a Certificate in International Legislative Drafting from the Tulane Law School, New Orleans, USA; and is a Visiting Scholar at the Center College, Danville, Kentucky, and University of the South, Tennessee, all in the USA.

Honourable was a street child for many years before being adopted to the Village of Hope Orphanage owed by Churches of Christ in Ghana.

Other prominent lawyers listed in the same report include Tsatsu Tsikata, Godfred Yeboah Dame, Thaddeus Sory, and Ace Ankomah.

Dr. Sosu recently earned a PhD in Law and continues to be a high-profile figure in both legal and political circles

10 most fearsome Ghanaian lawyers

Ace Ankomah, Tsikata and 8 fearsome Ghanaian lawyers dominating the legal Space

In Ghana’s legal arena, some names do far more than just win court cases. They command attention, shape public discourse, and redefine what it means to practise law with influence and authority.

These legal powerhouses combine intellectual rigour, strategic brilliance, and fearless resolve to dominate both the courtroom and the national conversation.

Through landmark rulings, controversial prosecutions, and high-profile defences, these ten formidable lawyers have left an enduring imprint on Ghana’s legal landscape.

1. Tsatsu Tsikata

Former Chief Executive of Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), Mr. Tsatsu Tsikata

Born on 1 October 1950, Tsatsu Tsikata is widely recognised as Ghana’s most iconic trial lawyer. He is revered for blending academic excellence with courtroom finesse.

His legal prowess has been described as “astonishing,” with the ability to captivate opposing counsel and reduce “hardened judges to speaking with involuntary pauses and repetitions.”

Tsikata’s career spans several decades, during which he has served as both academic and practitioner. A former Chief Executive of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation and longstanding legal adviser to the National Democratic Congress (NDC), he is feared for his compelling delivery and deep command of constitutional law.

He served as lead counsel for the NDC in the landmark election petition cases of 2013 and 2021. Considered one of Ghana’s wealthiest legal minds, Tsikata’s voice carries weight in both legal and academic circles.

2. Godfred Yeboah Dame

Godfred Yeboah Dame served as Attorney General and Minister for Justice under the Akufo-Addo administration, a tenure marked by controversy and intense scrutiny from within the legal fraternity.

He featured prominently in several high-profile prosecutions and was often at the centre of the state’s legal defences. Known for his confident courtroom demeanour and ability to cite case law spontaneously, Dame frequently challenged senior lawyers with a boldness uncommon among his peers.

Though his political affiliations have drawn criticism, even detractors recognise his legal sharpness and unyielding approach to litigation.

3. Thaddeus Sory

Thaddeus Sory is the Founding Partner of Sory & Partners@Law, a Notary Public, and a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (FCIArb). He also lectures in Advocacy and Legal Ethics at the Ghana School of Law.

Known for his versatility across multiple branches of law, Sory has earned praise as “a battle horse” who “knows all his procedures” and is a “fantastic litigation lawyer.”

He has been involved in a wide range of dispute resolution matters, including arbitration. Recently, he served as counsel to the Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin, further reinforcing his influence in the legal and political spaces.

4. Tony Lithur

Tony Lithur, founder of Lithur Brew & Company, has built a reputation as one of Ghana’s foremost litigators and transactional lawyers. With a deep well of experience, he routinely advises clients on joint ventures, mergers and acquisitions, finance leasing, and regulatory compliance.

Respected for his strategic negotiation skills, Lithur has advised banks and financial institutions across various sectors. His strength lies not only in litigation, but also in navigating complex commercial transactions with a rare blend of legal depth and business acumen.

5. Ace Ankomah

Ace Anan Ankomah, Senior Partner at Bentsi-Enchill, Letsa & Ankomah, has over 29 years of legal experience. As head of the firm’s Disputes practice group, he oversees contentious matters from analysis to trial, representing clients in both domestic and international arbitration.

Ankomah has acted for major institutions including the International Finance Corporation, Bank of Ghana, Ecobank, Deloitte & Touche, and Vodafone. His recent legal victory in a defamation suit worth GHS2.95 million highlighted his unflinching approach to protecting his name and seeking accountability.

Known for his direct legal style and willingness to challenge conventional thinking, he remains one of Ghana’s most formidable legal figures.

6. Yaw Oppong

As Director of the Ghana School of Law, Yaw Oppong is shaping the future of legal practice in Ghana. However, his influence is not confined to the lecture hall.

A seasoned litigator, he has represented multinationals, banks, and prominent individuals in complex legal disputes.

Oppong bridges theory and practice effortlessly. His growing visibility in both courtrooms and public legal education makes him a force to watch and to fear.

7. Martin Kpebu

Martin Kpebu occupies a rare space between courtroom advocacy and legal activism. Whether securing the release of remand prisoners, defending media freedom, or taking on the presidency, Kpebu brings relentless energy and legal clarity to every battle.

His boldness is matched by his legal insight, making him a thorn in the side of those in power. While courtroom victories may vary, his influence on national conversations is indisputable. His greatest weapon remains his unapologetic legal directness and refusal to filter uncomfortable truths.

8. Kissi Agyebeng

Appointed as Special Prosecutor on 26 April 2021, Kissi Agyebeng succeeded Martin Amidu and entered office at a critical juncture in Ghana’s anti-corruption efforts.

Tasked with investigating and prosecuting high-profile corruption cases, Agyebeng holds one of the most sensitive legal positions in the country. His actions and decisions continue to shape public perception of the fight against corruption in Ghana, earning him both respect and scrutiny.

9. Amanda Clinton

Amanda Clinton is the Founding Partner of Clinton Consultancy. Called to the Bar in both England and Ghana, she brings a global perspective to her practice, which includes corporate law, maritime law, and alternative dispute resolution.

Known for her discretion, professionalism, and strong communication skills, Amanda handles high-level litigation and advisory work for international clients.

 Her portfolio includes advising on one of Africa’s largest Ponzi schemes (Menzgold) and representing the Ghana Football Association during its engagements with FIFA in Zurich. Her reputation in commercial law and reputation management is unmatched in the subregion.

10. Francis-Xavier Sosu

Legal practitioner and Member of Parliament for Madina, Francis Xavier Sosu

As Member of Parliament for Madina and a trained human rights lawyer, Francis-Xavier Sosu fuses activism with legal advocacy. He has challenged police brutality, pushed for prison reforms, and filed cases against state overreach.

His method is simple: relentless legal pressure. Sosu petitions, sues, and speaks out, even when the political cost is high. His courage and consistency have earned him both admiration and caution within legal and political circles.

The impact of legal excellence

These ten lawyers exemplify the highest standards of legal practice in Ghana. From Tsatsu Tsikata’s awe-inspiring advocacy to Martin Kpebu’s radical transparency, they each bring unique approaches to law that have shaped Ghana’s Fourth Republic.

Their contributions go beyond individual court victories.

Through landmark cases, constitutional interpretation, public advocacy, and legal reform, they continue to define the boundaries and possibilities of Ghana’s legal system.

They have earned both fear and admiration in equal measure.

Here the big man himself may have been caught weeping (maa maa maa) like a baby.

Men’s tears at women’s funeral are often unknown except for widowers, whom custom permits to shed a few tears to appease relations of the dearly departed. A widower’s dry eyes could raise suspicion.

‘Barima Nsu,’ (A real man avoids tears) is often the standard consolation by women who rather seek to arouse an overflow from men with stony eyes.

Whatever you do however, please avoid crocodile tears or else you may be whisked away to Paga for verification. Remember the famous crocodile pond which I visited in 2017 while on a formal visit to Bolgatanga Polytechnic (now University).

I did so partly with the eyes of a tourist, but also out of curiosity to witness crocodile tears. Were the tears of Debrah borrowed from Paga reptiles?

The problem with Julius Debrah is indeed shedding somebody’s tears in her absence. Dr Debrah seemed to say, “I do hereby weep uncontrollably on behalf of the CEO of Free Zones Board who made that offensive utterance, but has been unwilling to cry. I hereby wear her eyeballs to weep.” Julius seemed to be saying at his 60th birthday key soap concert.

Seeing a big man publicly cry in a celebratory garment is rare. In truth, though Julius refused to let bygones be bygones. His Government currently grappling with a reset agenda knows the political implications of offending a church leader who had millions of following. Votes in Election 2028 may indeed flee ‘Pentecostally’ if damage caused is not swiftly controlled. The public tears of Julius Debrah, a likely contestant for the presidency, thus had the trappings of Paga reptiles; but it was meant to seal the deal and clear the path for a presidency he eyes.

Very few however stop to ask the genesis of all this drama. On 22nd April, Apostle Dr Nyamekye, Chairman of Church of Pentecost in his State of the Church address lamented how polluted rivers had adversely affected Christian baptism in mining communities.

Within a day of two of this, the CEO of the free Zones Board issued a rather combative rebuttal: ‘If the church leader continues to behave like a politician, we will deal with him as a politician.’

The negative public uproar to this, across the country compelled the Chief of staff to quickly transform his 60th Birthday into a tearful anniversary, where he apologized profusely. But tears of a chief of staff would have been more patriotic if they were in response to the nation’s wider tragedy. Consider this excerpt from a viral essay by Tony Asare:

‘From Bekwai through Brofoyedru, Ofoase Ayirebi, to Oda to Nsawam and back to Accra; every single one was the color of clay. Thick. Dying, Poisoned. Dead. Shame. This is not water. This is running mercury, cyanide, and the fluid corpse of a nation flowing into the sea. Galamsey has won. Ghana has lost the fight.’

It is such a tragedy that qualifies to move a Chief of Staff to public tears, not a CEO’s imprudent rebuttal to wise words.

Please read also a recent letter by the Pediatric Society of Ghana addressed to His Excellency the President, lamenting a nation’s assault on her children. An excerpt:

‘Pre-natal exposure to mercury is associated with irreversible brain damage…It increases the burden of chronic diseases, infections and malnutrition of children. Galamsey isn’t just an environmental problem; it is a slow assault on the Ghanaian child…’

Julius, this is what should draw tears from you and the staff you lead. Your Boss indeed confesses that some of your staff are complicit in the assault on Ghana. Julius, weep Not for rude CEOs.

Cry for Mother Ghana:

‘The fluid corpse of a nation flowing into the sea.’

kyankah@ashesi.edu.gh