It is a place where they are supposed to discover their abilities, build confidence and prepare for a life of dignity and independence.

But across Ghana, that promise is being threatened by a shortage of specially trained teachers in special schools.

At a time when children who require specialised attention need teachers with the right skills, knowledge and patience to help them learn, many special schools are instead relying heavily on regular teachers who have little or no specialised training.

The situation has left heads of special schools deeply worried about the future of the children entrusted to their care.

Speaking at the Annual Conference of Heads of Special Schools in Ghana, the Chairperson of the Conference of Heads of Special Schools (COHESS), Roseline Frepomaa Adjepong, said the country had trained special education teachers within the education system, yet many of them were not being posted to special schools where their expertise was most needed.

Her concern is simple but painful: the teachers exist, but the children who need them most cannot access them.

According to Madam Adjepong, the shortage has forced headteachers of special schools to take regular teachers who are posted to their institutions and train them on the job before they can begin to make a meaningful impact.

That arrangement, she said, is placing an enormous burden on already stretched schools.

70 PER CENT ARE REGULAR TEACHERS

The scale of the problem is even more troubling.

Only about 30 per cent of teachers in special schools are specially trained, while the remaining 70 per cent are regular teachers.

Behind those percentages are real children.

Children who may need a teacher who understands how to communicate with them.

Children who may require specialised teaching methods, patience and individual attention.

Children whose progress can depend heavily on whether the person standing in front of them understands their particular educational needs.

For such learners, having an untrained teacher is not simply a staffing problem.

It can mean another barrier between them and the education they deserve.

And for teachers who enter special schools without specialised training, the challenge can be equally overwhelming.

They must learn while teaching, often depending on headteachers and experienced colleagues to show them how to handle situations they were never specifically trained for.

‘THE TEACHERS ARE THERE’

What makes the situation particularly difficult for school heads is the belief that Ghana already has trained personnel who could help close the gap.

Madam Adjepong said there are many trained special teachers within the system who are yet to be posted to special schools.

The question, therefore, becomes: Why are the teachers trained for special education not being deployed to the schools where they are desperately needed?

Every year, parents send their children to school hoping that education will give them a better chance in life.

They hope their children will learn.

They hope they will become independent.

They hope they will not be defined by their disabilities.

But when schools do not have enough specially trained teachers, those hopes can become painfully fragile.

A CALL FOR URGENT ACTION

The heads of special schools are therefore calling for greater attention to the staffing needs of their institutions.

They want trained special education teachers posted to special schools so that learners can receive the specialised instruction they need instead of relying predominantly on regular teachers who must first be trained after arrival.

The issue is not about whether regular teachers are willing to help.

It is about whether the education system is giving children with special needs the same seriousness, investment and opportunity they deserve.

Meanwhile, Professor Smile Gavua Dzisi, Deputy Director-General of the Ghana Education Service (GES) in charge of Management Services, said the government was working to address the challenges confronting special schools.

That assurance offers hope.

But for the heads, teachers, parents and, most importantly, the children in these schools, hope must eventually become action.

Because every child deserves a teacher who understands how to unlock their potential.

Every child deserves a classroom where they are not treated as an afterthought.

And every child with a disability deserves an education system that sees their ability before their limitation.

Ghana’s special schools are not asking for special treatment. They are asking for the specialised support their learners need to have a fair chance at life.

The children are already in the classrooms.

Now, Ghana must ensure the right teachers are there to teach them.

Srem-Sai writes: Legal vacations and trials; why the GBA President is…

Demonstrations and governance: Pressure on the system

“This notwithstanding, the Judiciary, with the consent of other stakeholders have by convention over the years, agreed to certain courts being designated as Vacation Courts to handle any emergencies arising during the vacation, usually interlocutory matters and never trials.”

The President’s second claim is that the decision, if any, to take proceedings on the substance of the case during the legal vacation lies with the lawyers in the case (and not the bench). More particularly, the President stated as follows:

 “However, the overriding consideration in any matter brought before a Vacation Judge has always been the willingness/availability of Counsel to appear before the  Court in any matter slated for conduct during the vacation. In other words, Counsel are not under any compulsion whatsoever to appear before a Vacation Court.”

Neither of the two claims is supported by law, rules, practice, or optimal reason. I will explain. However, not before I give a brief background to the conversation:

Nature of Court Proceedings

A court case entails two types of proceedings. They are (1) proceedings on the substantive matter, and (2) proceedings on interlocutory matters. Proceedings on the substantive matter entail proceedings that are capable of finally determining the case.

It often includes trials and hearings on the merits of cases. Interlocutory proceedings, on the other hand, involve motions and summons which do not determine the matter finally. Kindly note this down.

The tradition of law practice (as well as the dictate of the civil procedure rules) is that the superior courts scale down significantly on work in the months of August and September.

This is known as the “summer vacations” or “the long legal vacation”. In some jurisdictions, it is informally called “Judges’ vacation”. It is never called “lawyers’ vacation” anywhere in the world.

The key point here, however, is that the courts scale down on work significantly – they do not shut down. To continue operating partially, some judges – a few of them – are allowed to work over the vacation period.

The person who determines which judge works over the vacation is the administrative head of the courts, in this case, the Honourable Chief Justice and, of course, together with the inherent judicial power of a judge to manage and control his court’s work. One thing is, however, clear—a lawyer or a body of them does not determine that. Kindly note this, too, down.

The Chief Justice allows a Judge to work in the vacation by issuing what we call a “warrant” to the Judge. The Chief Justice’s warrant to a Judge to sit during the legal vacation allows the judge – known as a ‘vacation Judge’ – to hear two kinds of cases. 

The kinds of cases are (1) cases in his own court, and (2) cases in the courts of other judges who are on vacation. Note this, too, down.

In respect of cases in his own court, a vacation Judge is allowed to take both interlocutory proceedings and substantive proceedings. In respect of cases from other courts, however, a vacation Judge is allowed to take interlocutory proceedings only. This is based on the law and the understanding that it is only a substantive Judge (not a holding Judge) who could determine a case finally.

Now, I turn back to the GBA President’s claims of allegations on court proceedings during the legal vacation.

The Power over Court Proceedings

Contrary to the GBA President’s claim, the power to decide whether to take proceedings on the substance of a case during a legal vacation is for the bench, not for the bar. This is why:

A lawyer’s primary duty is, in fact, to his client – not to the client of another lawyer. If allowed to determine how justice is administered in the courts, a lawyer will decisively make decisions which will promote his client’s interest over the interest of another lawyer’s client.

In fact, this is the only reason courts and judges exist – to balance the interests of litigants. It is, therefore, fundamentally disturbing to suggest, as the GBA President has suggested, that “the overriding consideration in any matter brought before a Vacation Judge has always been the willingness/availability of Counsel to appear before the Court in any matter slated for conduct during the vacation.”

Let us, for a minute, turn to England, where the practice of legal vacation originates. There, it is emphatically the decision of the bench to determine how to run the courts, both in term-time and during vacations.

The Civil Procedure Rules Practice Direction 2F regulates the English High Court’s vacation work. There, one will notice that the Practice Direction is filled with phrases like “if the senior judge of that Division determines …”, “if the Court is satisfied …”, “as the Court may direct”, “Subject to the discretion of the Judge”, etc.

This has always been the case in Ghana, too. As we have known it, it is the Chief Justice who determines when and where a Court should work. She may, as we have come to know it, upon a warrant, determine and direct that a Judge sits even on weekends.

We are also aware that Courts have customarily conducted trials over legal vacation. Nowhere, either in England or in Ghana, is a lawyer or a body of them given the power to determine how court proceedings should go.

Thus, one is not particularly certain where the GBA President gets the alleged tradition of this version of legal vacation practice from.

Trials During the Vacations

Contrary to the GBA President’s claim, vacation Judges take proceedings on the substance of the case and do conduct trials during the legal vacation. Here is why:

As stated above, a vacation Judge takes both interlocutory and substantive proceedings on cases in his own court.

The reason for this is that a vacation Judge is entitled to and does, eventually, take his share of the vacation but in term-time. When he does, another Judge – a term Judge – takes his (the legal vacation Judge’s) cases.

As in the case of vacation, a term Judge too will – when the vacation Judge goes on leave – take only interlocutory proceedings on cases from the court of the Judge who is now on vacation.

Under such circumstances, too, substantive proceedings on cases from the vacation Judge will be on hold until the vacation Judge returns from leave. This is for the same reason and law that only a substantive Judge (not a holding Judge) could determine a case finally.

The net effect of this arrangement is that cases in the vacation Judge’s courts do not suffer disproportionate delays simply because he has served as a vacation Judge.

This has been the practice in our court. So, again, one is not particularly clear what the GBA President grounds the allegation that courts “never” conduct trials during legal vacations on.

Conclusion

Law practice is a difficult job. It drains you, both physically, mentally and emotionally. Many lawyers end up securing for themselves serious physical, behavioural and mental illnesses from law practice. Some manage life, sadly, with indulgences and addictions.

Legal vacations, thus, may be a good opportunity for lawyers – who are either unwilling or, for any reason, unable to take control of their lives – to get that well-deserved rest.

It is for this reason that many Judges accommodate the pleas of lawyers to scale down work during judges’ vacation.

This accommodation is, however, always upon request, on a case-by-case basis, and is subject to the consideration of the Judge who, for the time being, is conducting a case.

What the GBA President’s proposition in her letter to the Honourable Chief Justice seeks to do is grave. It seeks to move the power to manage and control court proceedings and to do justice from the hands of the Judge into the hands of a lawyer.

This has a severe and far-reaching policy implication for justice administration in Ghana. On the face of it alone, it distorts the very reason courts exist.

If one adds to it the fact that the claim is also not backed by law, rules, practice or optimal reason, then the matter gets even more unhealthy.

Now, a lawyer who wishes to take a rest during legal vacation knows exactly what to do. He attends proceedings and makes a plea to the Judge for accommodation.

The Judge will, in turn, consider the plea and, in the interest of justice, either grant the request (either wholly or in part) or refuse it altogether.

What a professional lawyer is not entitled to do and cannot do is to, in vacuo, beforehand, declare that he will not attend proceedings at all.

Also read:

• GBA urges Chief Justice to uphold legal vacation rules

• Case backlog is too much – Vitus Azeem calls for review of judicial vacation

Their claim was direct: key democratic institutions are being compromised, and government must be checked in public.

That is what demonstrations are for. They signal concern. They release pressure. They put on record that not everyone agrees. But in a constitutional republic, the real test begins after the crowd goes home.

From Nkrumah to Today: A Political Habit

Ghana knows protest well. In the Nkrumah era, mass rallies won independence. Afterward, the same energy was turned inward.

Dissent became subversion. The Preventive Detention Act meant you could be jailed for speaking out. The years after were about bread and butter. Students, workers, and market women marched against price hikes and shortages.

Under military rule, strikes shut the country down. Those protests did not always deliver democracy, but they forced governments to reverse wages and prices. Since the 1992 Constitution, protest has been a constitutional right.

Article 21 guarantees freedom of assembly. What followed is familiar: UTAG and TEWU strikes, OccupyGhana, #DumsorMustStop, #FixTheCountry, and now “Attack on Democracy.” The thread is simple. “When the river is in flood, even the dry logs float.” People take to the street when they feel normal channels are closed.

The African and Global Record

Across Africa, demonstrations have brought both change and damage. Kenya: Post-election protests forced a coalition government.

Many people died. Burkina Faso: sustained protests pushed out a president chasing a third term. Sudan: months of sit-ins ended a long military regime.

Nigeria: #EndSARS shifted public debate on policing, but structural reform stalled. In developed democracies, protest is part of the routine. The US Civil Rights marches led to law. France’s Yellow Vests won budget concessions.

UK anti-austerity marches did not topple a government, but they shaped policy and public memory. The lesson holds. Protest can raise the political cost of a decision.

It does not replace the institutions that must carry out that decision. “You do not use the same cutlass to clear the farm and to carve a stool.” The street and the chamber do different work.

What “Attack on Democracy” Actually Does

Three things happen immediately. First, visibility. A march puts an issue on the national agenda that could otherwise die in committee.

The government must now respond in public. Second, mobilization. It reminds citizens that politics is not only voting every few years. It builds civic energy. Third, leverage. A petition and media coverage create a record.

That record matters for what comes next. What a march does not do is write law, judge cases, or run institutions. If the objective is to confront what was termed an “Attack on Democracy,” the process cannot stop at the Presidency’s gate.

It must continue with legal action in the courts where constitutional breaches are alleged, with formal motions in Parliament to demand answers, and with sustained monitoring of state institutions.

The petition should be the opening statement, not the final word. Without that follow-through, the demonstration becomes an event, not an outcome.

 If the Street Is Not Enough: Other Tools

The Constitution gives us more than the right to assemble. We use some tools and ignore others.

1. Litigation. The Supreme Court has settled election disputes before. Petitions and judicial review are slow, but their rulings bind government. More cases, filed earlier, would help.
2. Parliamentary work. The minority has real power: urgent questions, Public Accounts Committee hearings, budget scrutiny. A well-documented minority report does more damage to bad policy than any slogan.
3. Independent monitoring. The media, universities, and civil society groups must track appointments, procurement, and decisions of public bodies in real time and publish what they find.
4. Structured dialogue. The NCCE and National Peace Council can convene, but only with clear terms and deadlines. Dialogue without deliverables is just delay. “The eye that does not sleep sees what the sleeping eye misses.” Governance is not corrected by noise. It is corrected by persistence inside institutions.

Responsibilities To organizers: Keep protests lawful and focused. The moment property is destroyed or people are intimidated, public support collapses and the message is lost.

To government: Do not answer every protest with force or dismissal. Answer with facts. If the claim is false, show the record. If it is true, correct it.

To institutions: The EC, Police and Judiciary must prove impartiality, not only in law but in practice. Perceived bias is what drives people from offices to the streets.

To citizens: Democracy is not a spectator sport. Vote. Read manifestos. Attend constituency meetings. Hold your representative to account between elections.

Conclusion

Demonstrations are not governance. They are a check on governance. A march will not by itself fix an institution. But if it leads to a court case, a parliamentary probe, and better public scrutiny, then it has served a purpose.

If it ends at a press conference, we will be back on the street with a new slogan. A healthy democracy needs both protest and process.

One without the other gives us either chaos or complacency. The crowd has made its point. The work now moves to the chambers, the courts, and the newsroom. That is where the durability of democracy is tested.

The writer, Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan, is a lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department.      

In a case involving former Goldman Sachs executive and former Managing Director of the Tema Oil Refinery (TOR) Asante Berko and Turkey’s AKSA Energy, a US jury has delivered a guilty verdict.

It has also emerged that Ghanaian law enforcement officials participated in the case.

It is alleged that monies were paid to government officials and Members of Parliament to influence the signing of the deal and its approval by Parliament.

If proven, such payments would raise serious questions about the integrity of the transaction and whether the inflated cost of the deal ultimately imposed an unfair burden on Ghanaian taxpayers.

Disturbingly, Goldman Sachs withdrew from the process after discovering that Mr Berko had allegedly gone rogue.

The company reportedly forced him to resign and referred the matter to the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Yet, despite these developments, Ghana proceeded with the deal, which was subsequently approved by Parliament.

Even more troubling is the fact that, in 2024, Mr Berko was appointed Chief Executive Officer of the Tema Oil Refinery (TOR).

One cannot help but ask: Did the Akufo-Addo government conduct adequate due diligence before making that appointment?

The Berko-AKSA case unfortunately echoes other corruption scandals that have tainted Ghana’s public life.

In 2007, a Norwegian court heard allegations that SCANCEM had paid US$4 million in bribes to Ghanaian officials, including allegations involving former President Jerry John Rawlings. The Mabey & Johnson and Bombardier cases also raised serious questions about corruption in public procurement and government contracts.

It would appear that, despite the many slogans associated with the fight against corruption, “probity and accountability,” “zero tolerance,” “protecting the public purse” and, more recently, “ORAL”, we remain reluctant to confront corruption decisively.

Article 35(8) of the 1992 Constitution states, “The State shall take steps to eradicate corrupt practices and abuse of power.” Article 218(e) and other provisions also provide a constitutional basis for combating corruption.

Yet we continue to create more rules, regulations, and institutions without adequately enforcing the ones already in existence.

Indeed, the Constitutional Review Committee’s recently released report has proposed the establishment of an Independent Anti-Corruption and Ethics Commission, which would absorb the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP). The government has accepted the proposal.

But if existing institutions are not empowered or allowed to enforce the law effectively, what assurance is there that another institution will produce a different result? Without genuine political will and enforcement, the new body, like those before it, may achieve little. Enkosi aga!

This approach to fighting corruption reminds me of a young man who had been wooing a beautiful maiden for a long time. One day, the lady called him and said, “Krakye, I want to visit you this week. When will you be home?”

The young man began to stammer: “I don’t know, I’m not sure, hmmm, haaa.”

That, in many ways, appears to be Ghana’s attitude towards corruption. We know what needs to be done, but when the moment comes to act, we hesitate.

Our problem is not primarily our Constitution or our laws. Our problem is enforcement.

The anti-corruption fight has been paralysed by partisanship, “what-aboutism” and the unfortunate reality that the watchman and the thief are sometimes the same—or closely related.

Our Constitution is three times the length of the United States Constitution. We have more than enough laws, institutions and provisions to mount a serious fight against corruption. What we lack is the consistent political will to enforce them without fear or favour.

When I sent the news about the Berko-AKSA case to Speaker Alban Bagbin, he responded, “I was the majority leader then. I will refer to the membership of the Committee on Energy to trigger an investigation into this matter.”

That is welcome.

We certainly need to know why and how Ghanaian institutions failed to prevent or address the alleged wrongdoing surrounding the transaction. But while Parliament conducts its inquiry, the anti-corruption agencies and the Attorney-General must also get to work.

If investigations establish that identifiable public officials committed crimes, they must be held accountable.

Consistent with the principles of “probity and accountability” and the promise of ORAL, let us see meaningful accountability.

As President John Evans Atta Mills did in the Mabey & Johnson case, there should also be consequences for public officials where credible evidence establishes wrongdoing. Where appropriate, officials should step aside while investigations are conducted, rather than remain in positions where they may influence the process.

As Nigeria’s celebrated anti-corruption czar, Nuhu Ribadu, once put it: “Fighting corruption is a war. In a war, you go for the big targets.”

Let us go after them.

May God bless Ghana.

The Bank of Ghana’s Domestic Gold Purchase Programme (DGPP), the scheme now folded into the Ghana Gold Board (GoldBod), lost US$1.7 billion, or 1.5 percent of Ghana’s GDP, in 2025 alone.

That is 17 cents lost for every dollar of doré gold the state sold on the international market.

This is not a rounding error. It is money that belonged to the Ghanaian people, generated from Ghanaian gold, and it disappeared into fees, discounts to exporters, and, overwhelmingly, the exchange-rate spread between what the state paid to buy gold and what it recorded on its own books.

THE NUMBERS THE IMF CONFIRMS

• 2024 losses: US$400 million (0.5% of GDP)
• 2025 losses: US$1.7 billion (1.5% of GDP), more than a four-fold increase in a single year
• Losses were “almost entirely related to G4R doré purchases”, the channel through which the state buys gold from small-scale and artisanal miners
• The cost of running the programme stood at 14.5 percent of the value of gold purchased in 2025, nearly three times the 5 percent ceiling the government itself says is acceptable.
• The Bank of Ghana’s shareholders’ equity collapsed from +GH₵6.2 billion at the end of 2021 to -GH₵93.8 billion at the end of 2025, a negative position equal to 6.7 percent of GDP

WHO IS RESPONSIBLE? THE HONEST ANSWER

IERPP will not pretend this problem was invented by the current administration. The DGPP was launched in 2021 under the previous NPP government, at the height of Ghana’s debt crisis, as an emergency tool to rebuild reserves and secure fuel imports when the country had lost access to international capital markets.

That origin is a matter of record, and IERPP has said so consistently.

But the IMF’s own data draws a hard line between then and now.

The programme’s massive scale-up, the point at which it went from a modest reserve-building tool to becoming, in the Fund’s words, the intermediary in “virtually all ASGM gold exports”, happened from 2024 into 2025, and the entirety of the $1.7 billion loss reported for 2025 was incurred under the current NDC administration.

Losses did not shrink as the country’s macroeconomic position stabilized, they quadrupled.

A government that inherited a wartime tool kept it running at wartime scale long after the emergency that justified it had passed, and the bill for that choice is $1.7 billion.

IERPP also notes that it took until November 2025, eleven months into this administration, and only with direct IMF technical assistance, for the Bank of Ghana to even adopt a transparent, pre-announced FX auction framework.

For most of 2025, the losses accumulated under the old, less transparent, ad hoc system.

THE RISK AHEAD IS BIGGER, NOT SMALLER

This is where IERPP’s concern turns from the past to the future. Under the government’s own Ghana Accelerated National Reserve Accumulation Policy (GANRAP), the authorities plan to double the volume of large-scale mine gold purchased by the state and push reserves to 15 months of import cover by 2028, more than double the six months the IMF itself assesses as adequate.

The Fund’s own estimate is that sterilising reserves at that scale will cost roughly 3 percent of GDP, up from 1 percent in 2025.

In plain terms: government is proposing to expand a programme that just lost $1.7 billion to a scale the IMF has not endorsed as necessary, at triple the sterilisation cost. Ghanaians deserve to know why.

IERPP’S DEMANDS

1. A full public accounting of the 2025 DGPP losses, broken down by fee, discount, and exchange-rate component, published by the Bank of Ghana and Ministry of Finance, not left to an IMF staff paper to surface eight months later.
2. Parliamentary scrutiny of the GANRAP reserve target and its projected sterilisation costs before any further scale-up of domestic gold purchases proceeds.
3. An independent value-for-money audit of GoldBod’s assumption of the DGPP, to confirm the promised reduction in operating costs to 5 percent of gold purchased is actually delivered and not simply relabelled.
4. Quarterly public disclosure of the spread between the forex bureau rate and the Bank of Ghana’s reference rate, given that this spread is now identified as the single largest driver of losses.
5. A clear timeline and funding commitment from government for the “transparent” absorption of DGPP costs it has promised, given the Bank of Ghana can no longer absorb losses of this size without further eroding its already deeply negative equity position.

Conclusion

Ghana’s gold wealth should be building the country’s reserves, not funding avoidable losses on gold Ghana already produces. IERPP will continue to track this issue and expects government to respond with data, not dismissal.

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Eight Ghanaians, including senior government officials — the Defence and Environment Ministers — tragically lost their lives in a helicopter crash while travelling to an event in Obuasi aimed at intensifying efforts against illegal mining.

One year after the tragedy, questions remain over what lessons the country has learnt in its quest to tackle illegal mining, which continues to threaten Ghana’s natural resources.

Their deaths shook the nation to its core. A routine national assignment ended in unimaginable loss.

For weeks, Ghanaians mourned the sudden passing of eight citizens, including cabinet ministers, who were committed to serving the country.

A helicopter carrying men and women on a mission of national importance never completed its journey.

The Defence Minister, Dr Edward Omane Boamah; the Environment Minister, Murtala Mohammed; three other government officials; and three crew members never returned.

The painful loss left behind grieving families, shattered dreams and a nation searching for meaning in tragedy.

Time has moved on, but the pain remains.

For many Ghanaians, the echoes of that tragic day continue to linger, with the memory of those who perished inspiring solemn reflection on the country’s battle against illegal mining.

The departed eight were on a national assignment as part of renewed efforts to combat illegal mining through the Responsible Cooperative Mining and Skills Development Programme (RCOMSDEP).

The initiative seeks to empower mining cooperatives and small-scale miners through training, innovation and responsible mining practices, with the goal of transforming mining into a safe, inclusive and environmentally responsible activity.

But one year after the tragedy, the question remains: has Ghana made significant progress in winning the galamsey fight?

Convener of the Coalition of Anti-Galamsey Campaigners, Ken Ashigbey, believes the sacrifices of the fallen officials must translate into meaningful action.

“Dr Omane Boamah, and what I know that he stood for and the support he gave to the Lands Minister, unfortunately we have failed them. The best tribute to have given them was to make their blood count,” he said.

While government highlights achievements in the fight against illegal mining, many rivers across the country remain polluted, with forest reserves still dotted with abandoned mining pits.

Across Ghana, particularly in the Western, Western North, Ashanti, Central, Eastern, Bono and Ahafo regions, illegal mining continues to degrade farmlands, water bodies and other natural resources.

Illegal miners continue to operate in some areas with little regard for the environment, excavating lands close to roads and within forest reserves.

A recent video circulating on social media showed some young people in a coastal community washing sand along the beach in search of gold, highlighting the extent of the challenge.

An aerial view of several water bodies across the country reveals rivers once known for their clear waters now struggling with heavy siltation and discolouration caused by mining activities.

Aquatic life and biodiversity remain threatened by the continued exploitation of natural resources.

“We have to honour their memory by doing what is right for our fight against illegal mining,” environmental journalist Erastus Asare Donkor said.

Perhaps the greatest tribute to the eight fallen heroes will not be found in wreaths, monuments or anniversary ceremonies.

It will be found in rivers that run clear again, forests that breathe once more, and a nation that finally finds the resolve to protect the environment that sustains its people.

Their mission ended in the skies above Adansi, but the journey they began remains firmly on the ground — unfinished and now entrusted to every Ghanaian.

Until the scars of galamsey fade from Ghana’s rivers and forests, August 6 will remain more than a day of mourning. It will stand as a solemn reminder that the cost of inaction can be painfully high.

Rest in power, our fallen heroes.

Damirifa due… Mmarima mma.

GAF observes maiden Omane Boamah memorial lecture

Effiduase-Asokore MP urges men of God to inspire hope among youth…

For nearly two hours, General Johnson Asiedu Nketia held the nation spellbound with a captivating blend of facts, wit, humour, and decades of political experience. The biggest criticism of the interview had nothing to do with its content but simply that it ended too soon. Time seemed to disappear as viewers watched a politician who was as comfortable explaining economic fundamentals as he was delivering political jabs with effortless precision.

Then came the real post-match analysis, the comment section, where every Ghanaian suddenly became a political commentator.

The verdicts were fascinating.

One admirer described him as one of the NDC’s greatest assets. Another boldly argued that he should have been a lawyer because of the precision with which he dissected arguments and dismantled opposing positions. Others declared the interview a “technical knockout” by the General to critical issues, while some even suggested it should be translated into Ghanaian languages so that more citizens could appreciate what they considered a masterclass in political communication.

But perhaps the moment that generated the loudest laughter came when Chairman jokingly volunteered to serve as the Acting National Chairman of the NPP because, in his estimation, they appeared to be in desperate need of one. It was classic Asiedu Nketia delivered with a smile, humour wrapped around a political punchline.

Soon, the accolades poured in.

GOAT. Institution. National Asset. Professor of Ghana Politics.

At that point, one almost expected Parliament to suspend business and confer on him an honorary doctorate in Political Engineering, with a minor in Strategic Humour.

Yet beneath the applause lies an important democratic lesson. Admiration should never replace accountability. The strongest democracies are built when great politicians are celebrated for their brilliance and equally held accountable for their shortcomings. Respect and scrutiny are not enemies; they are partners in democratic governance.

Still, one conclusion is difficult to escape. Some politicians campaign. Some govern. A rare few educate while doing both.

On Tuesday night, Johnson Asiedu Nketia did more than answer questions. He transformed a television interview into a political classroom, reminding Ghanaians that experience is not measured by age but by wisdom, preparation, and the ability to command both the conversation and the audience.

Whether one calls him General, Professor, Institution, or GOAT, one truth remains difficult to dismiss: in Ghana’s political classroom, many speak, but only a few teach. Judging by the night’s performance, the Professor without a lecture hall still has a full class and no empty seats.

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For transport operators, haulage firms, and households already stretched thin, it was immediate and tangible relief — and the NPA moved quickly to communicate the decision to oil marketing companies and the public.

But beyond the headline, a more interesting question emerges.

This relief did not come from a mechanism designed in advance to absorb exactly this kind of shock. It came from a fresh, one-off directive — implemented efficiently, but reactively.

And that raises a question worth considering: Ghana already has an instrument purpose-built for this moment. Why is it so rarely used the way it was designed to?

A buffer meant to absorb shocks like this one

Tucked into the price build-up of every litre of fuel sold in Ghana is the Price Stabilisation and Recovery Levy (PSRL).

Established under the Energy Sector Levies Act, 2015 (Act 899), its logic is simple: collect a small levy during stable periods, accumulate it in a dedicated account, and draw from it when global crude prices or a weakening cedi threaten to push pump prices — and transport fares — sharply upward.

In principle, it is an automatic stabiliser. A shock absorber built into the system, not a favour granted from outside it.

In practice, however, the PSRL account has rarely functioned that way.

Independent assessments over the years have pointed out that the fund has, at various points, accumulated hundreds of millions of cedis without being drawn down for its intended stabilisation purpose.

Instead, the pattern that keeps repeating — under different governments and in different years — is this: prices rise, public pressure builds, and the response is a fresh executive directive — suspending the levy, cutting a margin, or announcing a “temporary intervention” for a month or two.

The tool built for exactly this scenario remains in the background, while a new discretionary solution is introduced each time.

This is not a story about any single administration.

The PSRL was suspended in 2021. It was suspended again in 2024. The margin-cut approach used this August mirrors an intervention from earlier in 2026.

The pattern cuts across political cycles — which is precisely what makes it worth examining as a systems issue rather than a political one.

The NPA’s position at the centre of this puzzle

The National Petroleum Authority sits at the heart of this discussion.

It is the regulator responsible for publishing the bi-weekly price floors. It is also the implementing body that oil marketing companies rely on when directives are issued.

The NPA is equally the statutory custodian of the PSRL account — the institution best placed to know exactly how much is held in the fund, how it has changed over time, and why it has not become the first line of defence when global prices turn against consumers.

That position gives the NPA a genuine opportunity, not just a responsibility.

As the country’s energy regulator, it could make the PSRL’s status a matter of routine public record by publishing, alongside every price-floor announcement, a simple account of what has flowed into stabilisation reserves and what has been drawn from them.

Such transparency would achieve two things: it would make interventions like the recent diesel relief appear less like a one-off gesture and more like part of a coherent, accountable system.

It would also allow the public — and industry players like those of us who work in petroleum trading and logistics — to assess whether the levy is actually performing the role for which it was created.

Why this matters beyond one pricing window

Ghana’s dependence on imported crude oil and refined petroleum products means pump prices will continue to respond to events beyond its control — conflicts in the Gulf, currency fluctuations, and changes in global refining margins.

That volatility is unlikely to disappear.

The question is whether Ghana continues responding through discretionary, case-by-case directives or builds confidence in the automatic stabilisers it already has in place.

A regulator that is seen to be actively managing a functioning stabilisation fund — rather than reaching for a fresh executive order each time — offers something a one-off relief measure cannot: predictability.

Predictability for transport unions planning fares.

Predictability for businesses, including those in the downstream petroleum sector, that develop pricing models around Ghana’s regulatory environment.

And predictability for households trying to budget in a market where fuel costs affect everything from transport fares to food prices.

A question worth asking, not an answer to impose

None of this is to suggest that the diesel relief was the wrong decision. In the short term, it clearly provides support.

But it is worth asking, as the NPA continues to manage this pricing window and those that follow: what would it take for the Price Stabilisation and Recovery Levy to function the way Act 899 intended — as a standing shock absorber — rather than as a dormant account that is bypassed each time relief becomes necessary?

That is not a question about any one government’s competence.

It is a question about institutional design — and whether Ghana is willing to allow the tools it has already built to do the job they were meant to do.

As host of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, our country is uniquely placed to shape the future of Africa’s digital economy and cross-border trade.

Yet beneath this remarkable progress lies a growing fraud threat capable of undermining these gains if left unchecked. Every successful digital economy is built on one invaluable asset: trust. Without trust, consumers hesitate to adopt digital payment systems. Businesses become reluctant to invest in innovation. Financial institutions divert resources from growth to fraud losses. International partners become more cautious, and foreign investors begin to question the integrity of the market. Ultimately, digital inclusion slows, economic growth suffers, and confidence in the financial system weakens.

This is precisely why Ghana should establish a National Anti-Fraud Fund. Such a fund should not be viewed as another government expenditure but as a strategic national investment in safeguarding Ghana’s digital economy, protecting financial stability, and strengthening our international reputation. Around the world, governments increasingly recognise that combating fraud requires sustained investment rather than isolated interventions after losses have occurred.

The United Kingdom has invested heavily in coordinated fraud prevention through national strategies, public awareness campaigns, and close collaboration among government, regulators, law enforcement agencies, financial institutions, and civil society. Australia has strengthened its resilience through comprehensive national anti-scam initiatives and public-private partnerships. Singapore continues to invest significantly in public education, banking safeguards, advanced technology, and law enforcement cooperation to stay ahead of increasingly sophisticated fraud networks.

The lesson is clear: countries that invest in fraud prevention protect economic growth, strengthen public confidence, and enhance their global competitiveness. Ghana should do the same.

A National Anti-Fraud Fund could support several strategic priorities.

First, it should finance sustained nationwide public education campaigns to help citizens recognise emerging threats, including cyber fraud, investment scams, romance scams, business email compromise, impersonation fraud, and increasingly sophisticated artificial intelligence-enabled scams.

Second, the fund should support independent research into fraud trends, criminal methodologies, victim behaviour, and the effectiveness of prevention strategies. Evidence-based research enables policymakers and industry leaders to develop smarter, more targeted interventions.

Again, it should strengthen civil society organisations working in fraud prevention, digital literacy, and consumer protection. These organisations often reach vulnerable communities that government institutions may struggle to engage, making them indispensable partners in building national resilience against fraud.

Finally, the fund should provide meaningful support for victims of fraud. Financial loss is often only one aspect of the harm suffered. Many victims experience emotional trauma, damaged credit, legal complications, and a lasting loss of confidence in digital financial services. Supporting recovery helps restore public trust in the financial system.

The economic returns on such an investment would extend far beyond fraud prevention.

As Ghana expands financial inclusion and digital commerce, protecting consumers becomes essential to sustaining confidence in mobile money, digital banking, interoperable payment systems, and online trade. Fraud must not be allowed to reverse the significant progress made in bringing millions of Ghanaians into the formal financial system.

Investor confidence is equally critical.

Global investors increasingly assess financial crime risks before committing capital. A country with a robust national fraud prevention framework demonstrates that it values transparency, financial integrity, and responsible governance. These qualities enhance competitiveness and strengthen Ghana’s attractiveness as a destination for investment, innovation, and regional headquarters.

The benefits would also reinforce Ghana’s strategic role under the African Continental Free Trade Area. As cross-border digital payments and African e-commerce continue to expand, Ghana has an opportunity not only to host the AfCFTA Secretariat but also to become Africa’s leading centre for fraud prevention, digital trust, and secure cross-border commerce. Leadership in digital trade must be matched by leadership in protecting that trade.

It is important to mention that funding such an initiative need not depend solely on the national budget. A sustainable National Anti-Fraud Fund could draw resources from multiple sources, including a portion of regulatory penalties imposed on fraud offenders, voluntary contributions from financial institutions, development partners, corporate social responsibility programmes, philanthropic foundations, and international organisations committed to strengthening digital trust and financial integrity.

The cost of preventing fraud will always be significantly lower than the cost of rebuilding public confidence after trust has been lost. Ghana has already demonstrated remarkable leadership in digital innovation. We must now demonstrate equal leadership in protecting that innovation.

Establishing a National Anti-Fraud Fund would send a powerful signal to citizens, businesses, investors, and the international community that Ghana is committed not only to building a world-class digital economy but also to securing it for future generations.

Oti NYA Director urges youth to champion environmental sanitation

When the Letters Come Off

GTEC has been writing letters. Not to students who failed. To ministers, MPs, businessmen, pastors and musicians who put “Dr.” before their names after receiving honorary degrees. The most talked about case recently is Ekwow Spio-Garbrah. The former Trade Minister was cautioned for using a doctorate awarded honoris causa by a foreign university. GTEC’s position was simple: in Ghana, you use “Dr.” professionally only if the degree was earned. He joins a growing list. Over the years, similar notices have gone to high-profile politicians, including former ministers and sitting MPs who received honorary doctorates during international trips or at diaspora events.

Gospel musicians and media personalities have also been flagged. Some complied quietly. Others pushed back in the press, arguing that the honor was given in good faith and should be respected. The impact is personal first. For the individual, it feels like public stripping. Flyers are reprinted. Bios are edited. Speaking invitations get awkward questions. The Gas have a saying – when the cloth is pulled, everyone sees. For some, it damages brand value built over years. The impact on society is deeper. In a country where people still stand when a “Dr.” enters the room, the title signals expertise. When that signal is wrong, trust erodes. As the English proverb goes, “A false friend and a shadow attend only while the sun shines.” A false title attends only while no one asks questions. A citizen who sees “Dr.” on a health product endorsement or a policy paper assumes training. If that assumption is false, confidence in institutions takes a hit.

How We Got Here: A Very Old Tradition

Honorary degrees are not new. Oxford was giving them in the 1400s. The idea was to recognize people whose work had already changed the world, without asking them to write a thesis. There are three main kinds you will see:

1. Honorary Doctorate: LLD, DLitt, DSc. Given for leadership, philanthropy, art, science, public service.
2. Honorary Professorship: An affiliation, not a teaching qualification.
3. Honorary Fellowship: Institutional recognition, often with no degree attached.

The key phrase is always “honoris causa” – for the sake of honor. That phrase is what separates recognition from qualification. The Ewe put it plainly – ‘’who you are is who you are’’. Titles cannot make you what you are not.

The Real Academic Ladder: What Earned Titles Mean

This is where the confusion hurts most, because Ghanaian universities have a clear, earned progression that takes years.

1. Graduate Assistant / Teaching Assistant: Entry point after first degree, usually pursuing a masters.
2. Assistant Lecturer: Holds a masters, begins teaching under supervision.
3. Lecturer: Holds a PhD or is close to completion. Can teach and supervise undergraduates.
4. Senior Lecturer: PhD plus publications, research, and years of service. Can supervise graduate students.
5. Associate Professor: Significant research output, national recognition, external assessment.
6. Professor / Full Professor: International standing, major contribution to a field, examined by peers.

“If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together” – an African proverb. The academic ladder is the “going far” path. Each step is earned, reviewed, and approved by an academic board. To jump straight to “Prof.” or “Dr.” through an honorary degree bypasses this entire process. That is why faculty feel it diminishes the work.

Why Universities Still Hand Them Out

Universities do not do this for fun. They do it for three reasons that still matter today. First, to honor. To say thank you to someone whose life reflects what the university stands for. Second, to associate. Institutions grow by standing next to people of influence. Third, to inspire. Students need to see that impact can happen outside the classroom. In Ghana today, it is also diplomacy. A university honoring a minister, a CEO, or a diaspora leader is building bridges. The essence has not changed. It is appreciation, not accreditation. As the Chinese say, “When drinking water, remember the source.” Honorary degrees are meant to remember sources of impact.

What “Dr.” and “Prof.” Actually Mean

An earned doctorate means years of research, supervision, defense, and peer review. That person can lecture, examine, and is bound by academic rules. An honorary doctorate means “we see what you have done and we respect it.” It does not give you the right to teach, to supervise, or to practice in a professional field. In most universities worldwide, the rule is disclosure. You can be called “Dr.” socially, but in official documents you must state it is honorary. Ghana’s law says the same. GTEC’s regulations are clear: do not use academic titles in a way that misleads the public about your qualifications. “Truth is like a lion; you don’t have to defend it. Let it loose; it will defend itself”.

What Other Countries Do

Ghana is not the only one tightening the screws. In the UK, honorary graduates are introduced with the full description. No one lists them as faculty. In the US, it is looser in public life. Many celebrities use “Dr.” after an honorary degree, but universities will never treat them as doctors. In Nigeria, the NUC issued warnings similar to GTEC’s, telling public figures to stop using “Dr.” from honorary degrees in official documents. In South Africa, the scroll itself says “honoris causa” and institutions police misuse. The global direction is not to cancel the honor. It is to label it honestly. “Names are the anchors of identity,” and when the anchor is wrong, the ship drifts.

Why GTEC Is Insisting Now

Three things have forced GTEC’s hand.

1. Volume. Honorary degrees are now everywhere. Some come from top, accredited universities. Others come from institutions no one can verify. The public cannot tell the difference.
2. Trust. We live in an age of misinformation. When a “Dr.” speaks on economy, health, or education, people listen differently. If that authority is borrowed, the public is misled.
3. Fairness. Thousands of Ghanaians climb the ladder from Assistant Lecturer to Professor. They teach, they research, and they publish. Seeing the same prefix used without the work feels like an insult to that process. As we say, “You cannot wear a crown and refuse to carry the weight.” The goal is not to shame. It is to protect meaning.

So What Now?

Ghana does not have to choose between respect and standards. We can have both. Keep the honor. Celebrate the recipient. But be clear. “Ekwow Spio-Garbrah, holder of an honorary doctorate” is true and dignified. “Dr. Ekwow Spio-Garbrah” without context is where the problem starts. A title is a promise. It tells a student, a patient, a voter what you have been trained to do. The Dagbamba say, “The mouth that eats does not speak” – but the title that speaks must also have eaten the work. In the end, the letters matter less than the life behind them. Ghana is simply asking that we call things by their right name.

The writer is a lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan

He was talking not of Ghana but America. On July 20th, 2026, a court sentenced New Patriotic Party (NPP) Ashanti Regional Chairman, Bernard Antwi Boasiako, popularly known as Chairman Wontumi to 20 years imprisonment in connection with crimes related to galamsey in Samreboi of the Western region.

In the old days, nobody from his party would have dared to defend him.

This time, as they did in response to the travails of NPP Bono Regional Chairman Kwame Baffoe Abronye and NPP Communicator Miracles Aboagye, the NPP seem to have rediscovered its love for the rule of law and due process.

The party that didn’t protest when its vigilantes went into a courtroom to free accused persons while in government and cheered as its government harassed journalists into exile and shut down lawful demonstrations while declining to investigate the murder of citizens attempting to vote by police screamed about the need for due process from the rooftops.

According to BBC, General Secretary Justin Kodua said, “The fight against illegal mining cannot become credible only when it targets political opponents in respect of whom evidence of wrongdoing does not exist”!!!

And of course, the NDC fraternity that upon the attainment of power unleashed an avalanche of mainly partisan ” nolle prosequi”s to end the legal travails of its party members while loudly proclaiming ORAL directed against the NPP members has discovered the virtues of probity and accountability like Rawlings did before flipping on Mabey and Johnson, Ghacem cement and the “donkomi privatizations” of state assets to cronies.

Our 2 parties under the 4th Republic both love corruption, unapologetically and irrevocably, despite paying lip-service to accountability.

Unfortunately, this has been true of every government since independence. My concern now is whether the judiciary has been completely corrupted.

In the 1963 Kolungugu case, the 1970 Sallah case, and the 1994 31st December cases, amongst others, our judicial branch showed it could stand up to governments. Is that still the case?

Would Wontumi be heading for jail if he was an NDC bigwig? Would he be going to jail if the NPP was still in power? To return to corruption, there have even been attempts to justify it by invoking our culture.

As the Akans say, “The person who mashes groundnut into paste inevitably has some paste sticking to his/her hands.” These are false justifications. First the direct answer to the proverb is that if the guy mashing the groundnuts washes their hands diligently, no “paste” will stick to the hands.

Second, the attempt to blur the lines between bribes and gifts are deliberately misconceived. Virtually every adult and most children can distinguish between gifts and bribes.

Finally, most Ghanaians and Africans have no difficulties in demonstrating integrity when they work abroad. As Transparency International’s Mary Addah put it diplomatically, “Enforcement remains inconsistent,” and we have “normalized acquiring wealth without knowing the source.” Ms. Addah also called for a “value-based” education.

Unfortunately, that will not work. We educate the youth every day with our worship of wealth, corrupt “day-to-day” behavior, and “win-at-all-cost” ethos.

What we do matters more than what we say. As long as we continue to buy elections and auction procurement contracts, the youth will do as we do, not as we say. Kofi Annan said, “If corruption is a disease, transparency is an important part of its treatment.”

Corruption is wrong, even in the eyes of God. Isaiah 5:8 says, “Ah, you who join house to house, who add field to field, until there is no room for no one but you, and you are left to live alone in the midst of the land.” And Micah 7:3 adds powerfully, “The powerful dictate what they desire; thus, they pervert justice.”

Here are some solutions. According to a publication by Bosio, Hayman, and Dubose, published in the Journal of Cost-Benefit Analysis by Cambridge University in 2023, corruption has an estimated global cost of 1 trillion USD per year.

And it adds 25% to African procurement costs. In the World Bank’s 2020 Enterprise survey, 23.7% of firms said they were expected to give gifts to get contracts. This rises to a third in developing countries.

The solution to this is e-procurement. In India, e-Procurement led to a 12% increase in the quality of roads and an 8% decrease in costs. In Brazil and Mexico, the decrease in cost reached 25% in some cases.

A second solution is to actually fire and prosecute corrupt officials. A third solution is for anti-corruption bodies to do their work.

Article 218(e) of our constitution obligates CHRAJ “to investigate all instances of alleged or suspected corruption and the misappropriation of public moneys by officials and to take appropriate steps, including reports to the Attorney General and Auditor General resulting from such investigations.

There is also EOCO and OSP and the police. Our problem is not our laws and institutions on paper. It is in our character. As Ephraim Amu said, “Aduru me ne wo so—”
May God bless Ghana.

Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin’s recounting of the Integrity journey and how he came to this moment was moving and long, reflecting the length of the journey.

If this initiative lives up to expectations, it would be, perhaps, Speaker Bagbin’s greatest legacy.

Speaking at the ceremony, Chief Justice Baffoe-Bonnie said, “Integrity is the willingness to pay the price for doing what is right.” He was right.

The price for integrity can be painfully high in our society. I remember my astonishment when I first heard the story of Col. Simpeh-Asante, who was tasked by Gen.

Acheampong with upgrading Accra and Kumasi stadiums for AFCON 78. Apparently, he was scrupulously honest.

Afterwards, it was reported that Gen. Acheampong told him, “I gave you that assignment so that you would get something to take home! And you fool, you are going home with “wonsa pan.”

Whether this is true or not, it illustrates our cultural attitude to corruption and integrity. In the storied history of Rome, there were 12 Caesars.

And yet, the most celebrated Roman of all was Cato. After fighting Caesar in the Senate and battlefields for the Republic, Caesar finally crushed Scipio at the Battle of Thapsus and offered Cato clemency and restoration.

Instead of accepting that, Cato committed suicide, ripping his own stomach when others tried to patch him up. Since his death at Utica, in modern-day Tunisia, in 46 BC, Cato has inspired generations.

In 1775, in America, with revolution brewing, people were scared. When the second Virginia convention met in the village of Richmond, Patrick Henry stepped forward and, with Washington and Jefferson watching on, delivered the address that made the American Revolution irreversible, while immortalizing him.

His peroration deserves to be reproduced because it defined integrity. ” Gentlemen may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace. The war has actGentlemen, may youhy stand here idle? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?

Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me. GIVE ME LIBERTY, or GIVE ME DEATH! “Here on our own continent, there have been many examples of integrity, but let me discuss just 2.

When a bomb attack on President Nkrumah left him injured at Kolungugu on 1st August, 1962, Adamafio, Arko-Adjei, and Cofie-Crabbe were charged.

When a panel of judges led by late former Chief Justice Arku Korsah acquitted them, the CJ was dismissed by President Nkrumah, and a new panel found the accused guilty.

Finally, join me as we look over the shoulder of the 32-year-old Col. Olusegun Obasanjo showing integrity in a letter to General Gowon during the Biafra war, written in July, 1969.

He wrote, “To say that we have no money to buy military hardware to prosecute this war to a successful end is, to say the least, unthinkable.

No harm in borrowing money to save this country, thereby leaving a worthy legacy for posterity. The French and the British are yet to finish paying for the First and Second World Wars, respectively. In each case, they incurred debt and achieved victory.

That is a young officer challenging his superiors in the service of his country. These were examples of integrity, as the Chief Justice was referring to.

I have respect for the eminent bodies and persons on this body and commend the Speaker for assembling them, and I am honoured to serve with them.

I am even more impressed by the enthusiastic support shown by the judiciary through the Chief Justice and the executive through the Presidency.

Now, while honouring integrity is a worthy goal, those who have the power to enforce accountability must not, “TAFRAKYE”, wait to admire and to honour integrity in others.

Those with mandates must act, to model and to inspire integrity, before they honour it! If they fail that, they would be ignoring the lesson of the good Samaritan. As Goethe said, ” Knowing is not enough; we must apply. Willing is not enough; we must do it.”

May God bless Ghana.

For neurodivergent users, autistic people, those with ADHD, and others whose sensory and cognitive processing differs from the neurotypical norm the platforms were built around, it can be the difference between a tool that works and one that works against them.

Kofi Ofori-Mensah has spent the past several years building a career, and now a company, around that difference.

From frontline care to research

Ofori-Mensah’s path into this work didn’t start in a lab. Before he was a researcher, he was, and still is, a support worker for autistic and neurodivergent adults in the UK, a role he’s held for close to two years alongside his academic and entrepreneurial commitments. That shows in how he talks about the problem. It isn’t an abstract design flaw to sketch out in a workshop. It’s something he watches play out in the lives of the people he supports, day after day.

That closeness to lived experience fed directly into his academic work. As a postgraduate researcher on an MSc in Digital Marketing at the University of Roehampton, Ofori-Mensah wrote a dissertation on how neurodivergent adults in the UK actually experience social media marketing, using an interpretivist framework and reflexive thematic analysis to let participants’ own accounts define what “engagement” and “harm” mean, rather than platform metrics. Most research into platform design starts from the assumption that a neurotypical user is the default and treats everyone else as an edge case. Ofori-Mensah’s work starts from the opposite assumption.

Kofi Ofori-Mensah earned a Roehampton Futures Award this year, alongside his post as a research assistant at the university. It puts him inside the same institutions that shape how digital marketing and platform design get taught, even as his broader work pushes those institutions to question their own defaults.

Building the alternative

Research rarely changes how a product gets built on its own. So Ofori-Mensah founded NeuroDigital Support, a UK-based venture built around a line that’s become something close to a mission statement: “changing digital environments, changing outcomes”.

The company’s flagship product, NuroTok, is a sensory regulation and digital wellbeing app for neurodivergents. It’s designed around the specific triggers, unpredictable stimulation, poorly signposted transitions, and feeds optimised for engagement over wellbeing that Ofori-Mensah’s research and frontline work kept turning up as recurring sources of harm. Behind it sits a wider set of planned tools for advocacy, research, and care coordination, though the company has deliberately kept its near-term focus on the one flagship product rather than launching everything at once.

A body of writing

Alongside the venture, Ofori-Mensah has published two books, The Invisible Users and The Invisible Struggle, which take the same argument out of the register of app design and into a wider public conversation about who gets designed for and who’s left to adapt. It’s the same thread running through the dissertation, the product, and the books: platform design isn’t neutral, and its costs have landed hardest on users whose minds weren’t in the room when the products were built.

An argument still being made

None of this is finished business. NeuroDigital Support is still an early-stage company, and NuroTok hasn’t yet reached the scale that would prove the model works at the size of the platforms it’s arguing against. But it’s an unusual combination: a researcher with frontline care experience, an academic base, an innovative product, and a public voice, all aimed at the same target, the quiet assumption built into most platforms billions of people use every day that a mind that processes the world differently is something for the user to manage rather than something for the product to fix.

Whether that argument changes how platforms get built is still an open question. That it’s being made by someone who has actually sat with the people affected by the answer is, on its own, worth paying attention to.

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The judgment can be reduced to the following questions and answers. As always, the Without Tears series is offered without opinion or commentary.

1. What was the case about?

Sedinam Tamakloe, a former CEO of MASLOC, and Daniel Axim, its former Operations Manager, were prosecuted over several MASLOC transactions. The prosecution alleged, among other things, that:

• Obaatanpa Microfinance delivered a GH¢500,000 cash refund directly to Sedinam, which she dishonestly appropriated;

• Sedinam and Daniel Axim misappropriated money released for nationwide sensitisation, monitoring, training and financial-literacy programmes;

• Sedinam misappropriated GH¢579,800 intended for victims of the Kantamanto market fire;

• Sedinam executed a contract for the procurement of 350 vehicles without obtaining the required approval from the Public Procurement Authority;

• the prices quoted for those vehicles were substantially higher than the vendor’s alleged retail prices, even though tax waivers had been obtained;

• MASLOC paid GH¢93,412 for 200 mobile phones allegedly worth GH¢24,400 on the open market; and

• improper ex gratia and leave payments were made to Sedinam and her deputy.

Sedinam and Daniel Axim faced 78 counts involving stealing, conspiracy, wilfully causing financial loss to the State, causing loss to public property, money laundering, improper payment of public funds, unauthorised financial commitments and breaches of the Public Procurement Act.

The prosecution called seven witnesses to make their case. Sedinam attended the greater part of the trial. On 30 July 2021, she obtained the release of her passport to travel abroad for medical review, on condition that she would return to court on 10 October 2021. She did not return.

On 18 January 2022, the High Court held that she had absconded in breach of her bail conditions. Her sureties were directed to produce her, failing which their recognisances would be forfeited. Their bonds were eventually forfeited on 24 January 2023.

The trial continued in Sedinam’s absence. On 16 April 2024, the High Court convicted her on all the counts against her and imposed several concurrent sentences. The effective prison term was 10 years.

On 9th May, 2024, she appealed.

2. What did Sedinam argue on appeal?

Her notice of appeal contained nine grounds. Ground (a) was the broad complaint that her convictions were unreasonable and could not be supported by the evidence. Grounds (b) to (h) each simply stated that the trial court had erred in convicting her of a particular category of offences. Ground (i) complained that the sentence was harsh and excessive.

Her arguments were essentially that:

• several charges were defectively drafted and did not adequately identify the acts or omissions attributed to her;

• the prosecution failed to prove the essential ingredients of the offences beyond reasonable doubt;

• the trial judge wrongly shifted the burden to her to prove that she had authority, followed the proper procedures or used the money for its intended purposes;

• the evidence did not support the individual convictions; and

• the sentence was harsh and excessive.

3. Could she appeal while she was outside Ghana?

The Republic argued that, because Sedinam was a fugitive when she filed the appeal, she should not be permitted to challenge her convictions.

The Court rejected that objection. It held that neither the Constitution nor any Ghanaian authority cited by the Republic deprived a person convicted in absentia of the right to appeal.

Sedinam had filed her appeal within time and in the manner required by law. Her absence from Ghana therefore did not deprive the Court of Appeal of jurisdiction to hear her case.

4. What happened to seven of her grounds of appeal?

The Court struck out grounds (b) to (h) because they merely stated that the trial court had “erred” in convicting Sedinam without explaining the alleged errors.

In simple language, it is not enough to tell an appellate court: “The judge was wrong.” The appellant must also explain: “This is precisely what the judge did wrong, and this is why it was legally wrong.”

However, striking out those seven grounds did not end the appeal. The Court still considered ground (a): the broad complaint that the convictions were unreasonable and unsupported by the evidence.

5. Were the charges defective?

The Court held that several charges were manifestly defective because they did not provide sufficient particulars of the acts, omissions or transactions said to constitute the offences.

This was not simply a complaint about poor grammar or the incorrect numbering of the counts. In a criminal trial, an accused person must be told with reasonable clarity what she allegedly did. A charge should not merely name an offence; it must provide enough factual detail to enable the accused to understand and answer the allegation.

However, the Court did not decide the appeal solely because some charges were defective. It independently examined whether the prosecution’s evidence proved the offences.

6. What was the central error made by the trial judge?

The Court held that the trial judge repeatedly reversed the burden of proof. Several charges alleged that Sedinam acted:

• “without authority”; “without approval”; or “without due process.”

The trial judge reasoned that, because the prosecution had alleged the absence of authority or approval, Sedinam had to prove that she possessed the necessary authority or had followed the required procedure.

The Court of Appeal held that this was wrong. A prosecutor cannot shift the burden of proof merely by framing an allegation negatively.

Unless a statute expressly provides otherwise, it remains the prosecution’s duty to prove every ingredient of the offence, including the alleged absence of authority, approval or due process.

An accused person’s failure to testify, return to the country or offer an explanation cannot be used to complete an otherwise deficient prosecution case.

7. What did the Court decide about the GH¢500,000 Obaatanpa refund?

The prosecution’s case was that Obaatanpa returned GH¢500,000 in cash directly to Sedinam and that she acknowledged receiving it in a letter.

The Court found serious evidential problems. The original acknowledgment letter was not produced. The document tendered was a copy obtained from Obaatanpa. No corresponding MASLOC copy was produced, even though the reference number on the letter suggested that MASLOC should have retained one.

The MASLOC officials who testified had not seen an original MASLOC copy against which the document could be compared.

The Chairman of Obaatanpa also claimed that he had exchanged WhatsApp messages with Sedinam concerning the refund. Those messages were not produced.

Moreover, after the alleged cash refund, Sedinam continued signing letters demanding interest from Obaatanpa on the GH¢500,000 investment. The Court considered that conduct difficult to reconcile with the claim that she had already received the money in cash.

The Court held that the prosecution had not proved beyond reasonable doubt that Sedinam received the GH¢500,000.

Without proof of receipt, dishonest appropriation could not be established. The conviction and sentence relating to that money were therefore set aside.

8. What did the Court decide about the sensitisation, monitoring and training funds?

The prosecution alleged that Sedinam and Daniel Axim stole GH¢1,816,000 released for sensitisation and monitoring programmes, even though the MASLOC Board had approved GH¢1,706,000. Sedinam was also accused of appropriating other amounts intended for training, sensitisation and financial literacy.

The prosecution’s case was that the programmes either did not occur or occurred only on a very limited scale.

The Court held that the prosecution did not prove beyond reasonable doubt that Sedinam stole the money. The prosecution did not call the relevant regional officers or beneficiaries who could give direct evidence about whether the programmes took place.

Instead, the trial judge expected Sedinam to prove that the funds had been properly used. The Court held that this again wrongly transferred the prosecution’s burden to the accused.

9. What about the Kantamanto fire-victim funds?

The prosecution alleged that Sedinam dishonestly appropriated GH¢579,800 intended for victims of the Kantamanto market fire.

However, one prosecution witness admitted that enquiries had established that the funds had been distributed to the victims. Another witness had confirmed this to him, although that information was omitted from the report tendered in evidence.

The Court held that this admission struck at the foundation of the stealing charge. If the funds had been distributed to the intended victims, the allegation of dishonest appropriation could not be sustained. The conviction and sentence relating to the Kantamanto funds were therefore set aside.

10. What happened to the money-laundering convictions?

They were set aside. The alleged stealing offences were the underlying or “predicate” offences supporting the money-laundering charges. In simple terms, the prosecution first had to prove that the money was the proceeds of an unlawful activity.

Once the prosecution failed to prove the relevant stealing offences, it could not establish that the money was the proceeds of crime. The legal foundation of the money-laundering convictions therefore disappeared.

11. What did the Court decide about the ex gratia and leave payments?

The Court set aside the convictions for improper payment of public funds. MASLOC’s Head of Finance testified that his office processed and authorised the payments based on appointment documents issued by the Chief of Staff at the Office of the President.

He said that he found nothing wrong with the documents and authorised the payments on that basis.

There was no evidence that Sedinam personally authorised an improper payment; deceived the Finance Department; made a misrepresentation; presented false documentation; or caused a payment to be made contrary to an identified verification procedure.

The prosecution therefore failed to prove the offence beyond reasonable doubt.

12. What about the GH¢61.7 million vehicle commitment?

The conviction for making an unauthorised commitment resulting in a financial obligation for the Government was also set aside. The prosecution alleged that Sedinam made commitments amounting to approximately GH¢61.7 million without authority and without following the proper procedures.

The Court held that the prosecution did not identify the applicable verification procedure or demonstrate precisely how Sedinam breached it.

The evidence also showed that the Ministry of Finance had written to the Public Procurement Authority confirming that the financing arrangements for the vehicles were under consideration.

It was not Sedinam’s responsibility to prove that she had authority. It was the prosecution’s responsibility to prove beyond reasonable doubt that she did not.

13. What did the Court decide about the procurement charges?

The procurement convictions were set aside. The Court found that the prosecution did not prove beyond reasonable doubt that the required approval had been withheld.

It also noted that Sedinam did not authorise payment for the 350 vehicles during her tenure. Her successor renegotiated the prices and authorised payments in 2017 and 2018, after Sedinam had left office. The Court therefore held that the prosecution failed to prove the procurement offences charged against her.

14. Did the Court merely reduce the 10-year sentence?

No. It went much further. The Court held that all Sedinam’s convictions had to be quashed. A sentence is the legal consequence of a valid conviction. Once the convictions were set aside, there was no lawful sentence left to reduce.

The complaint that the sentence was harsh or excessive therefore became moot, meaning there was no longer any need for the Court to decide it.

15. What was the final result?

The Court of Appeal held that:

• the prosecution’s evidence fell short of proof beyond reasonable doubt;

• the trial judge wrongly required Sedinam to prove authority, approval, proper procedure and proper use of funds;

• the manner in which an offence is drafted cannot relocate the burden of proof;

• an accused person’s absence or failure to testify cannot be used to fill gaps in the prosecution’s evidence; and

• the convictions and sentences on all the charges against Sedinam could not stand.

Accordingly, all her convictions and sentences were quashed, and she was acquitted and discharged.

16. Does the judgment say that nothing went wrong at MASLOC?

No. An acquittal or the quashing of a conviction does not necessarily mean that every transaction was proper, prudent or administratively defensible. It only means that the specific criminal offences charged against Sedinam were not proved beyond reasonable doubt according to law.

Criminal suspicion, unanswered questions, administrative failures and even financial irregularities are not substitutes for proof of every ingredient of a criminal offence.

17. What is the judgment’s central lesson?

The burden of proving guilt belongs to the prosecution. It cannot be shifted merely because an allegation is expressed negatively; information may be more readily available to the accused; the accused does not testify; the accused is tried in absentia; or the accused offers no explanation.

As Justice Ankamah explained, requiring otherwise would mean asking an accused person to complete the prosecution’s unfinished work and then convicting her for declining the invitation.

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I saw this ruling coming; it’s not surprising – Lawyer on…

My advocacy is primarily driven by my commitment to addressing health challenges, preventing disease, promoting public health, and tackling societal maladies that affect individuals, families, and communities.

DNA testing at birth should not be viewed solely through the lens of establishing biological parentage. Rather, it should be considered as a potential public health intervention that could contribute to a better understanding of genetic risks, hereditary diseases, and the health needs of every child from the earliest stage of life.

Every child is born with a unique genetic profile. Early identification of inherited genetic conditions and genetic predispositions could potentially enable healthcare professionals to provide appropriate counselling, monitoring, preventive interventions, and timely treatment. In certain circumstances, early knowledge of genetic risks could help families and healthcare providers make informed decisions that may improve health outcomes and quality of life.

A well-designed national DNA-at-birth programme could also contribute to the development of a more comprehensive understanding of genetic and hereditary health conditions within the Ghanaian population. With appropriate safeguards and the use of anonymised and aggregated information, such data could potentially support public health research, epidemiological studies, and the development of targeted strategies for preventing and managing genetic and hereditary diseases.

Beyond individual health, accurate biological information may also help address certain societal challenges associated with uncertainty about biological identity and family medical history. Knowledge of biological relationships can, in appropriate circumstances, provide valuable information about inherited health risks and facilitate a more accurate understanding of family medical histories.

However, the introduction of mandatory DNA testing must be approached with great care. Genetic information is among the most sensitive forms of personal information. Any national programme must therefore be governed by robust legislation and strict safeguards relating to privacy, confidentiality, data security, informed consent, ethical oversight, and the dignity and best interests of every child.

There must also be clear rules governing who can access genetic information, how long it may be stored, for what purposes it may be used, and how it must be protected from misuse, unauthorised disclosure, discrimination, or commercial exploitation.

I therefore call for a national dialogue involving the Government of Ghana, Parliament, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Justice and Attorney-General’s Department, the Ghana Health Service, healthcare professionals, geneticists, public health experts, ethicists, legal practitioners, civil society organizations, and other relevant stakeholders to critically examine the feasibility, benefits, risks, and ethical implications of mandatory DNA testing at birth.

The objective should not be to promote conflict within families or to invade personal privacy. Rather, the focus should be on preventing disease, identifying health risks early, strengthening healthcare systems, improving health outcomes, and addressing societal problems through responsible, ethical, and evidence-based interventions.

As a public health professional, I believe that Ghana must continuously explore innovative approaches to disease prevention and health promotion. We must move beyond a healthcare system that primarily responds to illness after it occurs and increasingly embrace preventive, predictive, and evidence-based healthcare.

If appropriately designed, ethically regulated, and supported by robust data-protection mechanisms, a national DNA-at-birth programme could become a component of a broader strategy to protect the health and wellbeing of future generations.

My position is simple: we must be proactive rather than reactive. We should identify health risks early, prevent disease where possible, and use science responsibly to build a healthier Ghanaian society.

*********

Dr. Sheikh Ibrahim Ibn Saana, Ph.D., FGCPharm, MPH
Public Health Consultant | Specialist Public Health Pharmacist
Deputy Director of Pharmacy (Clinical Affairs), Korle Bu Teaching Hospital

He was wearing a helmet, but she wasn’t. This was around the ARS roundabout. I watched him park at the nursery school right by the roundabout (name withheld).

I was too late to stop and offer a caution, but I knew I couldn’t let it slide.

The scene replayed in my mind all day throughout the proceedings in court. So on my way back, I couldn’t bypass the school without reporting what I had seen.

I stopped by and told the headmistress. Her response was that this was a normal practice, and that they had already cautioned such parents and guardians about the safety precautions, but to no avail.

Heading home, I pondered what could be done to prevent such children from facing looming danger.

Article 28(1)(d) of the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, 1992, says: “Children and young persons receive special protection against exposure to physical and moral hazards.”

We also have an entire Children’s Act, 1998 (Act 560), meant to protect children from any and all forms of harm.

It seems this provision, like many others, remains a thing confined to our laws and not to the ground, a preserve for a section of the public: the rich.

Their children get driven to school in comfort and with protection. The story is different for many others in Ghanaian society.

My earlier account is not a one off. Children being exposed to road dangers is a common sight on the streets of Accra.

Driving to town every morning is tormenting for me, as I have to endure the sight of a six or seven year old stepping off the pavement alone, or holding the hand of a younger sibling to cross a busy road with no marked crossing, no signal, and no adult in sight.

It is not surprising, then, that according to the National Road Safety Authority, the country recorded 952 child deaths in road crashes between 2019 and 2021, 434 of them aged 10 to 17, and 188 aged 0 to 3.

In the first quarter of 2025 alone, 116 child deaths from road crashes were recorded. Young lives and future human capital, gone, because of parental negligence and our failure as a country to protect our children.

In neighbourhoods like Bawaleshie and its environs, this practice has become so normalised that it barely raises an eyebrow.

Yet beneath that veneer of normalcy lies a disturbing reality: Ghana’s children are paying the price for a systemic failure to bridge the gap between cultural tradition, legal obligation, and child protection.

A Crisis Hiding in Plain Sight

The numbers behind this normalcy are stark. A recent multicenter study by Anthony Baffour Appiah and colleagues across Ghana’s teaching hospitals recorded 1,485 children treated for road traffic injuries between 2021 and 2024.

Just over half of these, 51.1%, were pedestrian knockdowns: children simply trying to get from one place to another.

These statistics come from a crucial, peer reviewed study published in Injury Epidemiology titled “Epidemiology of pediatric road traffic injuries: a multicenter hospital based study in Ghana.”

This comprehensive data sheds light on a massive, preventable public health crisis affecting Ghanaian youth.

According to the study by Appiah and colleagues, most incidents happened during school trips, errands, or everyday travel, clustering in the afternoon (35.8%) and the morning rush (29.3%), exactly when children are walking to and from class.

Researcher Richard Dzinyela, commenting on the child pedestrian safety study, argued that the penalties for knocking down a child pedestrian should be severe enough that drivers slow down specifically where children are known to cross.

It is a small recommendation, but it points to a larger truth: right now, the burden of caution falls almost entirely on the child.

These are not abstract statistics. They are children whose lives have been altered or ended, and families left to grieve in neighbourhoods that, the following Monday, go right back to the same routine.

As one observer put it bluntly, elsewhere, losing a child to traffic would upend a community; here, it barely interrupts the school run.

That is the quiet crisis at the heart of this piece, a society that has grown dangerously used to the risk its children carry every day.

The Security Dimension: Why Child Road Safety is a National Security Issue

As a PhD candidate in international security and intelligence, I see this crisis through a different lens.

The daily loss of children to road crashes is not merely a public health failure; it is a national security threat that undermines Ghana’s human capital, economic productivity, and social stability.

Human security, a concept that has gained prominence in international security discourse, recognises that the greatest threats to citizens often come not from external aggression but from preventable domestic dangers.

The United Nations Development Programme’s human security framework identifies child protection as a core component of a secure society.

When a nation cannot protect its children on their journey to school, it signals a fundamental failure of governance that erodes public trust in state institutions.

Consider this: The 952 child deaths recorded between 2019 and 2021 represent more than just numbers.

Each child represents lost potential, a future doctor, engineer, teacher, or leader who will never contribute to Ghana’s development. In security terms, this is human capital depletion, a slow bleeding of the nation’s most valuable resource.

When a country consistently loses its youth to preventable causes, it weakens its long term economic and social resilience, making it more vulnerable to other security threats.

Furthermore, the economic cost of road traffic injuries cannot be ignored. According to the World Health Organisation, road traffic crashes cost countries between 1% and 3% of their Gross National Product.

For Ghana, this represents hundreds of millions of cedis lost annually in medical expenses, lost productivity, and disability care.

These resources could otherwise be directed toward education, healthcare, and infrastructure development, all of which are essential components of national security.

The security dimension demands that we reframe child road safety as a priority for national development.

It requires an approach that draws in every part of government, involving not just the Ministry of Transport and the National Road Safety Authority, but also the Ministry of National Security, the Police Service, and local governance structures. It demands that we treat every child death on our roads as a security incident worthy of investigation, accountability, and systemic reform.

The Cultural Paradox: Rights versus Responsibilities

Ghana holds a distinguished place in global child rights history as the first nation to ratify the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as a pioneer in domestic child protection law.

The 1992 Constitution and the Children’s Act, 1998 (Act 560), guarantee children’s rights to care, protection, and maintenance.

Yet there is a well documented gap between this legal framework and how it plays out in practice.

The Western idea of children’s rights, built around individual autonomy and state protected welfare, often sits uneasily alongside Ghanaian cultural values that prioritise communal obligation, respect for authority, and duty oriented upbringing.

Consider a parent in Bawaleshie who sends their six year old to the corner shop, or lets a five year old walk two streets over to meet a school van. This is rarely reckless indifference.

Many parents genuinely believe they are building independence and resilience, the same way their own parents raised them, and for working parents balancing multiple jobs, it can also be the only practical option available and the child has no right whatsoever to question them or express fear.

However, intention and outcome are two different things, and when a child is struck crossing a road that has no crossing, no signal, and no slow down measures, the outcome is what matters.

The Legal Obligation: What the Law Demands

Ghana’s legal framework is not ambiguous on this point, and it is worth reading the actual text, because the wording leaves little room for the “that’s just how things are done” defence.

The Constitution. Article 28 of the 1992 Constitution is Ghana’s dedicated Children’s Rights clause. Article 28(1) instructs Parliament to pass laws ensuring that parents “undertake their natural right and obligation of care, maintenance and upbringing of their children,” and that “children and young persons receive special protection against exposure to physical and moral hazards.”

Article 28(2) goes further, guaranteeing every child the right to be protected from anything “that constitutes a threat to his health, education or development.”

A child weaving through unmarked traffic on a school run is, in plain terms, exposed to exactly the kind of physical hazard this article was written to prevent.

The Children’s Act, 1998 (Act 560). Section 2, the Act’s “Welfare Principle,” states that the “best interest of the child shall be paramount in any matter concerning a child,” and that this interest must be the primary consideration for “any court, person, institution or other body” dealing with a child, not just judges, but parents, schools, and communities. Section 6(2) sets out the child’s right to “life, dignity, respect, leisure, liberty, health, education and shelter from his parents.” And Section 47, “Duty to Maintain a Child,” specifies that a parent is “under a duty to supply the necessaries of health, life, education” and reasonable shelter, a duty of care that extends well beyond school fees and food to a child’s basic physical safety.

Ghana has introduced stricter child road safety measures following the passage of the Road Traffic (Amendment) Act 2025, which significantly raises the minimum age for children allowed to sit in the front seat of vehicles. Under the new legislation, children under 12 years are not permitted to occupy the front seat of any vehicle. But what happens to the child below age 12 walking alone or walking an even younger sibling to school?

The same legislature that moved to protect children inside vehicles has remained conspicuously silent on the far more dangerous reality outside them. A child strapped into the back seat is shielded; a child navigating unmarked intersections, weaving through rush hour traffic, and guiding a younger sibling by the hand is not.

The law protects the privileged, those with access to cars, while leaving the vulnerable to fend for themselves on roads that were never designed with their safety in mind.

This legislative silence is not neutrality; it is a policy choice. And it is a choice that disproportionately affects the very children the Constitution and Children’s Act were written to protect.

The Way Forward: From Acceptance to Action

The problem is systemic, not a matter of individual bad parenting. Parents are operating inside a cultural framework and a set of practical constraints, inadequate infrastructure, absent school transport, long work hours, that society has not addressed.

The response has to work on several fronts at once: infrastructure, education, enforcement, and cultural engagement.

Infrastructure and urban planning: Appiah and colleagues have called for improved road infrastructure, including dedicated pedestrian routes with strict enforcement.

In neighbourhoods like East Legon and Bawaleshie, the absence of safe crossings, traffic calming measures, and protected walkways turns an ordinary school journey into a daily gamble.

The same multicenter study behind the injury statistics called on local road safety authorities to intensify education and enforcement, backed by clear indicators to track whether interventions are actually working.

Concretely, this means marked crossings, speed bumps, and assigned crossing personnel at unsignalised intersections near schools.

Reimagining parental responsibility: Cultural values shouldn’t be dismissed, they should be worked with. Research on Ghana’s children’s homes found that caregivers often feel child rights principles complicate the care they are trying to provide, describing the tension as limiting rather than supportive.

The more effective path is to frame child road safety not as a foreign imposition, but as a natural extension of the same protective values Ghanaian culture already holds dear.

Chiefs, church and mosque leaders, and respected elders, voices that already carry weight in these communities, are better positioned than any government pamphlet to shift everyday habits, such as insisting a younger sibling be walked all the way to the school gate.

A hybrid governance model has been proposed by some researchers for Ghana’s child protection system more broadly, one that aligns legal definitions with real kinship and community structures, supports community based justice and diversion programs, and trains practitioners to work sensitively across cultural lines.

Applied to road safety, this could mean formal recognition and support for the informal “auntie” or “uncle” on a street who already walks the neighbourhood children to school each morning.

School and community interventions: Because so many injuries happen during the school run itself, schools are a natural starting point.

A structured “walking school bus,” where adult volunteers escort small groups of children along a fixed route, is used successfully in many countries and would suit dense residential neighbourhoods well, where several families often live within a few streets of the same school.

Enforcement and accountability: The law already exists, what is missing is consistent enforcement, paired with an approach that doesn’t simply punish parents caught in a bind with no good alternatives.

Security sector engagement: From a security perspective, the Police Service, particularly the Motor Traffic and Transport Department (MTTD), must be empowered to enforce child safety laws rigorously.

This includes not only traffic enforcement but also public education campaigns that treat child road safety as a matter of national importance.

A Call to Action

The sight of a young child weaving through Accra’s traffic alone should trouble the national conscience every single time, not just when a crash makes the news.

Some of these injuries could be fatal. Ghana’s pioneering role in child rights is a genuine point of national pride. It is also, unavoidably, a standing obligation.

The country that led the world in ratifying the is the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), owes it to its children to lead in living up to it, closing the distance between the law on paper and the road outside the school gate, investing in infrastructure, working with communities rather than around them, and refusing to let another child’s ordinary Wednesday morning become tomorrow’s headline.

The children walking alone through Accra’s streets deserve more than our passing concern. They deserve safe roads, protective communities, and a society that values their lives enough to act.

A hawker by the streets of Shiashie once had her toddler crawling along the gutter, and he almost fell into that huge ditch. Instead of lifting him, she landed heavy hits on the back of the child.

I asked myself, how is the toddler supposed to know that that was danger? That is the typical Ghanaian parent or guardian mentality that we need to reorient.

Do we all not see these children walking around without guidance? Can we have specific laws enacted so that a child below, say, age 12, should not be seen walking alone? Why haven’t such parents been arrested or questioned? Why have we normalised everything?

Child protection is a topical issue every day, not only when a child dies or is harmed due to negligence. This is a call to protect our children.

About the author:
Sangmorkie Tetteh
Adjunct Lecturer and PhD Candidate, University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA), Professional Law Student, Ghana School of Law, Media Consultant and Gender Advocate
E-mail: sangmorkiet@gmail.com
LinkedIn: Sangmorkie Tetteh

Every figure below carries a paragraph and page citation from the substantive 2026 Budget Statement and Economic Policy (“Budget”) and the 2026 Mid-Year Fiscal Policy Review presented to Parliament on 23 July 2026 (“MYR”), or from the Budget’s Appendix 4A (MDA Expenditure Allocation) or the MYR’s Appendix 2C (Economic Classification of Central Government Expenditure – H1).

Where the two documents, or a document and its own appendix, do not agree, that is stated as a discrepancy requiring clarification rather than asserted as an error.

Since Budget and Mid-Year appendices are structured differently (the Budget’s Appendix 4A is Ministry-by-Ministry; the MYR’s appendices are by economic classification, not Ministry), which can make figures look inconsistent when they are in fact drawn from different accounting bases.

Cross-Sector Tracker: Budget Commitment vs. H1 2026 Reported

Key highlights:

1. The Budget’s single largest education commitment, “we have allocated GH¢33.3 billion to the Ministry of Education for its programmes and activities in 2026” (para 1145, p.142), never reappears in the Mid-Year Review in any form, and no MDA-level appendix equivalent to the Budget’s own Appendix 4A (pp.165, 183) exists in the Review. Every education figure reported (para 720, pp.81-82) is a sub-programme line. It is possible to check individual programmes; it is not possible to check the Ministry as a whole.

• Four separate capital lines, GSLIP and basic-school construction (education), hospital construction (health), the Ministry of Roads & Highways’ own GH¢4.301bn CAPEX line, and the Oil Palm and agricultural enclave roads windows (agriculture), have no mid-year cedi figure that ties back cleanly to the Budget line that funded them. In three of the four agriculture/roads cases, the Review does report activity under a similarly or identically named programme, but financed in US dollars rather than the Budget’s cedi allocation, with no statement of whether the two are the same facility, a successor to it, or something additional. That ambiguity, repeated across three different sectors in almost the same form, is now a pattern rather than a single anomaly.

• The Ghana Buffer Stock Company/NAFCO case is the clearest instance: the Budget’s own narrative promises GH¢200 million (paragraph 1137) while the Budget’s own Appendix 4A allocates GH¢105 million to the same entity (p.163), a GH¢95 million gap with no footnote reconciling it. This is structurally identical to the kindergarten and JHS3 textbook mismatches already documented in the education report, and it shows the pattern of internally inconsistent figures is not confined to the Ministry of Education.

• The National Health Insurance Fund’s Appendix 2C transfer (GH¢3.481bn provisional H1) sits GH¢1.02bn below the GH¢4.5bn NHIS figure quoted in the same paragraph 720 that contains the GETFund figures; proportionally, an even larger gap (22.6%) than GETFund’s 17.1%. The DACF shows a smaller version of the same thing (GH¢240m, 5.4%). None of this proves double-counting on its own; the Fund-level appendix transfer and a Ministry’s total budget support can legitimately differ, but it means the GETFund finding is now the third instance of the same shape of discrepancy, not an isolated one, and all three deserve the same explanation from Government.

• The mid-year review is explicit that it sought no supplementary estimate and instead undertook a “strategic realignment of expenditures within the existing appropriations” (MYR 14, p.1). Specific reallocations are named: GH¢350m from the Contingency Vote to the Ministry of Interior’s Disaster Management Committee for flood relief (461, p.50), GH¢226m reallocated within the Ministry of Works, Housing and Water Resources for flood mitigation (462, p.50), GH¢400m reallocated for high-occupancy buses for Metro Mass Transit and STC (475, p.51), and a GH¢3.0bn downward revision to foreign-financed capital expenditure tied to GH¢5.0bn newly allocated to reserve accumulation under GANRAP (486-488, p.54). That is at least GH¢3.976bn in named, disclosed reallocations. What is still missing is a consolidated table showing, for every sector, how much of its original Budget ceiling was reduced to fund these and any other in-year reallocations; without that, it remains impossible to rule out that some of the unreported capital lines above were among the sources.

• The Budget allocated GH¢6.9 billion to the Oil Palm Development Finance Facility (para 1134, p.141) and GH¢828 million for 1,000km of agricultural enclave roads (para 1135, p.141). The Review reports the same two programmes as a “US$500 million Oil Palm Development Finance Facility” (p.69) and a US$523 million project covering 1,050km (para 585, p.68), neither figure reconciled to its original cedi allocation, and the road-length target shifted without comment.

• The GH¢961 million paid to GNPC (para 720, p.81) does not correspond to any Section 7 resource-allocation line in the Budget (paras 1129-1189, pp.140-144). This is the mirror image of the GSLIP problem: a substantial reported payment with no visible originating commitment to check it against.

Questions unanswered?

1. The Minister of Finance has to reconcile the Big Push Infrastructure Programme’s GH¢6.5bn narrative payment figure (720, p.82) against Appendix 2C’s GH¢8.142bn and GH¢7.830bn Big Push CAPEX sub-lines (p.93); which figure is the actual H1 disbursement?

• Provide the actual H1 2026-cedi disbursement against the Ministry of Roads & Highways’ own GH¢4.301bn CAPEX line (Appendix 4A, p.164), absent from the Review’s Roads narrative (pp.76-77).

• Reconcile the Budget’s own GH¢200m narrative figure for the Ghana Buffer Stock Company (1137, p.141) against its own Appendix 4A allocation of GH¢105m for the same entity (p.163).

• Clarify whether the US$500m Oil Palm Development Finance Facility and the US$523m Agricultural Enclave Roads Programme are the same instruments as the Budget’s GH¢6.9bn Oil Palm window (1134) and GH¢828m enclave roads line (1135), successors to them, or additional to them, and report the cedi disbursement against the original Budget lines either way.

• Report actual H1 2026 disbursement against the combined GH¢779m hospital-construction lines (3 regional hospitals, 7 upgrades, 10 Agenda 111 completions; 1160-1162, p.143), none of which appear anywhere in the Review.

• Explain the GH¢1.02bn gap between the GH¢4.5bn NHIS figure and the GH¢3.481bn National Health Insurance Fund transfer in Appendix 2C (p.93), and the smaller GH¢240m DACF gap, using the same standard already owed on GETFund.

• Publish a consolidated reallocation table showing every Budget line reduced to fund the GH¢350m, GH¢226m, GH¢400m and GH¢3.0bn reallocations already disclosed (461-462, 475, 486-488), and any others not yet named.

Overall Assessment

The core findings show that capital and infrastructure commitments across at least four sectors, education, health, roads, and agriculture, either go unreported at mid-year or reappear under a different, foreign-currency facility with no stated link back to the original Budget line, while at least three narrative figures (GETFund, NHIS, DACF) sit above their own appendix’s provisional actuals by amounts too large to ignore. Education’s GH¢6.1bn absence remains the single largest and clearest instance, but it is no longer an outlier; it is the sharpest example of a pattern now visible in the government’s own numbers, across its own two documents.

Some even behave as if Democracy is actually part of the first book in the Holy Bible, as if Genesis 1-1 reads: In the beginning God created the Heavens and Democracy.

While we cannot entirely blame Ghanaians for their obsession with Democracy, there is no excuse for one’s failure or inability to understand that Democracy is simply an idea or a system of government proposed by an individual and NOT a fixed natural human survival mechanism.

Inasmuch as democracy in its very essence is strange and alien to any African culture, it’s also scientifically proven to be unnatural and counter-intuitive.

It is true and factual that Western appurtenances are universally attractive and prominent.

However, the ideological contradictions somewhat synchronise Western democracy and capitalism, making it appear seemingly impossible to function under a socialist society.

In ancient Africa, such as the Kingdom of Kush (Nubia), the maritime Aksumite Empire, like the Ghana Empire, Mali, and Great Zimbabwe, no element or trace of democracy that some Ghanaians find impossible to survive without ever existed.

Democracy is not scientific, and imperial Britain and the United States know that it is the only political system or the system of governance which easily opens up a sovereign state for foreign interference.

The practice of democracy in ancient Greece emerged as a revolutionary means to take power from the aristocrats.

In this paper, I intend to bring democracy in its naked form and present to you why democracy is a complete disconnect from the sociocultural settings of Ghanaians and sub-Saharan Africa, for that matter.

When democracy was first introduced by Cleisthenes in Athens around 502 BC, several great thinkers like Aristotle, Plato and his teacher Socrates understood the genetic formation of democracy and its possible process of evolution perhaps thousands of years into the future.

As Ghanaians or Africans, democracy came to us as a solution in its rawest form primarily as colonial subjects, whose education system and curriculum had been deliberately carved to suit the needs of the colonialists and strengthen their hold on their subjects.

The imperialists are also fully aware that apart from liberal democracy coupled with unguided capitalism, they risk losing hold of their former colonies completely.

For twenty years of subjecting socialism and communism under strict scrutiny, it became clear that the colonial occupiers needed all their former colonies to adopt democracy to enable them to maintain influence on their former colonies.

Plato is one of the major critics of democracy. In his book The Republic, Plato described democracy as mob rule, led by demagogues rather than experts or the wise.

Plato strongly criticised democracy, viewing it as a chaotic exhibition of utter foolishness. In his Republic, again, Plato argued that democracy prioritises excessive freedom and equality over wisdom, which inevitably deteriorate into tyranny and a false feeling of entitlement.

Like most political philosophers/thinkers, Plato believed that the responsibility to rule a country requires specialised skill or talent or even some training, without which democracy becomes a flawed system prone to foolishness and irrational decision-making.

The Ship of Fools, which is one of Plato’s most popular analogies, compares democracy to a ship where the crew (the ruled or citizens) fights for control of the ship even though none have any knowledge of sea navigation and ignore the captain, who is the expert navigator.

(The philosopher) and the ship ultimately ends in wreckage or in a chaotic voyage. Like his teacher Socrates, Plato in his book Republic also saw democracy to be Mob Rule and believed that democracy enables charismatic but unqualified individuals to attain political leadership and manipulate the emotions of the public.

Plato argued that excessive liberty provided by democracy leads to disorder, creating a demand for a “champion” or protector who eventually turns into a tyrant.

He continued that one of the biggest flaws of democracy is that it treats all opinions equally, including foolishness and ignores the need for specialised knowledge, wisdom and education required in governance.

Plato favoured a meritocratic state ruled by “philosopher kings,” who possess wisdom and virtue.

It is commonly known among those interested in this field of study that Plato’s critique was heavily influenced by the death of his teacher, Socrates, who was executed by the Athenian democracy, reinforcing his belief that democratic systems are flawed.

Before Socrates was found guilty and sentenced to death in Athens for condemning Democracy in 399BC, Socrates had a casual conversation with Adeimantus, where Socrates tried to get Adeimantus to see the flaws in democracy and, like Plato, compared it with a ship.

He asked Adeimantus, should you choose to travel by sea, would you rather just pick any member of the public to navigate the ship on the high seas or would you choose an expert who understands what seafaring means?

Friedrich Nietzsche, one of Germany’s greatest philosophers of all time, despised democracy and described it as a symptom of herd morality and mediocrity.

Nietzsche believed democracy would ultimately elevate the average man while suppressing the exceptional individual (the Übermensch).

Democracy as postcolonial inheritance

It is crucial to understand that political independence is won through political struggle, but economic independence is achieved over a period of time after political independence through continuous structural reforms.

None of these is given to the colonised on a silver platter. As the late former interior minister under Kwame Nkrumah, Krobo Adusei, once said, “they give you independence with one hand and try to take it back with the other.

It is the primary policy objective of the colonialists or the so-called “Colonial Master” to ensure that the once dependent territory does not adopt any other political ideology or revolutionary movement that threatens their continuous hold on their former colonial territories; hence democracy MUST be the only option.

Democracy and capitalism

While Capitalism is generally considered to provide economic freedom and an instrument for wealth generation, its efficacy is completely dependent on the sociocultural settings of the citizens and how the people are culturally able to take advantage of all the opportunities capitalism provides or creates.

Capitalism is globally known as most notorious for promoting social instability and creating dangerous inequality, but it appears to work well together with democracy as it’s known to be mutually reinforcing.

In sub-Saharan Africa, democracy and all its attributes contradict the cultural heritage and historically established system of authority in all past ancient African Empires.

It is also a commonly known fact that the susceptibility of most African states to Western interference and influences is caused by democracy.

Democracy in its rawest form simply recognises no individual brilliance and considers that the means of selecting leadership, however sensitive, should be by elections by those with very little or no idea how to make choices in their own interest, leaving meritocracy with no chance to thrive.

This does not necessarily mean that any form of government apart from democracy is better.

The purpose of this article is to highlight the weaknesses of the kind of democracy practised here in Africa and how its intended purpose has been counterproductive so far.

As stated above, the West used propaganda to demonise socialism or communism to Africans for fear and the risk of losing their former territories, including all the free resources that come with it forever.

With full knowledge that any form of socialism, either Scientific Socialism (Nkrumaism) or the raw Marxist method of collective prosperity, would entirely crumble Western Imperialism, the West devised a multibillion-dollar all-out comprehensive propaganda strategy worldwide to all colonies and former colonies to make certain that all running and former colonies accept democracy coupled with unguided capitalism if they are to remain relevant.

Unscientific nation building

Since the overthrow of Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah in 1966, there has been no purposive laid out national development plan or strategy either in education, health, industrial development, construction, sports, culture, public housing, science and technology and agriculture.

National development policies and strategies witnessed are mostly haphazard, unscientific and barely deeply rooted, especially since 1992 when the country embarked on a constitutional democracy.

Even under the military dictatorship, although it lacked purpose and vision while economic progress was sluggish, extreme grabbing and state capture were at their barest minimum compared to this era of democracy where state resources are abused and misused with impunity.

Nations do not develop by chance. And successful economic transformation does not occur by wishes.

Great nations are built by men of thought and action through great sacrifices in order for succeeding generations to succeed and achieve prosperity and accomplishments.

The greatest asset of a country is its citizens, and for a country to develop, it MUST create the right citizens through meaningful education, including instilling a sense of nationalism and citizens’ state responsibility among all its nationals.

Taking into consideration the very structure of unguided democracy as practised in Ghana with a four- or eight-year interchangeable nature, the crucial idea of developing its youth to be nationalistic and own the land as their birthright becomes gratuitous and obsolete.

Tragically, the country has no central policy plan either in industrial, agricultural, education, national spatial planning, production, technological advancement etc.

Given that all such foundations which were built in the 60s were foolishly dismantled systematically, no clear pathway for concerted national development strategy has been conceived yet our politicians continue to promise us development as if economic development can be achieved without clear ideological strategy/plan.

Democracy = Laissez-faire

One of the most treacherous attributes of democracy is not only its mortise and tenon union with unbridled capitalism but also what the French refer to as Laissez-faire, which literally means leave it alone or let it be.

This perhaps is the most deceptive and destructive element in democratic governance, especially in most postcolonial countries worldwide except South Korea, Singapore and Malaysia.

The ultra-fine nature of laissez-faire in democracy makes it elusive to detect, as it is the most foolish and backward colonial inheritance among others.

Even though not visibly spelt out in the typical textbook of democracy, it’s barely perceptible to be noticed, as some modern-day practitioners of democracy (today’s politicians) find it easy to conceal their lazy characters.

This seemingly obscured element of democracy discourages democratic governments from developing or implementing policies which will directly solve specific problems. In the case of Ghana, the old PNDC/NDC, not ideologically grounded, allowed the so-called UP Tradition (today’s NPP) to lead the narrative.

The old NDC, lacking the confidence to challenge the NPP element, allowed it to freely and repeatedly pump false phrases and misconceptions like “government have no business doing business”, “government must create the enabling environment”, and the “private sector is the engine of growth” into the minds of Ghanaians.

As if they can point to a single post-colonial country which have developed without the state being at the centre of it.

Till today, this nonsense which was sewn into the mental fabric of Ghanaians with the characteristics of Laissez-Faire in the early 1990s continues to form the basis of our economic policy formulation and public security and investment strategies.

Land management

Again, another subtly self-destructive nature of Laissez-Faire in democracy, which separates the politician from their immediate responsibilities and leaves things as they are so long as it’s not directly killing anybody, is what has brought us into this embarrassing and chaotic state of land usage and management.

After President Nkrumah was overthrown in 1966, Busia, for his lack of understanding of how things work, systematically returned all lands which had been legally acquired by Nkrumah for the state for planning and development to the chiefs.

Considering that some chiefs in Ghana were put on a fixed monthly salary to prevent them from haphazardly selling their lands, this did not stop Prime Minister Busia from returning these state-acquired lands, which had been earmarked for industrial parks, housing, factories, security zones, etc., back to the chiefs just to spite Nkrumah and support their argument that he was a dictator.

Now, due to the inability of successive governments to acquire lands for long-term planning purposes, including housing, Ghanaians of all economic standings must seek to buy land from chiefs and other land owners before they can obtain a home for themselves and their families.

The lack of successive governments’ aggressive intervention to provide housing for Ghanaians again,n as a result of this same Laissez-Faire attitude, has led to governments feeling it’s not part of their responsibility to ensure all Ghanaians have access to dignified shelter.

My fellow citizens of Ghana, a city the size of Accra with a population of less than 20 million should never have a problem with space.

The continuous lack of planning and successive governments’ laissez-faire attitude towards land acquisition and official planning is the cause of this early shortage of land in Accra.

Apart from Tema, which is the only properly planned township within the Greater Accra region, anywhere else was planned by local chiefs with their private surveyors. Systemically, all parks and play areas we saw growing up in the 80s and 90s have slowly disappeared.

How can a serious country have such land management policies in existence in the 21st century? Most communities have no parks or play areas for kids because the chiefs and some land guards have sold them to the highest bidder while the local authorities sit aloof and watch helplessly.

Job creation and economic development

This perhaps is the most sickening part of the severe lack of understanding by the so-called UP Tradition’s false narrative of democratic governance and capitalism.

The thought that the average politician in Ghana thinks that he or she is not directly responsible for providing jobs for its citizens but a foreigner whom nobody knows who he is or where he will come from.

Therefore, the livelihoods of our fellow citizens, especially our youth, rest in the hands of the Americans, Europeans, Lebanese or Indians.

This was the propaganda started in the 60s by the West against Nkrumah’s industrialisation experiment.

The fact is, by 1966, very little or no finished product was being imported into this country. Even vehicles such as fuel tankers and some buses were being assembled in Ghana.

Even today in 2026, we continue to follow this backward and frivolous economic theory which was forced on us by the colonialists to serve their interest and which was also unfortunately supported by some of our own unpatriotic citizens who didn’t know any better; we still allow it to further impoverish our people.

It is the thought that our politicians find comfort in this foolish way of thinking, which proposes that men like us should sit and wait for a Lebanese or Indian or anybody else to come from his country to set up a company for our youths to gain employment that makes me sick.

Sadly, our education system after the overthrow of Nkrumah, which also abolished youth nationalism and patriotism programmes like Young Pioneers, supports this belief of having our fate in the hands of the foreign investor whom we know nothing about and, in most cases, comes only to exploit and take advantage of us and our weak institutions.

That spirit of self-determination instilled in us by Nkrumah has been systematically eroded to the extent that most of our politicians do not actually think we are capable of achieving anything better…eg the sale of Ghana Telecom to Vodafone etc.

It is said that a country with no self-determination spirit leaves the fate of its citizens in the hands of foreigners, and all these are made possible by this kind of democracy, given that selection of leadership is purely based on candidates presented by the political parties, however unscrupulous he or she may be.

Double standards

It is only in democracy that such an idea of folly can flourish. While the West in the 1960s heavily and constantly criticised Kwame Nkrumah for using state resources to build industries, they themselves had built all their industries and infrastructure systems and networks using state resources, especially the UK and France.

Over 87 per cent of housing in the UK was built by the government for their citizens, yet they criticised Ghana for doing the same and not allowing the indigenous private sector, which did not even exist in the 1950s, to carry out such tasks.

GNP and not GDP

While the world uses Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as the universal tool for measuring economic growth, Ghana must rather focus on the use of Gross National Product (GNP) as its own method of measuring wealth among Ghanaians, as the global standard use of GDP can be and is misleading for Ghanaians or the African.

The continued use of GDP gives a false sense of growth, or the kind of growth which isolates the Ghanaian or does not take into consideration the actual growth among the people of Ghana aspirations of the Ghanaian, in whose hands the sovereignty of our nation bestows

The case of the United Arab Emirates

Who would imagine such wild foolishness that the tremendous success of Dubai could’ve been achieved under some kind of democracy? Or the speed of the continuous infrastructural development within the Emirates could’ve been achieved through some kind of silly electoral processes to elect a president who himself does not understand how anything works?

There is sufficient evidence that in Africa, sometimes, democracy only came to serve the lazy and provide opportunity for mindless individuals who should have nothing to do with politics or leadership of any form.

The case of China

Without a purposive leadership with communism as its political vehicle, how is it possible to have the China we have today in one piece? Liberal democracy coupled with unbridled capitalism would’ve dismantled this country into several different pieces with crime and chaos everywhere as its trump card.

China today is clear evidence that capitalism, as has been portrayed by the West as the universal strategy for growth, is not only false but also provides physical and material evidence that political or ideological strategy MUST reflect the sociocultural structure of the intended society.

Part two to follow soon….

By: Kofi Annor Email: kofiannor121@gmail.com

History has never been kind to political parties that mistake past glory for future victory. Across democracies, dominant parties have often discovered, sometimes painfully, that electoral success is not a permanent inheritance but a trust that must be renewed with every generation. The fortunes of political movements rise and fall with their ability to inspire hope, adapt to changing realities, and remain connected to the people they seek to lead.

The New Patriotic Party finds itself at one of those defining moments.

The outcome of the 2024 general election was not merely a defeat; it was a national call for introspection. The party lost the presidency, surrendered its parliamentary majority, and watched millions of voters who had once placed their confidence in its vision either stay away from the polls or choose a different path. Political analysts have attributed the outcome to several factors, including economic challenges, voter apathy, and a weakening connection with key voting blocs, especially the youth.

No political organisation can afford to ignore such a message.

Perhaps even more instructive was what happened in the Ashanti Region. For decades, Ashanti has stood as the political heartbeat of the NPP, a fortress built through sacrifice, loyalty, and the tireless efforts of generations of party faithful. Yet the 2024 election demonstrated that even the strongest fortress requires constant maintenance. Although the party retained the region, the margins were narrower than many had become accustomed to. The warning was unmistakable: loyalty should never be taken for granted.

The youth, who have historically provided the energy, enthusiasm, and organisational strength of the party, no longer rallied behind the NPP with the same intensity witnessed in previous elections. Some became apathetic. Others became disillusioned. Many simply felt unheard.

Every political setback contains two choices: to explain it away or to learn from it.

The wiser path is always the latter.

Politics, like nature, abhors a vacuum. Whenever one side loses momentum, another steps forward to occupy the space.

It is therefore unsurprising that the National Democratic Congress has intensified its activities within the Ashanti Region. Under the stewardship of Regional Minister Frank Amoakohene, the NDC has pursued an energetic programme of public engagement, youth outreach, and community visibility. Whether one agrees with the NDC’s political philosophy or not, it is difficult to deny that it has become increasingly deliberate in attempting to redefine the political conversation in a region long regarded as the NPP’s impregnable stronghold.

This reality should concern every committed member of the NPP not because Ashanti has ceased to be the party’s stronghold, but because every political fortress survives only when its foundations are constantly reinforced.

The response, however, cannot be panic.

Neither can it be nostalgia.

The answer lies in organisation.

The NPP’s rebuilding process must begin with those who understand the language of today’s youth, appreciate the changing political landscape, and possess the organisational capacity to reconnect the party with communities that have gradually become politically indifferent.

That is why the office of National Youth Organiser has become one of the most consequential positions in the party’s future.

This is no longer a ceremonial office.

It is the engine room of mobilisation.

It is where strategy meets grassroots activism. It is where future electoral victories are first conceived long before campaign seasons officially begin.

The person who occupies that office must therefore embody credibility, accessibility, resilience, and an unwavering commitment to service.

Among those offering themselves for this responsibility, Lawyer Clement Opoku Gyamfi, popularly known as CiD, stands out as a compelling choice.

His appeal does not rest merely on ambition.

It rests upon experience.

As District Chief Executive for Amansie South, Lawyer Clement Opoku Gyamfi demonstrated a style of leadership that placed people at the centre of governance. He built relationships across communities, remained accessible to party activists, and understood that leadership is measured not only by policy implementation but also by one’s ability to inspire confidence among ordinary citizens.

Leadership at the grassroots teaches lessons that no textbook can provide.

It teaches patience.

It teaches empathy.

It teaches mobilisation.

These are qualities that cannot be manufactured during election years.

They are cultivated through years of consistent service.

Across the Ashanti Region and beyond , CiD has earned the respect of many young party members because he has remained connected to the grassroots rather than distant from them. He understands that young people are not merely campaign tools to be activated every four years; they are stakeholders whose aspirations, frustrations, and ideas must continuously shape the direction of the party.

That understanding is increasingly rare.

It is also increasingly necessary.

The NPP’s greatest challenge ahead of 2028 is not simply defeating the NDC.
Its first assignment is rebuilding belief within its own ranks.

Before persuading floating voters, the party must first reignite the passion of those who once proudly wore its colours but now watch from the sidelines with disappointment.

This is where CiD’s candidacy assumes strategic importance.

Many party supporters believe he possesses the temperament, organisational discipline, and grassroots appeal required to lead that renewal. They see in him someone capable of matching the growing visibility of the NDC in Ashanti with a politics rooted not in insults or unnecessary confrontation, but in engagement, mobilisation, and purposeful leadership.

The contest for the future of Ashanti and beyond will not be won through rhetoric alone.

It will be won through presence.

Through listening.

Through rebuilding trust.

Through giving young people genuine reasons to believe once again that the NPP remains the political home where their dreams can flourish.

History reminds us that every great political comeback begins long before election day.

It begins when leaders recognise uncomfortable truths.

It begins when institutions choose renewal over complacency.

It begins when the right people are entrusted with the right responsibilities.

The NPP has always prided itself on being a party that rewards competence, commitment, and sacrifice. As it embarks upon the difficult but necessary journey toward rebuilding for 2028, the selection of its National Youth Organiser will send a powerful message about the direction it intends to take.

Will the party settle for familiar routines?

Or will it embrace leadership capable of reconnecting with a changing generation?

That decision belongs to the delegates.

Yet history will judge whether the choices made today were equal to the challenges of tomorrow.

For many within the party, Lawyer Clement Opoku Gyamfi (CiD) represents more than another aspirant seeking office. He represents a new opportunity to restore grassroots confidence, reconnect with the youth, and reinforce the Ashanti Region against growing political competition.

Because in politics, victories are never inherited.

They are organised.

They are earned.

And they are secured by leaders who understand that every generation must be inspired anew.

In such moments, stopping to read through the crowded, fine-print labels tucked away on the back or sides of the food package is often the last thing on anyone’s mind, no matter how health-conscious they may be.

As a result, many consumers unknowingly consume products without understanding their true nutritional content.

This reality captures the vulnerability and plight of the average Ghanaian consumer in an increasingly complex food environment.

Danger inappropriate labeling

Searching for nutrition information on food packages can be intimidating.

Labels are often crowded with unfamiliar figures, symbols, and tiny fonts that are difficult for the average consumer to read.

This exposes major flaws in our current food labelling system.

A label’s value lies not only in its presence but also in its clarity, readability, and placement.

Evidence increasingly shows that Front-of-Pack Nutrition Labelling (FOPNL) is the most effective approach.

Chronic diseases such as heart disease, hypertension, obesity, diabetes, kidney disease, and cancers are rapidly rising and are closely linked to unhealthy diets.

In Ghana, traditional diets are being replaced with ultra-processed, packaged foods high in salt, sugar, and unhealthy fats.

This nutrition transition heightens disease risk and demands urgent public health action.

One proven intervention is the adoption of Front-of-Pack Labels (FOPLs).

Solution

Front-of-Pack Labels provide simple, easy-to-understand nutrition information at a glance.

They help consumers quickly identify foods high in sugar, salt, and unhealthy fats.

Unlike complex back-of-pack nutrition panels, FOPLs use clear symbols or warnings placed prominently on packaging, enabling faster and healthier decision-making.

For Ghana, warning labels may be particularly suitable.

Typically displayed as black octagons with messages like High-in-Sugar or High-in-Salt, they deliver clear, direct alerts.

Their simplicity makes them effective in settings with varying literacy and numeracy levels, eliminating the need for complex interpretation.

Warning labels

Evidence from countries such as Chile, Mexico, and Peru shows that warning labels effectively influence consumer behaviour and industry practices.

In Chile, purchases of sugar-sweetened beverages dropped by 24 per cent within 18 months of introducing warning labels.

The policy also pushed manufacturers to reformulate products, reducing harmful nutrient levels.

Adopting warning labels in Ghana would support all consumers, regardless of literacy level and outperform systems requiring numerical interpretation or colour recognition.

Importantly, warning labels also promote accountability within the food industry, encouraging the production of healthier food options and helping to protect public health.

Conclusion

Implementing a mandatory Front-of-Pack Warning Label system in Ghana would empower millions of consumers to make informed food choices while sending a clear and credible signal to the food industry.

The Ministry of Health and the Food and Drugs Authority must act swiftly to ensure that every Ghanaian can easily identify and instantly understand whether a product poses a health risk or represents a healthier option. Our health cannot wait.

The writer is a student and lecturer.
Department of Dietetics,
School of Biomedical and Allied Health Sciences,
University of Ghana.

In an opinion piece titled “Tribunals: The Return of Terror,” Prof. Yankah argued that the reintroduction of public tribunals brings back memories of the June 4, 1979 era, during which he said many Ghanaians were subjected to unfair trials and denied due process.

He recalled conversations he had in 1997 with children of some people who were executed during the June 4 uprising, saying their experiences reflected the lasting pain caused by a system he described as lacking fairness and accountability.

According to Prof. Yankah, the tribunals established during the revolutionary period were characterised by quick judgments, severe punishments and limited opportunities for accused persons to defend themselves.

He described them as “Rapid Results Panels” that, in his view, rarely acquitted people who appeared before them.

Prof. Yankah questioned the decision to revive public tribunals, noting that the Constitution Review Committee chaired by Prof. H. Kwasi Prempeh had recommended their removal from Ghana’s legal framework.

He explained that although public tribunals are recognised under Articles 126 and 142 of the 1992 Constitution, the review committee proposed replacing them with the ordinary court system.

The former minister also criticised Parliament’s passage of the Bill, claiming it was approved late at night despite opposition from the Minority, who walked out of the chamber in protest.

He further expressed concern over what he described as signs of a return to revolutionary-style governance, citing recent arrests, bail conditions imposed on political opponents and the government’s anti-corruption efforts as issues requiring closer scrutiny.

Prof. Yankah urged President Mahama to consider the historical implications of the Bill before making a decision, arguing that his action would form an important part of his legacy.

He warned that assenting to the legislation could revive memories of fear and injustice associated with past tribunal systems and appealed to the President to reject what he called “the return of terror.”

Subtly, it satisfies our resentment toward those who appear unfairly advantaged while offering hope to those who hold the shorter end of the stick. What gives this story its appeal is our tendency to assume the shoes of David, the underdog, while often ignoring our own attributes that could render us as top dogs and cursed ones as such.

This article provides a strategic perspective on the David and Goliath lore, emphasising the risks of grandiose advantages and how organisations can mitigate them.

It also highlights how we often overlook the qualities necessary in making underdogs heroes, focusing instead on the unexpected victory. Additionally, it covers how underdog organisations can leverage innovation to win and why this approach can work effectively.

Who then is a ‘cursed top dog’? A cursed top dog is an organisation that has developed a key advantage so pronounced that it has become grandiose. Consider Apple and design, Ghana Television and its extensive coverage, or University of Ghana being the first in the country.

In the biblical narrative, Goliath possessed a formidable stature. These advantages are developed over time and bring the organisation certain benefits. They can be so powerful that they appear to make up for other crucial capabilities the organisation lacks, sometimes deceptively so.

For instance, GTV’s extensive coverage and credibility could be seen to compensate for what some may perceive as a lack of dynamism, but this is arguably a dangerous illusion that can lead to complacency.

Risks Confronting Top Dogs

The curse of top dogs is almost inevitable unless organisations remain consciously aware of the risk their grandiose advantages pose. If Goliath had been aware of the risks his height and continuous victory presented, he would have been less susceptible to defeat. These risks are as follows:

1. Interfered alertness: When results continue to come, organisations become less alert. Blind spots emerge because they fail to see the changing environment. Gradually, it compounds then suddenly the carpet is pulled out from under their feet. When organisations are winning, they often overlook creative use of resources because results are coming. They say “we are winning anyway” until they are not. Goliath had a sword, spear and javelin but was unable to put them to use.

2. Compromised secrecy: When advantage is obvious and well known, competitors can anticipate your moves. Secrecy before execution becomes nearly impossible. Think of Apple’s product launches. Once your advantage is known, competitors can copy and counter it.

Every time a Goliath goes into battle, he must cover his forehead in the next engagement because his vulnerability has been exposed. This is why organisations must beware of their palpable advantages and understand where they are most likely to be attacked.

When a political affiliation is no longer news, when everyone knows Apple will soon launch its next phone, the element of surprise is lost. When it is no longer a secret that the Philistines will come with Goliath, David gets to adequately prepare for him.

3. Resistance to change: There is often resistance to change when things become institutionalised. When systems become grounded, change becomes difficult. Though systems create predictability, overreliance on predictability can lead to underestimating competitors.

Why would Goliath change anything at all when his physique and experience have been working? The organisation, with time, loses its innovative edge. Such an organisation faces a dilemma between protecting the foundations of its legacy and moving according to new trends.

On the other hand, an underdog is the organisation with potential; potential because its capabilities have not yet been tested and it is often underestimated in the competition. These capabilities are not palpable and have not matured to the point of grandiosity.

The underdog’s power, like David, lies in being underestimated and the opportunity to do something entirely new. Consider Peace FM as the first Twi station some decades ago. Most organisations start at this point, with everything to prove and nothing to lose.

The Innovative Power of Underdogs

Every risk inherent in the top dog status, on the flipside, is an opportunity for the underdog. These include:

A. Focused creativity: Lack of abundance of resources, a common situation for underdogs, makes creativity urgent. When resources are scarce, innovation becomes not just an option but a necessity.

Awareness of limitations can spark remarkable creativity, forcing underdogs to find solutions where none seem to exist.

David’s limited skills and experience made him focus on the one skill he was certain of and, additionally, find how to use it creatively; targeting Goliath’s forehead. This, in business, suggests what top organisations are not focusing on is an opportunity for the underdog.

B. Ability to be flexible: When little is institutionalised, there is little to actually change. There are no entrenched systems or processes to overcome, no legacy mindsets to shift.

This flexibility allows underdogs to pivot quickly and adopt new approaches without the friction that plagues larger, more established organisations.

Comparatively, it would be easier for the Israelite to use David than for the Philistines to change Goliath. When nothing is working, nothing gains permanence. It is easier to be welcoming of change when suffering/failure is obvious.

C. Advantage of secrecy: Underdogs benefit from not being expected to win. It makes competitors pay less attention to their moves, affording them secrecy before execution. This gives them the opportunity to plot without facing counter tactics from opponents. Nobody expected David to win, not even Saul.

Nobody knew he was going to throw stones. Goliath didn’t care to notice that on the battlefield, referring to them as sticks. This gave David the opportunity to conquer without interruption.

D. Abrupt distraction for competitors: The emotive response to novelty from an underdog is powerful. Shock, exploration, and the novelty effect hold significant power in human society. People experience boredom with the familiar and are drawn to form new favourites.

Innovation feeds the very nature of human existence, excitement, shock, and curiosity. David was a shock to the Philistines, Apple was a curiosity to the tech world, and Dubai was excitement to the global community.

The buzz and news surrounding an underdog’s bold move can distract unsure competitors from their own game. This distraction buys time and allows the underdog to strategize while competitors scramble to respond.

Consider Nokia and Kodak, companies widely seen as having been so focused on their existing advantages that they failed to see the innovation coming. The audacity of the underdog is itself a weapon. It need not be radical to distract; it simply needs to be unexpected.

It is, however, important that underdogs, and in fact all organisations, note that innovation without strategy is merely fancy. Just because David used a stone does not mean you should blindly use sticks in the name of ‘novel.’

Being different is not for the sake of it. The underdog’s approach to innovation must be deliberate and strategic.

Above all, we need to take precaution that today’s heroic underdog is potentially tomorrow’s cursed top dog.

The cycle continues, and the only way to break it is through constant awareness, strategic thinking, and a willingness to innovate even when success seems assured. Research must be leveraged to achieve this.

Consider your own experience. When has being a top dog in something become a disadvantage? Perhaps you were so confident in your expertise that you failed to see a better approach.

When has being an underdog worked to your advantage? Maybe you were underestimated and used that freedom to try something truly innovative.

What represented David’s stones in your case? These questions are worth pondering, for in them lies the key to understanding the delicate balance between advantage and vulnerability, between success and the seeds of failure that success often carries.

About the author:

Dr. Sangmorkuor Tetteh

Lecturer, University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA), Corporate Trainer & Strategy Consultant

sangmorkuor.tetteh@upsamail.edu.gh

LinkedIn: Sangmorkuor Tetteh

As basic schools across the country officially end the term on Thursday, July 23, 2026, social media has exploded into a heated debate.

The trigger? A wave of mounting allegations from frustrated parents claiming that the once beloved end-of-term “Our Day” tradition has been hijacked and turned into financial extortion.

For decades in Ghanaian culture, showing gratitude to educators was simple but spontaneous and heart-driven.

But recent claims paint a vastly different picture of today’s classrooms where direct solicitations are used.

According to reports monitored on social media, parents now report receiving direct messages and phone calls from teachers nudging them to fund end-of-term “appreciation packages.”

Some of the requests have reportedly ballooned from small tokens of appreciation to high-ticket items, including home appliances such as microwaves and substantial cash demands.

The situation has pushed parents, especially those with wards in private schools, into a corner, fearing their kids will be embarrassed or treated differently if they go to school empty-handed.

“Our Day” then and now: The controversy stands in stark contrast to the memories of older generations. Gone are the days when ‘Our Day’ meant excitement, laughter, and sharing, not expectations.

Growing up, while living with my late grandmother, my school was just behind our house. I could easily read between the lines when classes were about to begin.

I would quickly prepare myself and rush off to school, eager to join my friends.

Those were our “Syto” days in public schools. Our biggest excitement back then was not about buying gifts for teachers; the real deal lay in “Our Day” celebrations.

Going to school with biscuits, drinks, and food packed in beautifully decorated baskets covered with white cloth was the ish of the day. It was a real joy.

“When I was in primary school, our biggest excitement was not about buying gifts for teachers. We looked forward to bringing biscuits, drinks, and food packed in beautifully decorated baskets covered with white cloth.

That was the real joy. It was never a rule. No parent was forced, and no child felt embarrassed.”

Pupils brought small tokens like drinks or biscuits in appreciation of their teachers, who accepted them with utmost pride.

But it was a voluntary gesture, as no parent was forced, and no child felt embarrassed because they could not offer a gift to their teacher.

It was simply an expression of a show of love and appreciation. But society over time is changing, forcing the meaning attached to Our Day gifts to change too.

There is no doubt that teachers deserve to be appreciated. They shoulder bigger responsibilities even beyond the walls of classrooms.

They provide guidance and counselling and, in some instances, spend financially on their pupils. Those teachers deserve recognition.

For instance, if a parent recognises the influence of a teacher on a ward and showers gifts on him or her willingly, there is absolutely nothing wrong with that.

After all, appreciating people for their good deeds is sacrosanct with the Ghanaian upbringing. A small gesture from a grateful heart can mean a lot.

But the real problem begins when appreciation becomes an expectation. When parents are asked to exchange expensive gifts such as microwaves or large sums of money, then it raises concerns.

Some overburdened parents already struggling to make ends meet will be put under unbearable pressure.

A gift should bring happiness, not stress.

Some people argue parents who choose private schools over public ones should be ready to meet the expectations that come with them. institutions. While parents certainly want the best for their children, appreciation should never feel like a compulsory payment.

Perhaps a better approach is to allow parents to raise specific concerns instead of blaming teachers for their predicaments.

If a particular teacher or school makes unreasonable demands, that situation should be addressed directly rather than painting every teacher ‘black.’

Because the truth is, many teachers continue to serve with dedication and commitment.
At the same time, we should not allow this conversation to destroy our culture of kindness and generosity.

Giving has always been part of who we are as Ghanaians. When we are kind and loving to others, God is pleased.

So, let us continue to appreciate teachers, but let that appreciation come from the heart, not from pressure, fear, or obligation.

Perhaps the greatest gift a teacher can receive is not an expensive item wrapped in a package but the appreciation of their patience, sacrifice, and hard work that have helped shape the life of a child.

Ultimately, the essence of “Our Day” is not about the gifts. It was always about gratitude, love, and appreciation.

The writer, Dorcas Abedu-Kennedy, is an online journalist with Adomonline.com.

Wontumi was convicted by the Accra High Court on charges relating to the unauthorised assignment of mineral rights and the facilitation of an unlicensed mining operation.

The two 20-year custodial sentences will run concurrently, meaning he will serve 20 years unless the conviction is overturned on appeal.

The NPP has rejected the judgment, described him as a “political prisoner,” and announced its intention to appeal (Graphic Online).

Some people are now asking: if Wontumi remained in Ghana and submitted himself to the judicial process, why should Ken Ofori-Atta remain abroad?

But perhaps we should examine the question from another angle.

Rather than using Wontumi’s conviction to justify demands for Ken Ofori-Atta’s return, should it not cause us to understand why some people advised the former Finance Minister not to return?

Does it not strengthen the concerns of those who have consistently maintained that his case is politically motivated? And could his situation not have ended even worse than the Wontumi saga?

Chairman Wontumi remained in Ghana and placed his faith in the system. He appeared before the court, defended himself, and trusted that the judicial process would protect his rights.

Yet, following his conviction and lengthy sentence, his party and supporters now argue that the judgment relied excessively on assumptions and circumstantial evidence and that he has become a victim of political prosecution.

The prosecution and the trial judge obviously reached a different conclusion, and the judgment must be respected unless it is overturned. However, Wontumi’s right to appeal must equally be respected.

His conviction should not prevent Ghanaians from discussing the wider concerns it has raised about public confidence in our justice system.

The growing crisis of confidence

These concerns did not begin with Wontumi’s conviction.

They began with the removal of former Chief Justice Gertrude Torkornoo following a constitutionally established inquiry. One cannot overlook the comments made by the then candidate and former President, as well as his appointees, about removing the Chief Justice, together with warnings directed at some people, including those in the security services, before the general elections were won.

These issues fuel controversy and lend weight to the arguments of those who believe the Government was on a mission to use every possible means to weaken the judiciary.

Justice Torkornoo denied the allegations brought against her and described the process as politically motivated.

Although the constitutional process was followed and a committee recommended her removal, critics continue to hold the view that, no matter how proper the process appeared, it carried the smell of a witch-hunt and was motivated by a desire to weaken and control the judiciary.

Whether one agrees with that position or not, the perception cannot simply be ignored.

The judiciary is the third arm of government and the final place of protection for citizens who believe they are being pursued by political authorities or powerful interests.

Once a significant section of society begins to believe that the institution responsible for protecting citizens has itself become politically compromised, the consequences for democracy can be severe.

The recent arrests and prosecutions of social-media commentators, often on one side of the political divide, have deepened this perception.

Many social-media commentators have been arrested since the Government took office, including TikToker Camilla Alhassan, who was sentenced to one year in prison after pleading guilty to charges arising from false claims about President John Dramani Mahama.

Critics say she was intimidated into pleading guilty and that the entire process was designed to allow the authorities to have their way.

Mahama Aminat was also arrested over alleged threats directed at the President and the First Lady. Media-freedom organisations have questioned whether criminal sanctions and imprisonment are proportionate responses to speech-related offences (Media Foundation for West Africa).

No responsible person should defend threats, deliberate falsehoods or defamatory attacks against anybody—not even in the name of political free speech. However, the law must be applied consistently.

There are social-media commentators associated with the governing party who are accused of making similarly degrading remarks about opposition leaders, their spouses and traditional authorities. Some have used deeply offensive and unprintable language against former Second Lady Samira Bawumia and even the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II.

When people perceived to be sympathetic to the opposition are arrested and prosecuted, while those perceived to support the governing party appear to escape similar treatment, the impression of selective justice becomes difficult to dismiss.

The Government and the security agencies must therefore demonstrate that the law is blind to political colour. Justice must not only be done; citizens must be able to see that the same standards apply to the NDC, the NPP and everybody else.

What the US immigration judge actually found on Ken Ofori-Atta

The growing public debate makes the June 15, 2026 proceedings before the Annandale Immigration Court particularly important.

The court was determining Ken Ofori-Atta’s application for adjustment of status; not conducting a Ghanaian criminal trial. That distinction must be acknowledged.

However, it would be equally misleading to pretend that the US judge made only a technical immigration decision without examining the allegations against Ken Ofori-Atta.

According to the transcript, the court considered the testimony, the criminal charges, the OSP’s affidavit, the KPMG report, expert evidence concerning INTERPOL and other documentary materials. The judge stated:

“The court has considered all of the testimony and evidence [and] considered the arguments by all the attorneys.”

After examining that evidence, the court found Ken Ofori-Atta and the INTERPOL expert to be credible:

“The respondent and Dr. Bromund both testified credibly in support of the applications.”

The judge added that their evidence was consistent and that nothing in their conduct suggested an attempt to mislead the court:

“Both witnesses were candid and responsive.”

The judge then addressed the central question of whether Ken Ofori-Atta had been credibly connected to criminal wrongdoing as a public official. His conclusion was emphatic:

“The respondent has established that he did not engage in wrongdoing, criminal or otherwise.”

After reviewing the OSP’s affidavit, the judge stated:

“The affidavit is lacking in any persuasive proof or evidence.”

The court also found no persuasive evidence that Ken Ofori-Atta personally benefited from his public office:

“There was also no evidence that the respondent personally profited from anything that he did as the Minister of Finance.”

The judge was especially critical of the manner in which the OSP’s allegations were presented:

“The OSP affidavit is full of conclusory allegations without any description of credible or reliable facts.” The court further concluded:

“The respondent has not been credibly charged or credibly been shown to engage in any wrongdoing in Ghana.”

These were not comments made by an NPP communicator, Ken Ofori-Atta’s family or a Ghanaian political activist. They were findings made by an independent judge in an adversarial proceeding in which the United States Government was represented and argued against granting him favourable discretion.

The INTERPOL and extradition questions

The immigration court also examined INTERPOL’s decision to delete the Red Notice issued against Ken Ofori-Atta.

According to the transcript, the judge observed:

“The Red Notice that was issued, because of the charges in Ghana, was found to be predominantly political.”

The judge did not simply mention the deletion of the notice. He considered it relevant to the credibility and evidential strength of Ghana’s case.

The court also addressed the fact that the United States Department of Justice had reportedly possessed Ghana’s extradition request for a significant period without filing an extradition complaint. The judge concluded that this suggested difficulty in identifying credible evidence supporting the allegations.

His words were direct:

“The Department of Justice also has trouble finding any indication of any credible claims of criminal wrongdoing.”

The judge ultimately found as a matter of fact the following:

“The respondent has established that he did not engage in any criminal wrongdoing in connection with his work as the Minister of Finance.”

The court consequently granted Ken Ofori-Atta’s application for adjustment of status.

These findings do not constitute an acquittal by a Ghanaian criminal court. But neither can they be dismissed as irrelevant. An independent foreign court examined the materials placed before it and identified serious deficiencies in the evidential case presented against him.

Was Ken Ofori-Atta wrong to remain abroad?

This brings us back to the calls for his return following Wontumi’s conviction.

If prominent opposition figures and sections of the public now believe Wontumi was politically prosecuted, can they honestly dismiss Ken Ofori-Atta’s concerns as cowardice or an attempt to escape justice?

If INTERPOL’s reviewing body reportedly found the Red Notice predominantly political, and an independent US judge subsequently found the OSP’s allegations unsupported by persuasive evidence, is it unreasonable for the former Finance Minister to question whether he would receive a fair process after returning?

Ken Ofori-Atta’s continued stay abroad may therefore be viewed not simply as an attempt to avoid accountability, but as a decision influenced by concerns about his health, liberty and the credibility of the process awaiting him.

That does not mean he is above Ghanaian law. It means Ghanaian authorities carry a serious responsibility to demonstrate that the process is lawful, evidence-based and free from political direction.

If the Government and the OSP have stronger evidence than what was placed before the US immigration court, they should have presented it in support of the long-sought extradition. Yet the extradition has not been granted, and that, for me, should bring this issue to an end. Accusations, wanted notices, press conferences and damaging political labels cannot take the place of evidence.

The Official OSP Response to the Ken Ofori-Atta Hearing News

The OSP quickly responded to the news concerning the hearing. I had hoped that its response would acknowledge the serious concerns raised and demonstrate a willingness to examine what may have gone wrong. Perhaps silence would even have been better because, to many of us, the judge’s findings represent a considerable embarrassment to the Office. This is why, in my opinion, the OSP’s response deserves closer examination.

The OSP’s response is legally correct in one important respect, but it does not address the most damaging aspect of the immigration judge’s findings.

The OSP is correct that these are three separate proceedings:

1. The US immigration proceedings concerned Mr Ofori-Atta’s immigration status.
2. Any extradition proceedings would determine whether he should be surrendered to Ghana.
3. Only the Ghanaian criminal court can determine his guilt or innocence.

It would therefore be inaccurate to claim that the US immigration court “acquitted,” “cleared” or declared Mr Ofori-Atta innocent of the charges pending against him in Ghana. I have already acknowledged this in the preceding paragraphs.

However, the OSP’s response does not directly rebut what the US judge reportedly said. The real issue is not whether the immigration judge had the authority to acquit Mr Ofori-Atta. Clearly, he did not.

The real issue is that the judge examined an affidavit from the OSP concerning its allegations against Ken Ofori-Atta. For the purpose of this discussion, and in the absence of any categorical denial from the OSP regarding the authenticity of that affidavit, I proceed on the reasonable basis that it was an official document containing the case the OSP sought to present through the appropriate channels.

After examining that affidavit and the other information placed before the court, the judge reportedly found that:

• Mr Ofori-Atta testified credibly;
  • the allegations against him were largely conclusory;
  • the affidavit lacked credible or reliable facts demonstrating criminal wrongdoing; and
  • the charges brought against him in Ghana were not shown to be credible based on the information before the court.

An immigration court may not determine criminal guilt, but it can assess the credibility and evidential weight of foreign allegations when those allegations are relevant to the immigration application before it. The distinction between immigration, extradition and criminal proceedings therefore does not make the judge’s assessment of the OSP’s affidavit irrelevant.

The OSP must tell Ghanaians what that affidavit contained. If it did not represent the substance of its case against Ken Ofori-Atta, then what was its purpose, and why was it sent to the United States? If it did represent the OSP’s case, then the judge’s conclusion that it was largely conclusory and unsupported by credible or reliable facts becomes extremely significant.

A whole Office of the Special Prosecutor, supported by the Attorney-General and the wider legal apparatus of the State, cannot reasonably claim that it did not know what information would be required by the United States authorities in a matter of this magnitude. If clarification was needed, the necessary consultations should have taken place to ensure that the strongest available evidence was presented through the appropriate channels.

It is therefore reasonable to believe that what was contained in the affidavit represented the evidence the OSP had available and considered capable of supporting its allegations. If the OSP possessed stronger and more persuasive evidence, why was it not included? Why would the State send an affidavit containing something less than its best available material when seeking the cooperation of a foreign government?

The judge’s reported assessment consequently cannot be dismissed merely by saying that the OSP was not a party to the immigration proceedings or that the extradition request was not before that particular court. Those points may explain the limits of the immigration court’s jurisdiction, but they do not answer the concerns raised about the quality of the OSP’s own affidavit.

The OSP’s response therefore amounts mainly to this:

“The immigration judge’s findings do not bind the Ghanaian criminal court.”

That is legally correct. But it does not answer the more damaging question:

“Why did a US judge, after examining the OSP’s affidavit, reportedly find that it contained largely conclusory allegations and lacked credible or reliable facts demonstrating criminal wrongdoing?”

The OSP’s notice also contains two notable weaknesses.

First, it describes the transcript as “purported” but does not categorically state that it is false, fabricated or inaccurately quoted. If the OSP disputes its authenticity, it should say so clearly and identify the portions it considers false or inaccurate.

Second, the OSP says it was not involved in the immigration proceedings. That may be technically correct, but it does not remove responsibility for the affidavit placed before the court. The OSP may not have appeared as a party, but its allegations and its affidavit were examined by the judge. It must therefore respond to the substance of the

judge’s findings rather than rely solely on jurisdictional distinctions.

Is the OSP suggesting that the Attorney-General submitted its affidavit without consulting it? Is it suggesting that the State presented something less than the best available evidence? If the affidavit did not contain the substance of the OSP’s case, why was it submitted at all? If it did, then Ghanaians deserve an honest explanation of why a US judge found it so weak.

Let us be honest: separating the immigration, extradition and criminal proceedings may explain what the US immigration judge could or could not legally decide. It does not answer the serious questions raised about the

contents of the OSP’s affidavit, the quality of its evidence and the enormous difference between the strength of its public accusations and the weakness reportedly identified by the judge.

The Need for Reflection Going Forward

The Wontumi conviction, the prosecution of social-media commentators, concerns surrounding changes within the judiciary, INTERPOL’s action and the findings of the US immigration court are collectively creating a dangerous impression of selective and politically influenced justice in Ghana.

The Government may disagree with that interpretation, but it cannot afford to ignore it.

Every arrest perceived to be selective, every prosecution that appears politically imbalanced and every public

statement that presumes guilt before trial further damages confidence in Ghana’s institutions. That damage will not end with the current administration. Future governments may inherit and use the same weakened institutions

against today’s officeholders.

The solution is not to prevent lawful investigations or grant political figures immunity from prosecution. It is to restore public confidence through consistency, transparency, credible evidence and strict respect for due process.

Those who insult or threaten public officials should face the same legal standards, regardless of their political affiliation. Those accused of corruption must be investigated based on evidence, not political campaigns. Courts must remain independent, and security agencies must never appear to act as enforcers for the governing party.

It must be clearly acknowledged that the statements made by the US immigration judge do not constitute a verdict on the substantive case against Ken Ofori-Atta in Ghana. They neither acquit him nor prevent the OSP from pursuing any legitimate case supported by credible evidence. Nevertheless, findings of this nature by a foreign court cannot simply be dismissed. While they may not be legally binding on a Ghanaian court, they could be considered in related proceedings and may significantly weaken public confidence in the OSP’s case.

More importantly, the judge’s observations offer a clearer and more sober perspective on the case than the public spectacles and sustained media campaign to which Ghanaians have been subjected. If the OSP possesses compelling evidence against Ken Ofori-Atta, one would reasonably have expected that evidence to feature prominently in its affidavit and representations to the relevant United States authorities. Given the opportunity to present its case, the OSP should have been able to make a stronger and more persuasive argument to support its efforts to secure his return to Ghana.

The reported findings of the judge therefore raise a legitimate and troubling question: Does the OSP possess evidence strong enough to justify the serious allegations and intense public campaign that have surrounded this case?

After years of public accusations and media theatrics, some of us are both taken aback and deeply disturbed by the possibility that the public may have been led to believe that a compelling case existed when the available evidence and processes did not justify that conclusion. Many Ghanaians appear to have been conditioned to hate and condemn one man without first seeing the evidence required to make a fair and informed judgment. Political expediency may have taken the place of due process, while public opinion has been shaped long before any court has determined his guilt.

This must serve as a wake-up call. We must pause and reflect on how hatred has been created and sustained against one individual for years when the public has neither seen the substantive evidence nor witnessed a credible judicial process upon which to base its judgment.

The consequences extend far beyond Ken Ofori-Atta. They affect the credibility and integrity of our institutions and reinforce perceptions of political interference in, and manipulation of, investigative and judicial processes to punish political opponents and imprison dissenting voices.

Has our justice system created sufficient confidence for a politically exposed person who fears political persecution to believe that returning home will guarantee him an independent, impartial and evidence-based hearing? Is Ghana still perceived as a safe place in which to live, invest and conduct business, considering the current political environment, judicial processes and growing concerns about judicial independence? Will we continue to attract people and investment, or could we be driving them away because of the reputation we have lately been building for ourselves?

Until these questions can be answered convincingly, the Wontumi judgment and the findings from the US immigration proceedings may strengthen, rather than weaken, the arguments of those who advised Ken Ofori-Atta to remain abroad, as well as those who perceive the pursuit of the former Finance Minister as a political witch-hunt driven more by hatred than by a genuine desire to hold him accountable for any alleged crimes or mismanagement during his tenure.

According to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the world now produces more than 430 million tonnes of plastic every year.

Yet only about nine per cent of all plastic waste is recycled, around 19 per cent is incinerated, while nearly 50 per cent ends up in landfills.

The remaining 22 per cent is openly dumped, burned or leaks into rivers, lakes and oceans, making plastic pollution one of the defining environmental challenges of our time.

UNEP estimates that the African continent generates approximately 17 million tonnes of plastic waste every year, while recycling rates remain among the lowest globally.

In Ghana, studies by the Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and development partners estimate that Ghana generates between 1.1 and 1.3 million tonnes of plastic waste annually, representing roughly 12 to 14 per cent of the country’s municipal solid waste stream.

This translates into more than 3,000 tonnes of plastic waste every day.

The challenge is not simply the volume of plastics generated but what happens after they are discarded.

It is estimated that only about 10 to 15 per cent of Ghana’s plastic waste is collected for recycling, while the vast majority is mixed with other waste.

Recent flooding
The recent floods have reignited the debate, but the answer may lie not in banning plastics but in collecting, recycling and giving them a second life.

As Ghana joined the rest of the world to mark International Plastic Bag Free Day on July 3, environmental experts, policymakers, and industry players renewed calls for decisive action against plastic pollution.

Yet amid the growing calls for bans on plastics, a more fundamental question emerged:
Can Ghana realistically do away with plastics altogether?

For many experts, the answer is no, not yet. Plastics have become woven into almost every aspect of modern life. From food packaging and drinking water sachets to medicine, agriculture, construction, healthcare, and manufacturing, plastics offer affordability, durability, and convenience that few alternative materials can currently match.

The real challenge, therefore, is not the existence of plastics but what happens after they have served their purpose.

The Floods Told a Painful Story
The recent floods served as a harsh reminder that Ghana’s greatest problem is poor plastic waste management.

Corporate Affairs Officer of Zoomlion Ghana Limited, Mr. James Deku, believes the floods revealed the country’s inability to effectively manage the enormous quantities of plastic waste generated every day.

Speaking at a Metro TV discussion to mark the day, he said plastics themselves are not inherently dangerous. Rather, it is the indiscriminate disposal of plastic waste into drains, streams, and open spaces that turns a useful product into an environmental hazard.

“When plastics block drains,” he noted, “they prevent the free flow of water, causing floods that destroy homes and businesses and sometimes even claim lives.”

Mr. Deku advocates stronger enforcement of sanitation by-laws, continuous public education, and policies that encourage recycling instead of simply outlawing plastics.

He also believes Ghana can revive some traditional packaging methods, including the use of leaves for selected products, while gradually reducing unnecessary single-use plastics.

Collection, sorting and recycling
The difference lies in effective collection, sorting and recycling systems.

This was the view shared by the Production Planner of Universal Plastic Products and Recycling (UPPR) Ghana Limited, Mr. Gabriel Kudiabor, who argued that plastics should not be demonised.

According to him, Ghana’s problem is one of waste management and public behaviour rather than the material itself.

He believes sustained public education on waste segregation, coupled with greater investment in recycling infrastructure, will significantly reduce plastic pollution.

Mr. Kudiabor also proposed the introduction of a deposit-return system for beverage bottles, allowing consumers to return empty plastic bottles in exchange for financial incentives or rewards.

Such systems have proven successful in several countries by dramatically increasing collection rates while supplying recycling plants with valuable raw materials.

Giving Plastic a Second Life
Rather than viewing used plastic bottles as waste, UPPR sees them as valuable raw materials waiting to be transformed into new products.

Every day, thousands of discarded PET (Polyethylene Terephthalate) bottles are collected, sorted, washed and processed at the company’s modern recycling facility.

These bottles are converted into high-quality PET flakes, which serve as industrial raw materials for manufacturing a wide range of products, including polyester fibre, yarn, textiles, reflector jackets, and other industrial applications.

The initiative is not only reducing plastic pollution but is also creating jobs, supporting Ghana’s circular economy and generating export revenue.

Beyond PET bottles, the Jospong Group has expanded its recycling ambitions to include other hard plastics such as Polypropylene (PP) and Polyethylene (PE), materials commonly found in household containers, buckets, detergent bottles, food packaging, crates, and industrial packaging.

These plastics can equally be recycled into new products, reducing dependence on virgin plastic materials while conserving natural resources.

“What many people see as rubbish is increasingly becoming an important industrial raw material,” Mr. Kudiabor argues.

A shared responsibility
The panelists including Nii Moi Omaboe of the Ghana National Action on Plastics (GNPAPS), agreed that government alone cannot solve Ghana’s plastic challenge.

Until affordable, durable and environmentally friendly alternatives become widely available, plastics will remain an essential part of everyday life.

“The future therefore lies not in declaring war on plastics, but in building a nationwide recycling culture where every bottle, container and plastic package is collected, processed and transformed into something useful,” Mr. Kudiabor says, adding,“If government, industry and citizens work together, Ghana can reduce plastic pollution, create green jobs, strengthen local manufacturing and minimise flooding.”

Yet, once the floodwaters recede, national attention fades until the next disaster.

Ghana cannot continue to respond to flooding as an emergency. It must be managed as a predictable national risk through science, technology, and evidence-based planning.

The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), through its Research Staff Association (RSA), has proposed an actionable flood mitigation strategy that combines immediate interventions with medium- and long-term investments to significantly reduce flood disasters across the country.

Short-term actions: Save lives before the next rains

The first priority should be reducing the immediate risk to lives and property.

Routine environmental sanitation inspections must be intensified to ensure drains remain free from solid waste. Flood-prone communities should be scientifically mapped by CSIR to guide planning and emergency response. Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies must desilt drains before the peak rainy season, while existing sanitation and water management laws are strictly enforced.

Technology should also become central to disaster preparedness.

Ghana needs an integrated flood early warning system that delivers timely alerts through SMS, radio, social media, and other communication platforms. At the same time, portable CSIR-developed water purification systems should be deployed to flood-affected communities to provide safe drinking water and prevent outbreaks of water-borne diseases.

Medium-term investments: Address the root causes

Flooding cannot be solved by clearing drains alone.

Illegal mining (galamsey), uncontrolled deforestation, and degradation of watersheds have significantly reduced the landscape’s ability to absorb rainfall. Halting these destructive activities must become a national priority.

Government should also restore degraded wetlands and watersheds, construct recharge ponds that allow stormwater to infiltrate naturally into aquifers, and deploy smart sensors to continuously monitor surface water and groundwater levels. Such investments would not only reduce flood peaks but also improve groundwater resources and strengthen water security during the dry season.

Long-term vision: Build flood-resilient cities

Climate change means extreme rainfall events will become more frequent. Ghana must therefore shift from reactive disaster management to resilient urban planning. Natural floodplains should be protected rather than encroached upon. Cities should incorporate urban lakes that serve both recreational purposes and managed aquifer recharge. Advanced climate modelling should inform flood prediction, infrastructure design, and emergency planning.

Most importantly, floodplain regulations and building codes must be enforced consistently. Preventing settlements in high-risk flood zones is far less expensive than rebuilding communities after disasters.

Science must drive national policy

Flood management is not solely an engineering challenge. It is an environmental, scientific, technological, and governance issue that demands collaboration among researchers, government agencies, local authorities, and communities.

CSIR possesses the scientific expertise needed to support government through flood-risk mapping, water resource assessment, environmental monitoring, climate modelling, and innovative water treatment technologies. Harnessing these national capabilities would significantly strengthen Ghana’s disaster preparedness.

The way forward

Flood disasters should no longer be accepted as an unavoidable annual event. With sustained investment in science, environmental stewardship, modern technology, and effective enforcement of planning regulations, Ghana can dramatically reduce the human and economic costs of flooding.

The solutions are known. The expertise exists. What remains is the political will to implement them consistently. By acting today, Ghana can move from reacting to floods to preventing them – building safer, more resilient communities for generations to come.

Engr. Dr. Collins Okrah, PE (IET-GH) is the National President of the CSIR-Research Staff Association

Curfew, they call it:
a boundary drawn across the ordinary,
a rule meant to keep the living safe,
to guard the house, the market, the child.
Yet safety here wears a hard face,
and the clock becomes a cage.

Protracted conflict lingers like smoke
that will not leave the rafters.

From the counsel of REGSEC,
from the Interior Ministry’s pen,
the order returns again—
tightened, renewed,
as if time itself could negotiate peace.

Between Adele, Akyode, Challa,
and others whose names are spoken carefully,
the community is asked to endure,
to wait for calm like rain.
But waiting is not a gentle act
when fear patrols the street.

Women carry water with caution
even in daylight’s thin promise;
children learn early
that innocence does not always protect.

Doors shut quickly.
Voices lower.
Questions are swallowed.

And those who should shield the people—
those tasked to protect,
to educate the ordinary citizen—
sometimes arrive as thunder
without warning,
leaving bruises where reassurance should be.

Professional workers are not spared.
Teachers, chalk still on their fingers,
trying to keep lessons alive
in classrooms of anxiety.
Health workers, moving toward pain
because that is their oath.
Bankers and labourers,
still showing up, still serving,
in the difficult moments.

Yet service does not grant immunity.
A uniformed shadow can turn duty into danger.
Intimidation becomes instruction:
Learn quiet. Learn compliance.
Learn how to survive your own protection.

In this place, injuries carry stories.
A teacher limps home with a lesson undone.
A journalist bears the cost of witnessing.
Residents count degrees of harm
in hushed, familiar language—
and in the hush,
the question hangs:
who will care?

The curfew meant to save life and property
has, for many, become a different kind of threat:
a silence that does not heal,
a peace enforced without dignity,
a public policy written on private skin.

So the town holds its breath each evening,
as if air too can be restricted.
And the pain, unreported, unaddressed,
sits under the curfew’s shadow—
not loud enough to reach the powerful,
not visible enough to be answered—

a silent pain,
where no one cares.

ALSO READ:

Naming Bonds: Why a name can make or break brand loyalty…

Kweku Bonsam got us a draw? – Enimil Ashon writes

They become “Chop Money,” “Mo,” or “Tigo Cash.” And when brands send messages, they often start with “Hi Ama” or “Hello Kofi.” It feels normal. But new research says this everyday habit is a powerful business strategy.

A study titled “Naming Bonds: How Ghanaian Brands’ Use of Nicknames and Consumer Names Influence Trust, Perceptions, and Disposal Behaviors” looked at how Ghanaian consumers respond when brands use nicknames and personal names. The findings: it builds trust, improves how people see the brand, and even affects what happens to products after they’re used.

A Name Is More Than A Label

Ghanaian culture is built on community and relationships. People identify strongly with where they come from, the language they speak, and the groups they belong to. When a brand taps into that, it stops feeling like a foreign company and starts feeling like part of the community.

That’s exactly what happens with nicknames and name personalization. The study found that when brands use culturally familiar nicknames, consumers trust them more. The same applies when brands address customers by name in texts, emails, or app notifications. It signals attention and respect.

But the effect goes deeper when cultural identity is strong. For consumers who feel closely connected to Ghanaian culture, personalized messages do far more to improve brand perception. Without that cultural fit, personalization has much less impact.

In short: a name works best when it speaks the same cultural language as the customer.

Trust Grows, And So Does Responsibility

Two results stood out. First, trust. Both nicknames and personalized names significantly increased consumer trust. When a brand feels familiar and human, people believe it will be reliable and fair.

Trust is fragile, and in a competitive market, that familiarity gives brands an edge.

Second, disposal behavior. This was the surprise. Consumers who felt connected to a brand through names were more likely to handle products responsibly at end-of-life. That means reuse, resale, or proper disposal instead of dumping.

The reason is attachment. When a brand feels like “one of us,” products from that brand are treated differently. People are more likely to care for them and to follow through on messages about recycling or returning items.

For a country dealing with growing waste challenges, this link matters. It suggests that culturally smart marketing can support sustainability, not just sales.

What This Means For Ghanaian Businesses

Ghana’s digital economy is growing fast. More people are shopping online, using mobile money, and engaging with brands on social media. Standing out requires more than good products. The research points to three practical lessons:

1. Use culture, not just data

A nickname must make sense locally. The best ones come from how people already talk about a brand or product. Brands that listen to communities and reflect local language will be seen as authentic.

2. Personalize, but keep it human

Calling a customer by name can build trust. But it only works if it feels genuine. Overdoing it or using names without cultural context can feel intrusive instead of warm.

3. Connect branding to everyday behavior

Because naming builds bonds, brands have an opportunity to influence more than buying. Messages about product care, recycling, or safe disposal are more likely to be heard when they come from a brand that consumers already trust.

Why Ghana Matters To Branding Research

Most studies on naming and branding have focused on Europe, the US, or Asia. Ghana, and Africa more broadly, has been missing from the conversation. This study helps fill that gap.

It shows that in collectivist societies, branding is not just about logos and slogans. It’s about belonging. Social Identity Theory explains this well: people favour brands that reflect their group and values.

By testing these ideas in Ghana, the research extends the theory and gives local businesses evidence they can use. It also shows that marketing strategies cannot simply be copied from other markets. What works must be rooted in local culture.

The Bigger Picture

At its core, the study is about connection. Technology allows brands to reach millions. But connection is what makes people stay.

In Ghana, connection often starts with language. A nickname shared among friends. A greeting that uses a person’s name. These small gestures signal that a brand understands the customer.

The findings suggest that businesses which invest in culturally relevant communication will earn more than loyalty. They will earn trust.

And in return, consumers may treat both the brand and its products with more care.

For marketers, policymakers, and entrepreneurs, the message is clear: to grow in Ghana, speak with the culture, not just to it.

Sometimes, that starts with nothing more than a name.

The writer is a lecturer at the University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department.

Dr. Ebenezer Arthur Duncan

Journal Article Information

Inkumsah, A.W., Duncan, A.E., Kwame-Adjei, M., Andoh, A.J. & Kodjie, K.P. (2026). Naming bonds: how Ghanaian brands’ use of nicknames and consumer names influence trust, perceptions, and disposal behaviors. Academy of Marketing Studies Journal, 30(3), 1-19.

Do you believe that it was the curse he claimed to have placed on England’s captain, Harry Kane, that prevented the latter from scoring?

So why did he not use his powers to push Ghana through to the final?

To this question, he has an answer.

Not only did he not help the Black Stars; he actually worked against Ghana.

He told a TikTok Live interviewer on July 9 that he “spiritually tied the Black Stars” because, according to him, Ghanaian football officials failed to acknowledge his contribution.

When it comes to religion and human beliefs, my observation is that in public ‒ among friends and relatives ‒ the average Ghanaian Christian is loud on Christ but is silent on visits to juju shrines.

How often, in serious illnesses, tragedies and unexplained fiascos, did our mothers and aunties not rush (and still rush) secretly to the jujuman ‒ while not missing church on Sunday!

So what is it about Kweku Bonsam’s claims?

Years ago, when I first saw him at the Ministry of Culture, he was coming out of his vehicle.

On it was written “Powers”. Other people sneered. I didn’t. 

As a Christian, I believe he, like the many other priests we call jujumen, has powers.

What and whom is the bible referring to when it states in Ephesians chapter 6, verse 12 that “our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realms”?

Hundreds of years ago, during the Fantes’ migration, an epidemic broke out. People were dying in droves after drinking water from the stream.

Weeks later, when the deaths continued, they consulted the okomfo, who, after divination, picked a leaf from the forest and dropped it in the stream.

The deaths ceased.  

In my years as a Christian, I have learned a lot from verse 9 of the Book of Jude.

It counsels Christians not to behave like the false teachers who heap abuse on celestial beings, and points out that “Even the archangel Michael, when he was disputing with the devil about the body of Moses, did not himself dare to condemn him for slander but said, ‘The Lord rebuke you’!”

Of course, the bible encourages Christians not to live in dread of satanic forces because God has placed “all things” under the feet of Jesus.

Juju in football

Talk about juju in football. The belief has been, and is, strong.

Ghanaian sportswriters will tell you how, in the 1980s, Hearts of Oak lost the African Cup of Champions Clubs tournament because a jujuman in Ghana warned that any player who scored a goal against their opponents in the final “away match” would die. 

In the match, Hearts needed one goal to snatch victory.

A penalty was awarded in favour of Hearts and Anas Seidu was elected to take it.

With the jujuman’s warning on his mind, he deliberately kicked the ball away from the opponent’s post. 

As the pioneer board secretary of Ashgold FC, I was aware of supporters’ insistence on “ways and means”.

They got so persistent that Sam Jonah, Managing Director of AGC and Board Chairman of the club, once told them: “If jujumen can influence the outcome of matches, why don’t we rather go for eleven jujumen to play for us?” 

Impossible

It’s almost impossible to convince Ghanaian soccer fans that God does not play football.

When Ghana drew with England in our second Group game, someone wrote on social media: “God helped Ghana”.

My question is, and has always been, “What has Ghana done particularly so well that God would favour us, and not our opponents?”

Scientific

Football has turned scientific. Remember Coach Arday (“Multi System”), Cecil Jones Attuquaye and their exploits. See what one coach did to the fortunes of the Black Stars at the 2026 World Cup?

The man has spent his entire life learning the science of winning matches.

Why would he not succeed? When he comes up against an opposing coach with superior skills, he will succumb to a loss.

So why don’t we put our money on world-class coaches instead?

There is a reason Kudus and Semenyo score goals with ease.

All Ghanaian footballers are talented, but these two, like Michael Essien, Abedi Pele, etc., have pushed beyond talent; they have acquired skills. Juju didn’t make them skilful.

At any rate, why, in spite of so many powerful juju shrines and jujumen, has Ghana never won the World Cup?

I ask myself: why does our spirituality – almost proverbial – not lead us into space exploration?

Well, let me come down to earth: why don’t we start from the ability to grow tomatoes and onions!!!

The writer is the Executive Director, Centre for Communication and Culture.

E-mail: ashonenimil@gmail.com

Delays in criminal cases largely caused by prosecutors, not courts –…

One Year of Excellence as a Legislator

In the realm of Ghanaian politics, where rhetoric rarely matches action, and the tides of public perception often shift unpredictably, standing out as a beacon of commitment to the tenets of honesty is a true testament to exceptional leadership.

Staying true to one’s campaign promise and making deliberate efforts to deliver as a Member of Parliament in Ghana are often exceptions rather than the norm.

Dr. Gideon Boako, a new entrant into Ghana’s House of Parliament, has already distinguished himself as a remarkable legislator. With his sense of reason, contributions to debates in the house, and the dexterity of his delivery, Dr. Boako has laid a solid foundation for a legacy of excellence that inspires confidence and hope for the future of governance, particularly for the younger generation.

One year into his parliamentary career, the evidence is not limited to his advocacy and debates on the floor of the House. It is also manifesting in the numerous developmental projects currently ongoing across the length and breadth of Tano North Constituency.

The dormitory blocks rising at Bomaa Senior High School, the boreholes breaking ground in over 45 communities, the 60-plus young men and women now in uniform through security service recruitment, and the 127 students who received direct educational support within a single year. This is certainly not the portrait of your usual young legislator. It is the manifestation of a servant who matches words with deeds.

The Legislator: A Voice That Commands Attention

In his first year in Parliament, Dr. Boako wasted no time establishing himself as a serious force on the national stage. As a member of the Finance Committee, he brought a rare combination to his oversight work—academic rigour, economic depth, and an uncompromising commitment to accountability.

His performance during the vetting of the Finance Minister and Deputy Minister drew widespread attention. His questions were pointed, data-driven, and unsparing—the kind that remind Ghanaians what parliamentary oversight is supposed to look like.

On the floor of the House, he contributed meaningfully to debates on both the 2025 and 2026 Budget Statements and Economic Policies, consistently anchoring national discourse in the lived realities of his constituents.

He raised the persistent concerns of Tano North, the deplorable state of roads, the infrastructure deficit, the quiet struggles of ordinary people, and gave them a national platform.

The most telling measure of his legislative impact? His contributions were formally commended by the Second Deputy Speaker of Parliament. For a first-term opposition MP, that recognition is not merely remarkable, it is extraordinary.

The Constituent: Always Home

Perhaps what distinguishes Dr. Boako most sharply from the average Ghanaian legislator is his conspicuous nature. Not a single month passed in his first year without his presence in the Tano North constituency.

Communities that had grown accustomed to seeing their MP only at campaign time found themselves receiving a visitor who came not to seek votes, but to listen, to engage, and to act.

He visited every community across the constituency, meeting constituents directly and mapping their needs. During Easter, he gathered with Tano North residents living in Accra, nurturing the bond between home and diaspora. He joined clean-up exercises—not as a spectator, but as a participant, rolling up his sleeves to desilt gutters alongside residents. On Ghana’s 68th Independence Day, he stood with the chiefs, students, and people of Tano North.

His reach extended far beyond Ghana’s borders. He engaged members of the Duayaw Nkwanta 58 Group in Atlanta, attended funeral rites for constituents in New Jersey and Georgia, and personally visited senior high schools across the constituency to encourage WASSCE candidates on the eve of their examinations.

This is not constituency service. This is devotion.

The Builder: Delivering Where It Counts

Words on the floor of Parliament matter. But what truly defines an MP’s first year are the things that can be seen, touched, and lived.

On education, which he identified early as the cornerstone of Tano North’s future, Dr. Boako moved swiftly and decisively. He supported the construction of dormitory blocks and a dining hall at Bomaa Senior High School. He donated 100 bags of cement to projects at Yamfo Technical Institute and Boakye Tromo SHS.

The boys’ dormitory at Terchire SHS has been successfully completed, with the girls’ dormitory at an advanced stage and expected to be ready in 2026. Beds were provided to students at Adrobaa TVET, ensuring that young people learning a trade do so with basic dignity.

He facilitated educational tours for selected students to Parliament House, exposing young constituents to national governance, civic leadership, the Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Museum, and the office of the Former Second Lady, Hajia Samira Bawumia. For many of these students, it was a transformative encounter with what is possible.

Fourteen basic schools have been designated as STEM Centres under his facilitation.

He is actively supporting schools to construct dedicated facilities for robotics equipment, chemicals, and scientific tools—investments not in the present, but in the engineers, scientists, and innovators of tomorrow.

His support for medical education has been equally impressive. He has supported approximately 20 medical students and successfully facilitated the admission of two constituents into the KNUST School of Medical Sciences in 2025, with numerous others placed in tertiary institutions across the country.

On energy, Dr. Boako worked closely with NeDCo, the Ministry of Energy, and local contractors to expand electricity access. Ansen and Nkrankrom in the Yamfo zone have been connected to the national grid.

Transformers have been mounted at Appiahkrom, Twenwaaho, and Koforidua. With cabling completed from Bomoden through Yaamokrom to Gyaakye, several communities are on the verge of their first connection.

Borehole construction has commenced in more than 45 communities, with completion expected in 2026, bringing the most fundamental of human needs—clean water—within reach of thousands of families.

Over 60 young people from across the constituency secured employment through recruitment into the security services in 2025, a quiet but life-changing achievement for families across Tano North.

On sport and recreation, Dr. Boako organised the maiden MP’s Scouting Games, a constituency-wide football event that attracted scouts from Europe and former Black Stars player Charles Taylor. Several outstanding players were identified, with trials currently being pursued. For talented young men who might otherwise never have been seen, this was more than a game. It was a door opening.

The Verdict

One year. Limited resources. But unlimited commitment.

In the political vocabulary of modern Ghana, “first-year MP” is often a euphemism for orientation, a period of settling in, learning the ropes, finding one’s footing. Dr. Gideon Boako appears not to have received that memo.

In twelve months, he has built, advocated, connected, travelled, engaged, and delivered in ways that would be impressive for a seasoned legislator in their third term, let alone a first-term MP navigating the realities of opposition from across the aisle.

But perhaps most importantly, he has shown Tano North and Ghana what public service looks like when it is driven not by ambition, but by principle. Not by noise, but by results. Not by seasonal appearances, but by constant presence.

The gem of Tano North is only just beginning to shine.

“One year in office. Not defined by loud promises, but by steady presence. For Dr. Gideon Boako, service is not seasonal. It is constant. For the lucky people of Tano North, this first year is only the beginning.”

Read quickly, that number invites alarm. Read carefully, it tells a more useful story — and points to what we should do next.

Look beneath the headline and the picture becomes more clear. Reported cases at banks actually fell by a third last year, and the value at risk within them declined — evidence that the sector’s investment in controls are having an impact.

The surge in fraud sits almost entirely in the digital and payment-service channels, where cases jumped by more than half and the amount exposed nearly doubled.

Fraud in Ghana has not simply grown — it has evolved. And this distinction matters, because it shows the sector’s traditional defences are holding while a new frontier opens up.

A generation of investment by Ghana’s banks in branch controls, teller supervision and cheque verification is paying off: where verification tools are deployed, institutions now recover the overwhelming majority of attempted forgeries.

The challenge is that digital finance has expanded faster than anyone anticipated, and convenience has outpaced the security frameworks meant to protect customers.

Fraudsters have followed the money into mobile wallets, instant transfers and e-money — channels where funds move in seconds and recoveries hover near zero.

The tactics have shifted with the terrain. The dominant threat is no longer a forged signature; it is a persuasive phone call.

Social engineering, impersonation and one-time-password theft now drive a large share of losses, because the weakest link is rarely the system — it is the moment a customer, or an employee, is manipulated into trusting the wrong person.

That human layer is exactly where today’s fraudsters concentrate their effort.

This is not a story about failing institutions. It is a story about a threat that has grown faster, more human and more industrialised than the controls built to stop it — one no bank, however well run, can hold back alone.

Canada faced a version of this same shift, and its response is instructive.

I believe the lesson that Ghana’s banking sector can take from its North American counterpart is simple: Canadian banks did not beat digital fraud by hiring more investigators to clean up after the fact.

They moved the intelligence to where the money actually moves — into the transaction itself.

In light of this realisation, here are three insights from the Canadian experience that I believe may translate directly to Ghana.

1. Decide in real time

Machine-learning models can score every transaction in milliseconds against a customer’s own behavioural pattern, flagging or halting the suspicious one before funds leave the account.

In a world of instant payments, a defence that acts only after settlement is no defence at all.

2. Retire the SMS code

Where attackers routinely defeat one-time passwords through SIM-swaps and stolen phones, device fingerprinting, biometric verification and liveness detection close the very door that social engineering walks through.

3. Defend together

Canadian institutions share fraud intelligence, so that a mule account exposed at one bank is flagged across the system within minutes.

Fraud networks operate across institutional lines; our defences must too.

None of this requires ripping out existing core systems.

The most effective deployments run alongside current controls, learning continuously and shifting decisions from static rules to adaptive intelligence only as they prove themselves.

The technology is mature and already operating at African scale: on the continent’s largest mobile-money networks, data-driven risk engines have cut loss rates by orders of magnitude while making decisions in seconds rather than days.

This is not a burden for any one government, regulator or bank to carry alone, and it is certainly not a matter of blame.

The Bank of Ghana has rightly called for collective action, and the industry has been candid about the gap.

What remains is execution: a shared commitment to embed intelligence in the transaction flow, verify identity at machine speed, and pool fraud signals across the sector.

Ghana has already shown it can win the fight it prepared for.

The task now is to prepare for the fight that has arrived.

The tools exist and the evidence is in, the only question is whether we deploy them before the next report — or after it.

About the author

Jon Sarpong is the Founder and Managing Director of the INNOVA Institute, a Canadian-credentialled AI training and workforce-enablement campus located in Abelenkpe, Ghana, with programming launching in September 2026.

The Institute equips Ghanaian professionals, graduates and institutions with applied skills in artificial intelligence, data and digital finance.

For more details visit: innovainstitute.ai

The answer will shape not only Europe’s future competitiveness but also the future of journalism.

Artificial intelligence is transforming how news is gathered, produced, and distributed. Journalists can analyse vast datasets, transcribe interviews, translate stories, and identify emerging trends faster than ever.

Yet these advances cannot replace the principles that distinguish professional journalism from the constant flow of online information.

Editorial judgement, ethical decision-making, contextual understanding, and independent verification remain fundamentally human. Technology may accelerate reporting, but only journalists can determine whether information is accurate, balanced, properly sourced, and worthy of public confidence. In an era when digital content can be created and shared instantly, credibility has become journalism’s greatest competitive advantage.

The urgency of that responsibility has become increasingly clear. During Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the conflicts in the Middle East, manipulated videos, recycled images, and AI-generated content spread rapidly across digital and social media platforms.

Investigative journalists and open-source researchers relied on satellite imagery, geolocation, eyewitness testimony, and forensic verification to distinguish fact from fiction. Their work demonstrated that rigorous verification remains indispensable in an age of sophisticated digital deception.

The challenge extends well beyond conflict reporting. Recent elections across Europe, North America, and other democracies have been accompanied by manipulated recordings, fabricated quotations, and coordinated disinformation campaigns. Public health emergencies have likewise shown how quickly misleading medical claims can spread online. These developments reinforce a simple reality: when misinformation is easier to produce, trustworthy journalism becomes even more valuable.

Independent journalism performs a public service that no algorithm can replicate. It verifies evidence, provides context, scrutinises those in positions of power, and corrects mistakes transparently. These responsibilities strengthen informed public debate, democratic accountability, and societal resilience.

Responsibility, however, is shared. Citizens also need the skills to navigate an increasingly complex information environment. The Reuters Institute’s Digital News Report has consistently shown that trust in news varies significantly across countries, underscoring the importance of transparent and accountable journalism in strengthening public confidence.

UNESCO likewise identifies media and information literacy as an essential democratic competency. Responsible journalism and media-literate audiences must therefore go hand in hand.

Innovation must be matched by accountability. News organisations should be transparent about their reporting methods, corrections, and the responsible use of artificial intelligence. Such transparency strengthens credibility and helps distinguish professional journalism from the growing volume of unverified online content.

The discussions at the European Forum Alpbach 2026 reflect a broader challenge facing Europe and the wider world. Technological leadership, democratic resilience, and economic competitiveness all depend on institutions that command public confidence, including a free, independent, and trusted press.

Artificial intelligence will continue to evolve, but journalism’s mission remains unchanged: to verify facts, provide context, challenge misinformation, and hold power to account.

As Europe debates how to thrive amid rapid technological change, one lesson is clear: innovation may drive progress, but trust gives it lasting value.

Three weeks ago, you called Ghana boring. Some of you didn’t stop at boring; you called us the “anti-football team,” the “most boring team” at the entire World Cup, a Sunday league side that had stumbled onto the wrong stage.

You wrote that our own fans should be embarrassed for celebrating a 0-0 draw like it was a trophy.

You mocked Carlos Queiroz’s low block as the football equivalent of turning off the lights and hiding under the bed.

Last night, your own team tried to do exactly what you mocked us for. And it fell apart in seven minutes.

Let’s not pretend this is a small point. England went 1-0 up against Argentina in a World Cup semi-final, made a string of defensive substitutions to protect that lead, sat deeper, and invited the pressure you spent weeks telling us was cowardly to invite.

Harry Kane said it himself afterwards: once England went ahead, they just tried to hold on, and at that level, holding on isn’t enough.

Enzo Fernández equalised from distance. Lautaro Martínez headed in the winner in stoppage time. A lead became a heartbreak in the time it takes to make a cup of tea.

So, here’s the letter you’re really owed: if low block football was that easy, why did the Three Lions fail at it with a place in a World Cup final on the line?

Because it isn’t easy. It never was.

That’s the part your back pages conveniently skipped when Ghana held out against you for ninety minutes while you had close to 79% of the ball and precisely nothing to show for it.

You called that game a “shocker.” You called it “Queirozball,” said with a curled lip, as if a coach organising eleven players to defend as one unit was some kind of cheat code rather than a football philosophy with a Real Madrid CV and two Premier League titles behind it.

Rio Ferdinand, one of your own, had to step in and remind everyone that Queiroz sets his teams up to be hard to play against and well drilled, and that you have to respect a coach who gets exactly what he asked for out of his players.

That’s the part that gets lost when a low block is dismissed as “boring.”

A back four holding its shape for ninety minutes without a mistake, a goalkeeper making his first World Cup start and not being beaten once, a midfield pressing in unison rather than chasing shadows; none of that happens by accident.

It happens because eleven players trust the structure more than they trust the temptation to freelance.

It happens because a coach has drilled it into muscle memory so that under the white heat of a World Cup, with Harry Kane and Jude Bellingham and Bukayo Saka running at you, nobody switches off.

Ghana didn’t get lucky against England. Ghana got organised against England. There’s a difference, and it’s the difference between a discipline and a default.

England, by contrast, backed into a low block on the fly, under pressure, with twenty-odd minutes left and a semi-final unravelling.

That’s not a system. That’s an improvisation dressed up as a system, and Lionel Messi made you pay for the gap between the two.

Paul Merson said he was devastated watching it happen. Your own pundits pointed out this is the same tactical retreat that’s haunted England for a decade, going back to some of Gareth Southgate’s most cautious nights.

The pattern didn’t start with Ghana, and it certainly won’t end with us.

So no, we won’t be taking lectures on “anti-football” from a press box that just watched its own team get torn apart trying to do, for twenty-five minutes, what we did for ninety with a straight face.

If parking the bus is so easy, so lazy, so beneath the purists, why couldn’t England park it for the stretch that mattered most all tournament?

Here’s the truth, and it applies whether you’re Ghana holding a scoreless draw or England trying to protect a lead in Atlanta: low block football is one of the hardest disciplines in the sport.

It demands positional intelligence from every single player, communication that never drops, legs that keep running in the eighty-eighth minute exactly as they did in the eighth, and a manager willing to absorb the criticism that comes with prioritising the result over the aesthetic.

England had one bad half against Argentina, panicked into their own version of it, and it’s already being dissected as one of the worst tactical calls of the tournament, for all the wrong reasons.

Carlos Queiroz didn’t invent the low block. He’s just one of the few coaches left willing to trust it completely, in public, under exactly this kind of criticism.

Maybe next time before you reach for “boring,” ask yourselves why the team you were comparing us unfavourably to couldn’t survive doing it for even one half.

We’ll be watching the final from home. You should be watching your own dressing room.

Yours, unbothered,

A Ghanaian who was taught that discipline isn’t a personality flaw.

The writer, Joshua Tigo, is a Ghanaian journalist who works for the Adom Brands of the Multimedia Group Limited.

Email: Joshua.tigo@myjoyonline.com

Media coverage ensues, public debate intensifies, and Parliament summons officials who provide explanations and pledge reforms.

Subsequently, public attention shifts until the next report discloses an even greater sum. This recurring cycle has become so routine that issues which should provoke alarm now elicit little surprise.

The latest Auditor-General’s Report indicates that financial irregularities reached GH¢5.26 billion in 2025, more than double the previous year’s figure. While this amount is significant, the more pressing concern is the persistence of these issues.

When audit reports serve as annual reminders of recurring failures, the underlying problem extends beyond accounting to the overall quality of national institutions.

A critical distinction must be made at the outset: financial irregularities are not synonymous with corruption.

Audit reports document a broad spectrum of deficiencies, such as unsupported expenditures, procurement breaches, payroll anomalies, unretired imprests, inadequate record-keeping, contract management failures, and violations of financial regulations. Many of these issues arise from negligence or weak administrative systems rather than intentional fraud.

Regardless of whether they result from incompetence or misconduct, recurring financial irregularities highlight systemic weaknesses in mechanisms intended to safeguard public resources. When the same institutions are repeatedly cited in successive audit reports for similar infractions, the focus must shift from individual errors to the overall effectiveness of these institutions.

The analysis of Nobel laureate Daron Acemoglu and political scientist James A. Robinson is particularly pertinent in this context. In their book “Why Nations Fail”, they contend that national prosperity fundamentally depends on the strength of institutions.

Development occurs not through the absence of mistakes, but through the establishment of institutions that enforce rules impartially, hold public officials accountable, and continuously learn from failures.

Conversely, when institutions fail to enforce accountability, inefficiency and poor governance become entrenched, thereby constraining economic development.

Viewed from this perspective, Ghana’s recurring audit findings should be interpreted as indicators of institutional performance rather than isolated financial lapses.

These findings prompt a critical question: Are accountability institutions merely identifying problems, or are they also ensuring that these issues are effectively addressed? He purpose of auditing extends far beyond documenting irregularities.

Audits exist to strengthen governance by identifying weaknesses, promoting transparency, and driving institutional improvement.

Their value lies not only in exposing deficiencies but also in ensuring that corrective actions are implemented and that similar failures do not recur. Unfortunately, Ghana appears to have become proficient at diagnosing problems but far less effective at treating them.

Annually, similar procurement breaches, unsupported payments, payroll irregularities, and failures in financial controls persist. If recommendations from previous audit reports had been fully implemented, these recurring weaknesses would likely have diminished over time. Their continued presence indicates that the primary challenge is not insufficient information, but rather a lack of effective follow-through.

This distinction is critical, as accountability is determined not by the publication of audit reports, but by the actions taken in response. Transparency without enforcement provides limited deterrence. An audit system that repeatedly identifies the same irregularities without effecting meaningful institutional change risks serving as a record of recurring failure rather than a catalyst for reform.

The economic implications of these irregularities are significant. Each cedi lost through avoidable financial mismanagement represents resources unavailable for education, healthcare, infrastructure, agricultural investment, or social protection.

Given Ghana’s ongoing fiscal constraints, high debt-servicing costs, and rising demands for public services, enhancing financial discipline must be viewed not only as a governance objective but as an economic imperative.

Public discourse frequently centres on strategies for government revenue mobilization through taxation or borrowing. While these discussions are important, they often overlook the equally critical challenge of ensuring efficient management of existing public resources.

Increasing revenue without addressing persistent financial leakage is analogous to filling a container that cannot retain its contents.

Strengthening public financial management requires more than producing comprehensive audit reports.

It necessitates the effective implementation of audit recommendations, the establishment of stronger internal controls, the timely imposition of sanctions for negligence or misconduct, the recovery of public funds where appropriate, and sustained institutional reforms.

Parliament, the Public Accounts Committee, the Internal Audit Agency, governing boards, chief executives of public institutions, and anti-corruption agencies all play indispensable roles in translating audit findings into measurable improvements in governance.

Acemoglu and Robinson emphasize that institutions form the foundation of national prosperity. Inclusive and accountable institutions foster investment, encourage innovation, and strengthen public confidence. In contrast, weak institutions perpetuate inefficiency, erode public trust, and diminish economic opportunities.

The greatest danger, therefore, is not that financial irregularities occur. No public financial management system is entirely immune from error. The greater danger is when recurring irregularities become normalised, when annual audit reports cease to shock us because we have come to expect them.

A nation undermines its development when repeated institutional failures are accepted as inevitable rather than addressed as urgent priorities for reform.

Ghana’s future will depend not only on policy design and revenue generation, but also on the quality of institutions responsible for implementation and resource protection.

Strong institutions are characterized not by the absence of mistakes, but by their capacity to learn, adapt, and prevent the recurrence of errors.

Audit reports should serve as annual indicators of institutional progress rather than recurring evidence of institutional failure.

Until such a transformation is achieved, financial irregularities may persist, and public confidence in institutions will likely continue to erode. As Acemoglu and Robinson assert, national prosperity results from effective institutions.

Ghana’s challenge is not merely to expose financial irregularities, but to develop institutions capable of ensuring their rarity. Only then will transparency be accompanied by accountability, and accountability by sustainable national development.

Over the past decade, Ghana has made significant progress in digital finance. Mobile money usage has expanded rapidly, with transaction values rising from GH¢447.4 billion in February 2026 to GH¢493.2 billion in April 2026, according to the Bank of Ghana Payment Systems Statistics. Consumers can now complete payments with just a few taps on their phones through platforms provided by fintech companies, while many banks have introduced mobile banking applications to facilitate seamless and convenient transactions.

On the surface, it appears that the economy is steadily transitioning toward digital payments. Yet across markets, shops, and everyday interactions, a different reality persists; cash continues to dominate.

The Reality on the Ground

From roadside sellers to small retail shops, cash remains the primary means of exchange. Even in environments where mobile money and other digital payment options exist, many transactions are ultimately settled in physical currency.

This is not due to a lack of awareness. Most Ghanaians are familiar with digital payment solutions and use them regularly. The BoG’s data also suggests that mobile money has become a dominant digital payment channel, with 83 million registered accounts and 26 million active accounts as of April 2026. In addition, banks and other financial institutions have deployed a wide range of digital channels, including mobile banking applications, internet banking platforms, card-based payment solutions, QR-code payments, and instant fund transfer services. These innovations have significantly improved the speed, convenience, and accessibility of financial transactions.

However, the issue is not access but preference and practicality. For many individuals and businesses, cash remains the most convenient, trusted, and widely accepted means of conducting everyday transactions.

Merits & limitations

Simplicity

One of the biggest advantages of cash is its simplicity. It is immediate, and transactions settle instantly, unlike some point-of-sale systems, which may take time to reflect. Cash is also visible, allowing users to clearly see and confirm the value exchanged, whereas digital funds may require access to applications or network connectivity to verify.

In addition, cash requires no intermediary system, removing the risk of network downtime or platform failures that can occasionally disrupt digital transactions. A cash transaction is final the moment it is completed; there are no delays, network issues, reversals, or system errors, and no uncertainty about whether the payment has gone through.

Charges

Another important factor is cost. In many cases, digital transactions come with associated charges, including transfer fees, withdrawal costs, and merchant service fees.

For small businesses operating on thin margins, these costs can have a direct impact on profitability. Accepting digital payments may reduce already limited earnings, making cash the more economical option.

For customers, these charges can also act as a deterrent. The desire to avoid additional costs often leads many to prefer cash for everyday transactions.

Nature of Transactions

The structure of everyday economic activity in Ghana further reinforces the use of cash. A significant portion of transactions takes place in informal markets, small retail settings, and service-based micro businesses. For example, boarding a trotro/taxi, making market purchases, paying artisans, or giving offerings in church are typically fast-paced, high-volume, and low-value transactions. These activities are built around speed and simplicity. Cash fits naturally into this environment because it requires no setup, no infrastructure, and no adjustment to existing routines.

Fraud and Cybersecurity

Trust also plays a critical role. While digital platforms have expanded rapidly, concerns around fraud and cyber theft remain a reality for many users. Instances of mobile money scams, unauthorized transactions, and account takeovers, often associated with activities such as “419” or “sakawa,” have made some individuals cautious.

For many users, especially those less familiar with digital systems, these risks create uncertainty. A failed or disputed digital transaction may take time to resolve, and in some cases, the recovery of funds is not guaranteed.

By contrast, cash provides a sense of immediate control. Once payment is made, the transaction is completed and visible. As a result, even individuals who actively use digital platforms may still prefer to convert funds into cash for their day-to-day transactions.

Digital Growth Without Behavioral Shift

What Ghana is experiencing is not a failure of digital adoption; it is more accurately a layering effect. Digital finance continues to grow, but it is being added on top of existing cash-based systems rather than fully replacing them.

Many people use mobile money and digital platforms for transfers, bill payments, and receiving funds. However, when it comes to everyday spending, cash often becomes the final step in the transaction process.

In effect, digital systems facilitate transactions, but cash often completes them.

What This Means for the Financial System

The continued dominance of cash has broader implications for the financial system. It affects how financial activity is tracked, how taxes are collected, and how fraud can be managed, as cash transactions are less visible and more difficult to measure.

It also highlights an important dimension of financial inclusion. While digital platforms expand access, the persistence of cash demonstrates that inclusion is not only about availability; it is also about behaviour.

More importantly, it underscores a fundamental reality: technology alone does not change systems, but people do! Until behaviour aligns, it may be difficult to implement a cashless system.

Looking Ahead

Ghana’s digital finance ecosystem will continue to grow. Infrastructure will improve, platforms will evolve, and access to financial services will expand.

However, the transition away from cash may not be immediate or automatic. It will depend on building trust in digital systems, reducing transaction costs, improving reliability, aligning digital solutions with how people transact, and civic education to affect the behaviour of people.

Because ultimately, the key question is not whether digital systems exist. It is whether they can become the preferred way of doing everyday business. Until then, cash, which is simple, reliable, and familiar, will continue to play a central role in the economy.

Short Profile – Oliver Tackie

The writer, Oliver Tackie, is a seasoned banker with over nineteen years of experience in Ghana’s financial and banking sector. He is currently the Sector Head, Government & Parastatals at Prudential Bank Ltd.

His work spans a broad range of areas, including financial institutions, investment analysis, private sector development, government and public sector, and the assessment of risk across diverse debt and equity financing structures. He is an award-winning chartered banker and a chartered accountant, bringing a strong blend of technical expertise and strategic financial insight to his work.

The caller introduces himself as a mobile money customer service representative. He tells you there has been suspicious activity on your account and asks you to confirm a one-time password so he can secure your funds. His tone is calm, professional, and convincing. Within minutes, your money is gone.

Stories like this are becoming increasingly common across Ghana. What once seemed like isolated incidents are now part of a much larger and more worrying trend.

According to the Cyber Security Authority (CSA), Ghana lost more than GH¢19 million to cybercrime between January and September 2025. During the same period, authorities recorded over 3,200 cybercrime incidents, with online fraud accounting for the largest share of reported cases. Mobile money scams, phishing attacks, fake investment schemes, and online impersonation continue to affect thousands of individuals and businesses across the country.

Cybercrime is no longer a problem reserved for banks, multinational companies, or government agencies. Today, if you own a smartphone, use mobile money, shop online, browse social media, or send emails, you are a potential target.

Ghana’s Digital Success Comes with New Challenges

Ghana’s digital transformation has been remarkable.

Mobile money and online banking have changed how millions of people send and receive money. Businesses increasingly rely on online platforms to serve  customers. Government services continue to move online, making transactions faster and more convenient.

These innovations have improved financial inclusion and accelerated economic growth.

Unfortunately, cybercriminals are evolving just as quickly.

Rather than relying solely on sophisticated hacking tools, many criminals exploit human psychology. They create urgency, impersonate trusted organisations, and manipulate victims into willingly handing over passwords, verification codes, or money.

Technology is rarely the weakest link; people are.

The Scams Ghanaians Encounter Every Day

The average Ghanaian is far more likely to encounter social engineering than a highly technical cyberattack.

Phishing remains one of the most effective methods used by cybercriminals. Victims receive emails, SMS messages, or WhatsApp links that appear to come from legitimate organisations, directing them to fake websites designed to steal passwords and financial information.

The Cyber Security Authority has repeatedly warned about fake online shopping websites, fraudulent business listings, and phishing campaigns targeting unsuspecting consumers, particularly during peak shopping periods. Many victims make mobile money payments only to discover that the seller never existed.

Mobile money fraud also continues to evolve. Criminals pretend to be telecom representatives, customer service agents, online merchants, or even relatives in distress. Their objective is always the same: create panic, build trust quickly, and convince victims to authorise transactions themselves.

Social media platforms have become another favourite hunting ground. Fake online stores, cloned Facebook profiles, romance scams, and fraudulent investment opportunities have become increasingly sophisticated, often using stolen photographs and AI-generated content to appear authentic.

Businesses Are Not Immune

Many people assume only large corporations attract cybercriminals.

In reality, small and medium-sized businesses are often easier targets because they typically have fewer cybersecurity controls.

A compromised email account can expose customer information. A ransomware attack can halt business operations. A successful phishing email can redirect company payments to fraudulent accounts.

For many businesses, the financial loss is only part of the damage. Rebuilding customer trust can take months or even years.

Awareness Is the Strongest First Line of Defence

Cybersecurity is often associated with expensive software, firewalls, and sophisticated monitoring systems.

While these technologies are important, they cannot replace informed users.

Most successful cyberattacks begin with a simple human decision: clicking an unfamiliar link, downloading an unexpected attachment, sharing a one-time password, or trusting an unsolicited phone call.

Fortunately, reducing risk does not always require advanced technical knowledge.

Simple habits can make a significant difference:

• Never share one-time passwords or verification codes.
• Enable multi-factor authentication wherever possible.
• Use strong, unique passwords for different accounts.
• Verify unexpected payment requests through official channels.
• Keep devices and applications updated with the latest security patches.
• Think carefully before clicking unfamiliar links.

Cybersecurity is not about living in fear. It is about making informed decisions.

Protecting Ghana’s Digital Future

Ghana’s digital economy will continue to grow. Artificial intelligence, digital banking, e-commerce, cloud services, and mobile financial technologies will become even more integrated into everyday life.

This progress should be celebrated.

However, every new digital opportunity also creates new opportunities for cybercriminals.

Creating a safer digital environment requires collaboration. Government agencies must continue strengthening enforcement and public education. Businesses should invest in both cybersecurity technologies and employee awareness. Schools should introduce digital safety as part of digital literacy education. Families should openly discuss online scams with children and older relatives who are often targeted.

Cybersecurity is no longer the responsibility of IT departments alone. It is a national responsibility. Everyone must be responsible.

As Ghana embraces an increasingly digital future, our greatest defence will not simply be better technology. It will be better-informed people who know how to recognise threats before they become victims.

Because in today’s connected world, cybersecurity is not just about protecting computers; it is about protecting people.

–

The author, Kennedy Bentum Jnr, is a cybersecurity professional and holds a Master of Science in Forensic Accounting from the University of New Haven. (United States of America).  He is CompTIA Security+ certified and writes about cybersecurity, cybercrime, fraud prevention, and digital safety.

The rains came, garbage and cars and people floated down our streets and we wailed!

Predictably, the President declared a National Clean-up exercise and piles of garbage have been dug from gutters-, waiting to be returned to the drains by future rains.

Comically, the leaders of Zoomlion have cynically assigned 2,000 people to help in the clean-up.

A member of the government that should have had policies in place to prevent the choking of drains and garbage floating in our streets has walked into a bank to berate a bank for doing its business instead of doing clean-up.

The President described the need to do better. There was no report of a national rainstorms/drainage plans-, no new budget, no accountability measures like dismissals for dereliction.

I am old enough to remember Rawlings’ clean-ups that led nowhere.

Sadly, it seems that barring a miracle, in a few years, after we have all moved on, the rains will come again, people will die, property will be destroyed and the cycle will repeat.

This country and this President are no strangers to rains and deaths. In 2014, there were rains, followed by deaths–some from cholera and these same noises were made, to no effect.

According to the World Bank, sanitation problems cost about 290 million USD or about 1.6% of our GDP annually. That does not count the malaria, cholera, etc and their toll.

Furthermore, 1 in 5 Ghanaians practice open defecation and only 25% have access to good sanitation.

That is in normal times and during these normal times, we generate garbage that we have no policy for disposing of.

We build, with the connivance of the government tasked with protecting us, in drainage plains, valleys and when it rains, there is wahala!

We need to ask ourselves some hard questions. What is our sanitation budget? Is it adequate? What is our sanitation National Sanitation policy? More people died in Central Regio than Accra.

When shall we join enlightened nations in converting waste to energy? When are we going to see MMDCEs and Ministers fired in response to some of these disasters for incompetence?

When shall we link galamsey’s growth to the deadliness of floods and attack it like a health issue? When shall we have a law requiring residences to be insured so that we can mitigate the effects of these disasters?

When shall we bring back “Tankase”? When shall we see sanitation as a source good, well-paying jobs? Here in the US and elsewhere, the 2014 rains would have led to hearings followed by the emplacement of policies.

Why doesn’t that happen in Ghana? How did Parliament permit the NADAA government which had pledged to make Accra the cleanest city in Africa to cut its sanitation budget by nearly 60% from 2023 to 2024?

A nation that regularly tolerates such preventable devastation while permitting scarce national resources to be used in funding pilgrimages and Cathedrals is not serious. Ghana deserves better. Let’s be up and doing.

May God strengthen our leaders so they can protect us and help us to resist incompetent leadership.

The Council of State has now answered, at least for now: no. In its recent advice on a proposed bill to allow dual citizens to serve in top offices, the Council pushed back.

The reason given is not about rejecting Ghanaians abroad. It is about loyalty, trust, and what it means to lead.

That position has set off a national argument that goes to the heart of the Constitution, the courts, and Ghana’s relationship with its diaspora.

How We Got Here

The Law and The Reality

Ghana recognizes dual citizenship. The 1992 Constitution and the Citizenship Act of 2000 made that clear. The idea was to keep ties with Ghanaians abroad. Millions live outside, send money home, build schools, and invest.

But the same Constitution drew a line. To be President, MP, Minister, or Chief Justice, one must be a citizen of Ghana only. Dual citizens were locked out. The reason back then was straightforward.

People who make laws, spend public money, and take decisions on war and peace should answer to one country alone.

That line has caused problems ever since. Qualified Ghanaians abroad could not serve. Some who tried were disqualified in court. Others had to renounce other citizenships at great personal cost.

What The Courts Have Already Said

The Supreme Court has weighed in before. In cases over the last decade, the bench stressed that public office is a trust.

The Constitution, the judges argued, was written to protect Ghana’s sovereignty. When MPs or appointees were found to still hold foreign passports, Parliament lost seats and the country went into by-elections.

The message from the courts was consistent: citizenship for ordinary life is one thing. Citizenship for leadership is another. The Council of State is now echoing that logic, but in policy terms.

The Council’s Case: Leadership Demands Undivided Allegiance

From the Council’s point of view, this is not about skills. It is about the nature of power. “Whose interest comes first?” A dual citizen owes duties to two states.

Taxes, military service, diplomatic protection. In a crisis, where does the final loyalty lie? The Council believes that question should not even come up.

“What does the office represent? “An MP or Minister does not just do a job. The person stands for the nation. The Council argues that symbolism matters. A leader with formal ties elsewhere blurs that image.

“Can the public trust it?” Ghana’s democracy is still young. Institutions are fragile. The Council seems to believe that allowing dual citizens into top roles, no matter how competent, would raise doubts in the minds of voters.

It is a conservative position. But it is also a deliberate one: keep governance separate from the complications of divided legal obligations.

The Other Side: Ghana Cannot Afford to Shut the Door

Those who disagree see waste. Ghana needs doctors, engineers, bankers, and policy experts. Many of them live abroad and have children, careers, and legal lives in other countries.

Asking them to renounce is asking them to cut ties. Other African countries have found middle ground. Nigeria and Kenya allow dual citizens in Parliament with disclosures. The UK has dual-national MPs and Ministers.

The argument is simple: test people by what they do, not by how many passports they hold. There is also a fairness point.

Many Ghanaians left not by choice but by necessity. To now bar them from serving feels like punishment for migration.

Beyond Law: What Kind of Republic Does Ghana Want?

Strip away the legal language and three hard questions remain. Is leadership about blood or about results? The Council is saying blood and legal allegiance matter most. Critics are saying results and commitment matter most.

Are we inviting the diaspora, or just their money? Dual citizenship welcomed Ghanaians abroad economically. But the political door stayed shut. That sends a message: help us, but don’t lead us.

Can rules fix the risk? If the worry is divided loyalty, can it be managed? Asset declarations, security clearance, and a promise to act only in Ghana’s interest during conflicts. The Council does not think that is enough. Others believe it is.

Where This Leaves Parliament

The bill will still go to Parliament. The Council’s advice carries weight, but it is not final. Lawmakers now have three options in front of them. Keep the ban. Clear, but costly in talent. Amend with conditions.

Allow dual citizens with strict rules on disclosure and conflict. This is what many democracies do. Remove the ban entirely.

Open the door fully and deal with the consequences. None of the options is clean. Each comes with trade-offs between inclusion and sovereignty.

The Bottom Line

The Council of State is defending an old idea: that to govern Ghana, one must belong to Ghana alone, in law as well as in heart. The counter-idea is newer but just as strong: that Ghana in 2026 is global, and leadership should reflect that.

Dual citizenship was created to keep the bond alive. The leadership question asks whether that bond can also include power.

How Parliament answers will say a lot about how Ghana sees itself as a country that protects its borders in law or as a country that draws strength from Ghanaians wherever they are.

The writer is a lecturer at University of Professional Studies, Marketing Department

The behaviour and discipline of citizens through responsible waste disposal, compliance with land-use regulations, and maintenance of private drainage, amongst others, cannot be overlooked.

Whilst not a prime contributor in isolation, such behaviours help keep drainage systems functional and reduce the pressures placed on urban flood management infrastructure.

By 2035, Greater Accra’s population is projected to rise from approximately 5.6 million today to about 6.5 million people, an increase of roughly 900,000 additional residents within a decade.

This growth will place enormous pressure on land, housing, infrastructure, and waste management systems.

At the same time, daily solid waste generation could rise towards 4,000 tonnes per day, increasing the risks of drain obstruction, pollution of waterways, and reduced effectiveness of existing flood infrastructure.

Against this background, the current flood mitigation approach, including the Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development (GARID) Project and wetland demolition exercises, must be examined against the scale of the future challenge.

1. Demolition of structures on wetlands does not automatically restore flood protection

It has been reported by the anti-flood task force that thousands of structures have been constructed on wetlands, waterways, and Ramsar-designated areas. One response has been the removal of buildings from these environmentally sensitive locations.

However, demolition alone does not restore the original flood protection function of these ecosystems.

In many cases, wetlands and waterways have already been altered before construction takes place. Land is filled, raised, compacted, and reclaimed before buildings are constructed. When structures are demolished, the following may remain:

• imported fill material;
• foundations and concrete slabs;
• altered soil profiles;
• blocked natural drainage pathways;
• reduced water storage capacity.

Therefore, demolition may remove the visible structure but not necessarily restore the land’s ability to absorb, retain, and slowly release stormwater.

A wetland that has been physically transformed into urban land cannot simply return to its original condition through demolition alone. Restoration requires engineering, ecological rehabilitation, removal of illegal fill material where feasible, reopening of drainage channels, and long-term protection.

2. The time gap between demolition and restoration creates a future vulnerability

Flood restoration projects are often slow because they require significant financial resources, technical studies, land management, and sustained political commitment.

This creates a major vulnerability.

If restoration takes several years while Accra’s population continues to grow by approximately 900,000 people over the next decade, pressure on available land will intensify. The same economic and housing pressures that encouraged development on wetlands in the first place will remain.

Without permanent protection mechanisms, reclaimed flood-prone land may again become attractive for settlement, commercial development, or political intervention.

3. Weak enforcement creates a risk of repeating the same cycle

Accra’s flooding problem has historically been worsened by inconsistent enforcement of planning regulations. A demolition programme may initially receive public support, but its long-term success depends on whether future administrations maintain the same commitment.

Political transitions create risks:

• enforcement priorities may change;
• illegal developments may gradually return;
• communities may wait for political conditions to change before reoccupying restricted areas.

This creates a cycle where enforcement becomes reactive rather than preventive: demolish after disasters occur, rebuild after attention fades, and repeat the process after the next flood.

A sustainable flood strategy must therefore move beyond periodic demolition and establish permanent systems of land protection, monitoring, and enforcement.

4. GARID addresses important problems but may not match the scale of Accra’s future growth

GARID is a necessary intervention because it improves drainage infrastructure, flood management capacity, solid waste management and resilience in vulnerable communities. However, the projected growth trajectory suggests that it cannot be viewed as a complete solution.

The challenge is that flood risk is increasing from several directions simultaneously:

• more people producing more waste;
• more impermeable surfaces from urban development;
• greater stormwater runoff;
• loss of wetlands and natural retention areas;
• increasing pressure on existing drainage systems.

A drainage improvement project can increase capacity, but it cannot fully compensate for the continued loss of natural flood buffers or unlimited urban expansion.

The city could therefore find itself in a situation where upgraded drainage infrastructure is repeatedly overwhelmed because the underlying causes of flooding continue expanding.

5. Accra needs a metropolitan-scale flood engineering strategy

The future protection of Accra requires moving from a project-based approach to a comprehensive metropolitan flood management system.

This should include:

• restoration and permanent protection of wetlands and waterways;
• aggressive waste reduction, recycling, and collection expansion;
• strict land-use controls;
• expanded stormwater infrastructure;
• flood forecasting and early warning systems;
• climate-resilient urban design.

However, given Accra’s level of urbanisation and limited remaining natural drainage capacity, conventional drainage improvements may not be sufficient on their own.

Large-scale engineering solutions should therefore be investigated, including underground stormwater conveyance systems, tunnels, retention infrastructure, and other forms of major flood-control engineering used in highly urbanised cities worldwide.

The principle is simple: as Accra becomes denser, it has less space to manage water naturally above ground. The city may increasingly require engineered systems capable of moving large volumes of stormwater rapidly away from vulnerable urban areas.

Conclusion

Accra’s flood problem cannot be solved through demolition alone, nor through drainage upgrades alone. By 2035, the City will be larger, denser, and generating significantly more waste than it does today.

A strategy based mainly on removing buildings after wetlands have already been reclaimed risks treating the symptoms rather than the causes. Likewise, drainage improvements without addressing urban growth, waste generation, and land-use failures will provide only temporary relief.

The future flood resilience of Accra requires an integrated approach: protecting the city’s remaining natural flood systems, restoring degraded wetlands where possible, permanently enforcing land-use regulations, expanding waste management capacity, and investing in major engineering solutions capable of managing the runoff generated by a metropolis of 6.5 million.

The central policy question is therefore not simply “How does Accra remove buildings from flood-prone areas?”

“How does Accra redesign itself to safely manage water in a rapidly growing megacity where natural flood protection is declining, and urban pressures are increasing?”

In reality, that brotherhood was put to the test this week when it emerged that Ghana had called off a state visit by the South African president.

The reasons cited: continued xenophobic attacks against Ghanaians and other Africans in South Africa.

A state visit cancellation isn’t a small gesture in diplomacy. It is a signal. And this sign could herald a shift in the direction of African states’ reactions when Pan-African solidarity comes into conflict with domestic violence against Africans.

A relationship built on liberation, not just trade

To appreciate the importance of this, we must go back.

In 1957, Ghana broke free of British colonial rule under Kwame Nkrumah and took on the mantle of the leader of African liberation.

Accra was a haven for exiles, training of guerrillas, and diplomatic support for movements combating colonialism and apartheid.

One of the early beneficiaries was the African National Congress. Ghana granted ANC members Ghanaian passports and supported their struggle at the UN on the international stage when apartheid South Africa was isolated.

Following 1994, the relationship developed, with Nelson Mandela and Jerry Rawlings strengthening economic and cultural relations between Ghana and South Africa.

South African firms made big investments in Ghana’s telecoms, retail and banking sectors. Many thousands of Ghanaians also moved to South Africa to learn and work.

The reported cancellation was all the more shocking given its shared history of struggle. It implies that if you want to do diplomacy as usual, history is no longer sufficient.

What the cancellation means for bilateral relations

The state visit is the highest form of state diplomacy. Cancelling it comes at a cost.

First, it is a symbolic downgrade.

It communicates to Pretoria that its domestic governance issues have become a foreign policy issue. Second, it runs the risk of a de facto freeze.

Joint commissions, AfCFTA trade agreements, and investment protection arrangements may be stalled. South African-based companies doing business in Ghana may come under greater pressure and public criticism.

Thirdly, it establishes a precedent. Ghana is stating that bilateral ties cannot be divorced from the way citizens are treated.

African countries have been more inclined towards “quiet diplomacy” when it comes to xenophobia for decades. Accra has just made it loud.

A signal to the rest of Africa

Ghanaians are not the only Africans targeted in South Africa.

Over the last 10 years, Nigerians, Zimbabweans, Mozambicans, Congolese and others have been subjected to similar attacks. Other African governments have tended to speak out and then do nothing.

By cancelling the visit, Ghana has altered the equation.

There is a clear message to other African states: they can be used to defend their citizens overseas.

The message to South Africa is more unambiguous:

African solidarity has strings attached. When one state does not take care of another state’s citizens in Africa, it will pay a diplomatic price.

More nations could follow Ghana’s lead, and South Africa may face concerted pressure instead of individual protests.

Pan-Africanism at a crossroads

There are two pillars of Pan-Africanism: political unity and solidarity of people.

The vision of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens, is captured in the words of Agenda 2063.

This crisis reveals the disconnect between words and deeds.

We are commemorating continental integration in Addis Ababa, and in some townships, we are witnessing fellow Africans being attacked for trading or renting property.

Ghana’s action raises a much-needed discussion.

Is Pan-Africanism simply a series of declarations and speeches? Or is it a binding norm that needs to be enforced?

I believe the African Union and ECOWAS could set a precedent if they support Ghana because there could be regional repercussions if there is xenophobic violence in Africa.

Else, Pan-Africanism is in danger of being perceived as a charade.

The International Relations lesson

Three fundamental IR theories are at play in this episode.

Norms influence state behaviour from a Constructivist point of view. Nkrumah and Mandela established a norm of African solidarity. Xenophobia violates it.

Ghana is upholding that norm and demonstrating that ideas, not just power, propel diplomacy.

States, from a Realist point of view, act to protect their citizens.

Ghana did not, and that is why it resorted to diplomatic costs. History was secondary to national interest.

Institutions such as the AU and AfCFTA are trust-based, from a Liberal Institutionalist prism.

The persistence of xenophobia is eroding that trust. Ghana’s switch is an alarm bell that economic integration without social integration is not possible.

The bigger lesson is the obvious one:

In 21st-century Africa, domestic policy is foreign policy. The way other states treat a state will depend on the way that state treats migrants.

Conclusion

This is more than one cancelled visit. It is Ghana saying to South Africa, and the continent, that liberation history does not get immunity; it gets goodwill.

The relationship could be restored and further strengthened if Pretoria takes steps to provide protection to foreign nationals and prosecute perpetrators. Otherwise, it could be the first significant break in the post-apartheid era of diplomacy.

Pan-Africanism is not going to be assassinated in a summit hall. Its death will be in a township. With the cancellation of this visit, Ghana has refused to allow this to happen in silence.

Disclosure statement

Narayana Osei-Nyarko is a postgraduate student at the University of Gold Coast, Accra, in the Graduate School of Law. His research interests are international law, security, and diplomacy in Africa.

A city that drowns on schedule

The choreography of an Accra flood is now so familiar that residents could stage it from memory. The first serious downpour of the season arrives, usually in May or June. Within hours, the Kaneshie First Light interchange is a brown lake, traders at Kwame Nkrumah Circle are hauling goods onto rooftops, and the Odaw channel, the drain that carries most of the city’s stormwater to the sea, has burst its banks into Alajo, Adabraka and Avenor. The National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO) issues casualty figures. A minister arrives in gumboots. An excavator is photographed dredging a drain. Promises are made. Then the sun comes out, and the city forgets until the next time.

The rains invariably take the blame, which is odd, because by global standards Accra is not a wet city. Its coastal savanna location gives it roughly 800 mm of rainfall a year, which is less than rainfall in Amsterdam (838 mm), and barely a third of what drenches Singapore (2,166 mm). Cities that absorb double or triple Accra’s rainfall do not routinely lose lives to it. In 1976, disaster researchers writing in Nature urged “taking the naturalness out of natural disasters”, arguing that hazards are natural but catastrophes are made. Accra proves the point every June. Rain causes floods. Decisions, accumulated over thirty years of building, dumping, permitting and postponing, turn them into disasters.

Thirty years of warnings

The pattern was set early. On 4 July 1995, a downpour paralysed the capital and killed at least 17 people; a committee was formed and a report written. Serious floods returned in 2001 and 2002, and again through the late 2000s. In October 2011, at least 14 people died and tens of thousands were displaced; the president of the day, Prof. John Evans Atta Mills, toured the wreckage, and officials promised that structures on waterways would come down. Few did.

Then came 3 June 2015, the night that should have changed everything. Torrential rain met blocked drains, and floodwater spread across Kwame Nkrumah Circle, where hundreds of commuters sheltered at a GOIL filling station. Fuel leaked into the water; a fire ignited and raced across it. More than 150 people died in a single night, a catastrophe equal parts flood, fire and failed urban management. The government declared three days of national mourning and vowed, once more, to dredge the Odaw and clear the waterways. Within weeks, bulldozers had flattened part of Old Fadama, the informal settlement sprawled along the Korle Lagoon, rendering thousands homeless, and then the momentum dissolved into court injunctions, protests and an election year.

The decade since has followed the script. In 2017, a new president, Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo, pledged to make Accra “the cleanest city in Africa” and created a sanitation ministry. In 2019, the World Bank approved $200m for the Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development programme, targeting flooding in the Odaw basin. In 2022 Parliament established a Hydrological Authority. Yet the city flooded in 2018, 2020, 2022 and virtually every year since; in 2024 and 2025 the waters returned on cue to Kaneshie and Adabraka, while spillage from the Weija dam overwhelmed communities downstream. Thirty years of flooding is not a sequence of misfortunes. It is one failure, repeating.

The anatomy of a man-made flood

Let’s begin with the arithmetic. Greater Accra held about 1.4m people at the 1984 census; the 2021 census counted 5.4m, and the built-up area has expanded faster still. Savanna, farmland and marsh that once soaked up rainfall have been sealed beneath concrete and asphalt, so a storm the landscape once absorbed now runs off almost entirely, and faster, into channels never enlarged to receive it.

Where the water goes is not mysterious. The Odaw and its tributaries, the Onyasia, the Nima and Kaneshie drains among them, have followed the same courses for centuries, and their floodplains are part of the river, occupied only at the occupier’s peril. Yet Accra has permitted, or failed to prevent, construction directly on watercourses, wetlands and floodplains. Ghana does not lack rules: a 2011 national buffer-zone policy prescribes setbacks of 10 to 60 metres along waterways, and the Land Use and Spatial Planning Act of 2016, alongside building regulations dating from 1996, sets out an orderly permitting regime. But planning officials have conceded that most structures in the city were built without approved permits. The problem is not an absence of law. It is an absence of consequence.

Enforcement fails for reasons as much political as administrative. District assemblies are underfunded and inspectors few; permits can be negotiated. When authorities mark illegal structures for demolition, injunctions follow, then telephone calls from the powerful, then an election. Buildings marked in red paint routinely outlive the officials who marked them.

Maintenance fails too. Desilting of major drains is treated as an emergency contract awarded when the clouds gather rather than a routine budget line, and much of the network consists of unlined channels that erode and silt within a season. Meanwhile, the drains double as the city’s default waste-disposal system. Accra generates roughly 3,000 tonnes of solid waste a day, and collection does not reach everyone; sachet plastics, mattresses and even furniture go into the gutters, and the first storm flushes them into culverts, which choke. Water that cannot move forward backs up into homes. No drain, however well engineered, functions when it is full of furniture.

The city has simultaneously destroyed its natural insurance. The Sakumo lagoon and the Densu delta, both Ramsar wetlands designated in the early 1990s, have been steadily nibbled away by housing estates, and satellite studies suggest the metropolis has lost the great majority of its wetland cover in three decades. Wetlands are sponges; tile and tarmac are not.

Rivers turned into gutters.

To stand on a bridge over the Odaw is to see the consequence. What was once a stream is a grey-black conveyor of sewage, industrial effluent and plastic, its surface in places so densely carpeted with sachets and bottles that it looks solid. It empties into the Korle Lagoon, which researchers have described as among the most polluted water bodies anywhere; successive dredging and restoration projects since the late 1990s, costing tens of millions of dollars, have been overwhelmed by the silt and refuse that keep arriving. Ghana produces an estimated 1.1m tonnes of plastic waste a year and recycles perhaps 5% of it. The drains, in effect, are the recycling system.

None of this is destiny, as cities with far worse hydrology demonstrate. Singapore receives nearly three times Accra’s rainfall yet rarely suffers catastrophic flooding: its water agency polices drainage reserves ruthlessly, requires developers to detain stormwater on site, and under its Active, Beautiful, Clean Waters programme has turned drains into assets; a three-kilometre concrete canal was remade in 2012 as a meandering river through Bishan-Ang Mo Kio Park, doubling as a floodplain in storms.

Seoul demolished an elevated motorway to resurrect the Cheonggyecheon stream in 2005, turning a covered sewer into a flood channel that doubles as its most beloved public space. Munich spent a decade renaturalising eight kilometres of the Isar, widening its floodplain through the heart of the city. Zurich has “daylighted” some 20 kilometres of buried brooks since the late 1980s, and Swiss hazard maps carry the force of law: in the red zone, nobody builds, however well connected. Copenhagen, swamped in July 2011 by a cloudburst that caused around $1bn of damage, responded not with a committee but with a 300-project Cloudburst Management Plan that is redesigning streets as channels and parks as reservoirs, funded across political cycles. In the Netherlands, elected water boards have levied their own taxes since the Middle Ages, so maintenance never loses a budget fight, and Amsterdam, with more rain than Accra, keeps its feet dry.

No city is flood-proof: Seoul lost lives to basement flooding in 2022, and Copenhagen’s plan was born of its own disaster. The difference lies in what happens next. These cities respond to floods by rebuilding systems rather than reciting promises, and they treat rivers as public assets; property values rise along restored banks, rather than as dumps. Wealth helps, but sequencing matters more: enforcement and maintenance cost a small fraction of what disasters do. Accra pays in relief and reconstruction what it declines to pay in prevention.

The courage deficit

Why, then, does the crisis persist? Because every genuine remedy is politically expensive. Demolishing structures in waterways means confronting not only poor settlers but wealthy developers whose gated estates sit on wetlands; it means absorbing court battles, compensation claims and lost votes. Prosecuting the officials who approved unlawful developments means the political class disciplining itself. For three decades it has proved easier to dredge a drain for the cameras.

There is a genuine equity problem, and honesty requires acknowledging it. Ghana’s housing deficit, estimated at around 1.8m units, pushes the poor onto land nobody else wants, which is often land the water wants. Bulldozers without alternatives are cruelty; enforcement paired with notice, resettlement and compensation is governance. Both halves are necessary; both cost money and nerve.

There are flickers of resolve. Within weeks of taking office in January 2025, a new administration moved against structures encroaching on the Sakumono Ramsar site, precisely the sort of operation governments usually announce and abandon. History counsels scepticism: the post-2015 clearances died in injunctions and electoral arithmetic. The real test is not one demolition but consistency, whether enforcement applies to the mansion as readily as to the kiosk, and whether it survives the next election. Copenhagen’s most transferable lesson is not hydrological but political: its plan was designed to outlast governments. Floods ignore electoral calendars; flood policy must too.

What must be done

The agenda is not obscure; most of it already sits in official reports. First, information and enforcement: publish legally binding flood-risk maps for the entire metropolis, Zurich-fashion, and refuse permits in high-risk zones without exception; digitise and audit the permit system; fund inspectors; and create fast-track courts for planning and sanitation offences. A single conviction of an official who signed an unlawful approval would achieve more than ten committees of inquiry.

Second, clearance and restoration: remove structures from primary waterways with due process and resettlement support; restore the Odaw-Korle corridor as a linear park on the Seoul and Munich template; give the remaining Ramsar wetlands absolute protection; and convert the 2011 buffer-zone policy into enforceable law.

Third, infrastructure and waste: complete the World Bank-financed drainage and detention works, then fund their upkeep through a ring-fenced annual maintenance levy, Dutch-style, rather than episodic emergency contracts; require new developments to retain stormwater on site, as Singapore does; extend waste collection to every neighbourhood, impose producer responsibility on the plastics industry, and enforce dumping penalties, paired with public education that links duty to service, because residents stop dumping when the trucks actually come. Finally, accountability: an annual flood-mitigation report to Parliament, naming the works completed, the money spent and the officials responsible.

The choice

Climate change will make West African downpours sharper and less predictable. That strengthens, rather than weakens, the case that governance is decisive, because the margin for self-inflicted error is shrinking. Everything about Accra’s next flood is already known: where the water will go, roughly when, and who will suffer. Ghana does not lack laws, plans or studies; it lacks execution and consequence. The Cheonggyecheon was once a slum-covered sewer beneath a motorway, and the Isar a sterile canal: cities choose their rivers, and can choose again. The rain is the only natural thing in this story. Nature will keep sending water to Accra every June; whether it arrives in a city designed to receive it, or one arranged to be ruined by it, is a human decision deferred for thirty years. The water, unlike the politicians, always keeps its appointments.

National associations have been suspended for government interference. Players have been sanctioned for political statements.

Teams have been forced to alter their kits, remove symbols and even abandon armbands because FIFA insisted that football must remain politically neutral.

Yet, in one astonishing decision, FIFA appears to have undermined the very principle it has spent years defending.

The decision to suspend the automatic one-match ban handed to USMNT striker, Folarin Balogun after his red card has created a credibility crisis that extends far beyond one player or one World Cup match.

Reports indicate the decision followed direct lobbying by political figures in the United States, including calls from the White House to FIFA President Gianni Infantino.

FIFA insists it acted within its disciplinary code, but the timing and circumstances have inevitably raised uncomfortable questions about political influence.

The issue is not whether Balogun deserved the red card. Reasonable football people can disagree on that.

The issue is whether the rules should suddenly become flexible because the player represents the tournament hosts and influential political figures decide to intervene.

For years, FIFA has demonstrated remarkable rigidity whenever politics intersect with football.

European teams at the 2022 FIFA World Cup were prevented from wearing the “OneLove” captain’s armband after FIFA threatened sporting sanctions.

National federations have repeatedly been warned against displaying political messages on shirts.

Teams have been instructed to remove symbols and insignia deemed political or contrary to FIFA regulations.

Even governments have seen their football associations suspended whenever political interference was judged to have crossed FIFA’s red lines.

The message has always been unmistakable.

Politics must never dictate football. Unless, it now seems, the politics come from Washington. That is what makes this episode so troubling.

Only days earlier, FIFA’s own regulations were being interpreted as leaving no avenue to overturn Balogun’s automatic suspension.

Then came reported political lobbying. Suddenly, a disciplinary solution emerged through Article 27 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code, allowing the sanction to be suspended on probation.

UEFA has described the move as “unprecedented” and warned that it undermines the integrity of the competition.

Rules are only respected when they are applied equally. The smallest football nation deserves the same treatment as the tournament host.

The least influential federation deserves the same hearing as the most powerful government.

Once football supporters begin to believe that phone calls from politicians can achieve what appeals and regulations cannot, confidence in the game’s governance begins to crumble.

Imagine if this precedent had involved a smaller football nation. Would the same discretion have been exercised?

Would FIFA have searched for the same legal flexibility? Those are questions FIFA has unfortunately invited.

The governing body now finds itself caught in its own contradiction.

It cannot continue preaching political neutrality while appearing to bend when political pressure comes from the world’s most powerful office.

Football survives because its rules are bigger than its stars.

FIFA survives because its credibility is bigger than its president.

Both principles have been weakened by the Balogun decision.

The greatest threat to football is not a controversial red card.

It is the perception that justice wears different colours depending on the flag involved.

The writer, Joshua Tigo, is a football enthusiast and journalist.

Every worker, every government official, every traditional leader, everybody who thinks of themselves as somebody, always has a reason to be late for work, a meeting or an event. Even brides and bridegrooms (but especially brides) tend to have reasons to be late for their own wedding, more often than not. How can two people be in courtship for over two years, spend several months planning their wedding and inviting guests, and yet find a reason to be late to the main event, keeping their guests waiting? Pastors can’t start church services on time and finish same on time, choosing instead to spiritually blackmail church members by claiming members have time for ‘worldly’ events and so should not complain when church services don’t end on time. The radio pastor would spend hours on air but irritatingly can’t finish on time for the news bulletin to begin as scheduled. Sometimes you would hear the headlines on the BBC World Service and when you tune in to your local station, it’s now that someone is wrapping up their show to allow the news presenter to begin.

You look across almost every sphere of society in Ghana and wonder if most Ghanaians from top to bottom have something against time. The question is, why can’t Ghanaians be on time in Ghana?

For me, the issue is not attitudinal or behavioural. It is systemic. It is about a system that accepts excuses. It is about a system that rewards rather than punish lateness and deviant behaviour. It is about a system that is too forgiving for its own good. It is about a system that pays workers for being on payroll rather than for showing up and putting in a shift. It is about a system that shows inordinate reverence to undeserving people who do not even care to show leadership and whose only command of respect stems from the authority of their office and nothing more.

Ghanaians outside Ghana would drive through rain, hail, snow and thick fog in order to get to work on time. No supervisor will accept excuses. You won’t get paid at the end of the week for the hours you did not clock in. Repeated lateness to work will get you the sack. No pastor or imam will be able to call your employer or supervisor to plead for you to get back your job. Yes, I have driven under snowy, foggy conditions to get to work in different places in England, where one could not see beyond 10 metres and so had to drive very slowly. When you know the road conditions, you set off early enough and make allowance for those road conditions. And that is because your employer or supervisor who has deadlines to meet and supplies to deliver, will have no sympathy for you because road conditions were harsh.

And, as someone who has worked in the aviation industry, I know that Ghanaians who fly – whether on domestic or international flights – don’t regularly miss their flights! Our ultra important and super busy Ministers of State who can’t report on time for any official event or meeting, manage to skip their busy schedules and manage to beat the usual rush-hour traffic in order to check in on time at the airport and board the aircraft on time for their trips. Outside the country, these important people don’t miss their trains or buses and get to IMF and World Bank spring meetings on time. There is absolutely no excuse for any Ghanaian being late for any meeting or event in Ghana, except when there is a genuine act of God, like the flooding on Monday, 29 June 2026.

The main reason many Ghanaians can’t seem to be able to be on time in Ghana is a system that does not exact accountability, a system that does not respect time and a system that does not show respect for others. As long as we accept excuses for lateness, nothing will change. We have to start treating ‘apology for being late’ and ‘apology for starting late’ with disgust, not reverence. We have to begin to rebuke people who show up late for meetings and events, rather than allow them to give fake apologies. We need to stop payment of monthly salaries based on being on payroll, and start a productivity-based, clock-in system with strong supervision that ensures that people will show up to work on time without excuses. Until we get grips with being on time in Ghana, this unacceptable waste of time and productivity will continue to retard the country’s development.

It is a reminder that history is often driven not by inevitability but by decisions made in moments of uncertainty.

That lesson extends far beyond one city.

Every generation inherits the consequences of choices made before it. Some decisions have expanded freedom, strengthened institutions and created new opportunities. Others have prolonged conflict, weakened economies and eroded public trust.

History does not simply unfold. More often, it reflects how societies respond to difficult choices. The same reality is visible whenever governments gather to confront global challenges.

Whether the agenda is security, economic recovery, climate policy or artificial intelligence, public attention naturally focuses on speeches, declarations and diplomatic symbolism. Yet the lasting significance of these meetings is determined only afterwards, when governments decide whether commitments translate into policies and whether agreements produce measurable results.

The distance between ambition and achievement is measured by decisions.

History offers compelling examples. Europe’s post-Second World War reconstruction rested on political choices that prioritised cooperation over renewed confrontation. Peaceful democratic movements across Central and Eastern Europe demonstrated that sustained civic action could transform political systems. More recently, the international response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has shown that decisions made in capitals around the world continue to shape security, economic resilience and the future of European cooperation.

None of these moments produced perfect outcomes, yet they showed that leadership is tested most when the path ahead is uncertain. Today’s challenges demand the same resolve.

Wars continue to displace communities and reshape international relations. Climate change is transforming economies and livelihoods. Artificial intelligence is advancing faster than many regulatory systems can keep pace with, while misinformation and political polarisation continue to erode confidence in democratic institutions.

Meeting these challenges requires more than expertise, financial resources or technological innovation. It requires leaders prepared to look beyond immediate political pressures and citizens willing to stay engaged long after the headlines fade.

Responsibility does not rest with governments alone. Businesses shape whether innovation serves the public good. Journalists strengthen accountability by pursuing verified facts with independence and fairness. Universities prepare future leaders to navigate an increasingly complex world. Citizens reinforce democracy through participation, informed debate and the simple act of voting.

History also offers a quieter warning. Decisions delayed can be as consequential as those made. Reforms postponed, institutions neglected and public trust allowed to erode rarely repair themselves. More often, the costs are passed on to future generations.

That is why Gdańsk continues to matter. It reminds us that history is not preserved only in monuments or museums. It lives in the consequences of the choices made by those who recognised that difficult decisions could change a nation’s direction.

The same will be true of our own time.

Years from now, today’s summits, negotiations and public debates will be remembered not only for the speeches they produced but also for the decisions they inspired—and for whether those decisions left societies more secure, more resilient and better prepared for the future.

Ultimately, the world is shaped by decisions.

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Homes are submerged, businesses suffer heavy losses, roads become impassable, public infrastructure is damaged, and, tragically, lives are sometimes lost.

After every major flood, public attention quickly turns to government, climate change, drainage systems, or rainfall intensity. While these are undoubtedly important factors, they do not tell the whole story.

The uncomfortable truth is that many of our floods are preventable. Rain may be natural, but flooding on the scale we repeatedly experience is largely a human-made disaster.

Every year, thousands of tonnes of plastic waste, silt, sand, household refuse, and construction debris enter drains, streams, lagoons, and rivers.

As these drainage channels become blocked, stormwater has nowhere to flow, leading to widespread flooding.

The current flooding in Accra and several parts of Ghana could have been significantly reduced if waste had been properly disposed of, drains had remained free of refuse, and routine public cleansing and drain maintenance had continued at full scale. Flood prevention begins long before the first raindrop falls.

Waste is blocking our drains

Ghana generates approximately 12,000-13,000 tonnes of municipal solid waste every day, yet only a portion is properly collected, treated, recycled, or recovered.

Accra alone produces about 2,800 tonnes of waste daily, with an estimated 600 tonnes left uncollected, much of which eventually finds its way into drains, streams, and waterways.

The waste stream is predominantly organic (about 54-69%), while plastics account for approximately 10-16%, making them one of the most visible causes of blocked drainage systems.

Furthermore, 80-90% of Ghana’s waste is disposed of at open or controlled dumpsites rather than being recycled.

During heavy rains, improperly disposed plastics, silt, and other debris accumulate at culverts, bridges, and drainage outlets, creating artificial barriers that force stormwater back into communities.

As engineers often observe, drains rarely fail because they are too small; they fail because they are blocked.

The role of public cleansing

For many years, the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) Public Cleansing Programme, implemented in partnership with Zoomlion Ghana Limited, played a vital role in reducing this risk.

Tens of thousands of public cleansing operatives worked daily across Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs), cleaning streets, sweeping public places, clearing drains, desilting gutters, collecting litter, and educating communities about proper sanitation practices.

These activities formed one of Ghana’s largest preventive environmental sanitation interventions.

Following the non-renewal of Zoomlion’s YEA Public Cleansing Contract, these routine activities have been significantly reduced and, in some places, stopped altogether!

Although the MMDAs continue to undertake sanitation interventions within their available resources, the absence of the tens of thousands of dedicated public cleansing operatives has inevitably created gaps in routine maintenance.

Consequently, drains that previously received frequent attention now accumulate silt, weeds, plastics, and other debris much more rapidly, especially during the rainy season.

Why preventive maintenance matters

The contribution of these public cleansing teams cannot be overstated.

They regularly removed silt, plastics, sand, leaves, and other debris from drains and gutters, restoring drainage capacity and allowing stormwater to flow freely rather than overflowing into homes and businesses.

This preventive maintenance significantly reduced blockages before they escalated into serious flooding hazards.

The teams also removed refuse from markets, roadsides, lorry stations, open spaces, and public areas before it could be washed into drains and waterways.

Every piece of litter collected meant one fewer item that could block drainage systems during heavy rainfall.

Before each major rainy season, Zoomlion/YEA public cleansing operatives desilted primary and secondary drainage channels, removing accumulated sediment that reduced water-carrying capacity.

These desilting exercises helped drainage systems function more effectively during periods of heavy rainfall.

Whenever flooding occurred, public cleansing teams were often among the first to respond.

They undertook emergency clean-up operations, removing debris left by floodwaters, clearing blocked drains, restoring road access, and supporting communities in returning to normal life as quickly as possible.

Beyond physical cleaning, these operatives also served as environmental educators for their peers in their respective communities.

Through community engagement, public education campaigns, market education, school campaigns, and household interactions, Zoomlion also encouraged proper waste disposal, discouraged dumping into drains, promoted environmental responsibility, and reinforced good sanitation practices.

Behavioural change remains one of the most effective long-term solutions to urban flooding.

Flood prevention is a shared responsibility

Government intervention alone can never eliminate flooding. Environmental sanitation is a shared responsibility requiring active participation from every stakeholder.

The Assemblies (MMDAs) bear primary responsibility for planning, regulating, and managing environmental sanitation within their jurisdictions.

Beyond ensuring regular waste collection, maintaining drains, and educating the public, they must rigorously enforce sanitation laws by arresting and prosecuting offenders who litter, dump waste indiscriminately, or obstruct drains.

Without consistent law enforcement, lasting behavioural change is unlikely.

Countries such as Rwanda and Singapore, which are often cited as among the world’s cleanest, achieved this status through strict enforcement of sanitation laws, sustained public education, and meaningful penalties for offenders.

Ghana must adopt a similarly firm, consistent, and non-partisan approach to sanitation law enforcement if we are to reduce flooding, protect public health, and build cleaner, more resilient communities.

The National Sanitation Day (NSD), relaunched on 6th September 2025 at the Institute of Local Government Studies, Madina, by H.E. President John Dramani Mahama, provides Ghana with an important platform for restoring community ownership of environmental sanitation.

However, its success depends on effective local implementation.

MMDCEs, as political and administrative heads of the Assemblies, have the statutory responsibility to ensure the NSD is properly organised and sustained within their jurisdictions.

They must mobilise communities, enforce sanitation laws and by-laws, coordinate clean-up exercises, desilt drains, remove refuse from public spaces, and monitor compliance.

When supported by consistent public education, law enforcement, and active citizen participation, the NSD can significantly reduce indiscriminate waste disposal, minimise flooding, improve public health, and foster a lasting culture of cleanliness across the country.

The private sector, including sanitation service providers, recycling companies, engineering firms, and environmental consultants, provides essential operational capacity.

Their investment in waste collection, recycling, drain maintenance, public education, and environmental innovation complements government efforts and strengthens national sanitation systems.

Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Community-Based Organisations (CBOs), Faith-Based Organisations (FBOs), youth groups, and civil society organisations also play indispensable roles.

They mobilise volunteers for clean-up exercises, run environmental education campaigns, advocate for improved sanitation policies, support recycling initiatives, organise community awareness programmes, and encourage behavioural change at the grassroots level.

Individual residents carry perhaps the greatest responsibility. Every citizen must dispose of waste properly, avoid dumping refuse into drains, separate recyclable waste where possible, maintain clean surroundings, participate in community clean-up exercises, report blocked drains, discourage littering, and teach children responsible environmental behaviour.

All households should own and use appropriate waste bins for waste storage. Flood prevention begins with individual choices made every single day.

Climate change is making matters worse

Climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme rainfall events across many regions.

Rapid urbanisation has also resulted in more paved surfaces, fewer natural areas for water absorption, and increased pressure on existing drainage infrastructure.

These realities demand even greater investment in preventive sanitation, not less.

The economics are straightforward. Preventive sanitation costs far less than disaster recovery.

Every cedi invested in routine drain maintenance, waste collection, desilting, and public cleansing saves many more cedis that would otherwise be spent repairing roads, replacing damaged infrastructure, compensating victims, restoring businesses, responding to emergencies, treating disease outbreaks, and rebuilding flood-damaged communities.

Flood prevention should not be viewed simply as a sanitation issue but as an investment in public health, economic growth, environmental protection, infrastructure preservation, and national resilience.

A national call to action

The solution is shared. Government has responsibilities. MMDAs have responsibilities. Private sanitation providers have responsibilities. NGOs have responsibilities. Communities have responsibilities. Above all, every Ghanaian has a responsibility.

If we dispose of waste responsibly, support routine public cleansing, invest in preventive maintenance, protect our drains, and work together throughout the year, not only after disasters, we can significantly reduce the devastating floods that have become almost predictable during every rainy season.

Floods may begin with rain, but disasters begin when we neglect sanitation. Na Who Cause Am?

The write, Dr Robert Kwaku Adjei, is the Writers Bureau Manager for Zoomlion Ghana Limited and the Supervising Editor of EcoWatch Newspaper.

Email: adjeirobert@yahoo.com

This time, some of Accra’s most prestigious neighbourhoods, East Legon, Dzorwulu, Airport Residential Area, and Tse Addo, were submerged, with homes, businesses, and roads disappearing beneath floodwaters.

The disaster once again exposed a truth many prospective homeowners and investors have ignored for years: an expensive location does not necessarily guarantee a safe investment.

For decades, property buyers have assumed that purchasing land in a prime location automatically guarantees long-term value.

However, climate change, rapid urbanisation, weak planning enforcement, and unregulated development are changing the rules of real estate.

Today, one of the most important questions a buyer should ask is not “Is this a prime location?” but “Will this property still be habitable and valuable after the next major rainfall?”

The June 29 floods should become a turning point in how Ghana plans, develops, and purchases real estate.

Flooding Has Become a Real Estate Issue

Flooding is no longer simply an environmental or disaster management problem. It has become one of the greatest risks facing Ghana’s property market.

Every flood destroys value: homes suffer structural damage, foundations weaken, electrical systems fail, furniture, vehicles, and equipment are lost, and insurance costs rise.

Rental income disappears while repairs are undertaken. Buyers become reluctant to purchase properties in affected communities, reducing both demand and resale values.

For developers, repeated flooding can damage years of investment and destroy confidence in an entire neighbourhood.

In countries with mature property markets, flood risk is now considered alongside schools, accessibility, crime, and infrastructure when valuing real estate. Ghana must begin doing the same.

Prime Addresses Are No Longer Immune

Many Ghanaians were shocked that areas traditionally regarded as premium residential locations were among those badly affected.

East Legon, Airport Residential Area, Dzorwulu, and Tse Addo have attracted billions of cedis in private investment over the past two decades. Luxury homes, apartment complexes, hotels, and commercial developments dominate these communities.

Yet on June 29, many roads became rivers and expensive homes were inundated by floodwater.

The lesson is clear. Property prices alone do not determine whether land is suitable for development. Good planning does.

The Planning Failure Behind the Floods

One uncomfortable truth that Ghana must confront is that many communities are effectively planned before government ever arrives. Across much of the country, traditional authorities allocate, demarcate, and sell land.

Chiefs and family heads often oversee the initial subdivision of land into plots, creating layouts that later become permanent communities.

This points to the important role traditional authorities play in land administration and community leadership. However, urban planning requires specialised technical expertise which they might not have.

It involves hydrology, transportation engineering, drainage design, environmental management, and long-term infrastructure planning. Unfortunately, in many cases these technical considerations receive little attention before plots are sold.

By the time Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies become involved, hundreds of houses have already been constructed.

Roads are too narrow, storm drains are inadequate, natural waterways have disappeared, wetlands have been filled, and flood plains have become residential estates. Correcting these mistakes afterwards becomes extremely expensive, if not impossible.

Weak Enforcement Is Making the Situation Worse

Planning failures alone do not explain Ghana’s flooding crisis. Equally concerning is the apparent inability or unwillingness of planning authorities to enforce existing laws.

Across Accra, buildings continue to appear on waterways, wetlands, and drainage reservations. Developments that should never have received approval are completed without interruption.

In many communities, residents witness construction taking place directly within flood channels while authorities take little or no action.

The Assemblies often appear to watch developments unfold until entire neighbourhoods have been completed, after which enforcement becomes politically difficult and socially disruptive. Planning regulations mean little if violations carry no consequences.

What Every Property Buyer Should Look Out For

The June 29 floods should fundamentally change how buyers assess property. Instead of focusing solely on location, price, and aesthetics, buyers should investigate flood risk with the same seriousness as they investigate land ownership.

Before purchasing any property, buyers should consider:

· Whether the area has experienced flooding in previous rainy seasons.
· Whether neighbouring residents report recurring flood incidents.
· The natural topography of the land. Low-lying areas are generally more vulnerable.
· The quality and capacity of existing drainage systems.
· Whether nearby streams or waterways have been built over.
· Whether the property lies within a natural drainage path.
· Whether roads remain accessible after heavy rainfall.
· Whether there are visible signs of previous flooding, including water stains, repaired walls, or raised electrical installations.
· Whether proper planning approval and drainage designs were obtained before construction.

Developers should also conduct professional site investigations, including topographical surveys and drainage assessments, before committing significant investment.

Ignoring these precautions can result in losses that far exceed any savings made during the purchase.

Developers Also Have a Responsibility

The real estate industry cannot place all blame on government. Developers must resist the temptation to maximise the number of plots at the expense of proper infrastructure.

Every development should incorporate adequate drainage, preserve natural watercourses, and allocate sufficient open space to absorb stormwater. Road networks should be designed not only for vehicles but also for effective drainage.

Building responsibly may reduce short-term profits, but it significantly increases long-term property value and protects lives. Responsible developers should see flood resilience as a selling point rather than an additional cost.

A New Way Forward

Ghana needs fundamental reforms if future disasters are to be avoided.

First, comprehensive planning should precede land sales, not follow them. Communities should only be demarcated after professional planning has been completed and approved.

Second, planning authorities must regain control over urban development through stronger enforcement of existing regulations.

Third, every major housing development should include independent flood-risk and drainage assessments before approval.

Fourth, modern flood-risk mapping should be made publicly available so buyers can make informed decisions before investing.

Finally, illegal developments obstructing waterways should be addressed consistently and fairly, regardless of the status or influence of those involved.

The Cost of Doing Nothing

Floods should not be viewed as unavoidable natural disasters.

Rainfall is natural. Disasters occur when poor planning meets heavy rain.

The June 29 floods did not simply expose weaknesses in our drainage systems; they exposed weaknesses in our planning system, our enforcement institutions, and our approach to urban development.

If Ghana continues to allow unplanned development, ignores encroachment on waterways, and delays difficult planning decisions, today’s flood-prone neighbourhoods will only expand tomorrow.

The true measure of a prime property is no longer its location or market price. It is its resilience.

For property buyers, developers, and policymakers alike, flood risk must now become one of the most important considerations in every real estate decision. Because in today’s Ghana, the most expensive house can quickly become the costliest mistake.

About the author:

Curtis Tetteh Djaba (Nene Tetteh Nanor Odjidji II) is the CEO of Dromi Homes Co. Ltd, a real estate development firm specializing in private and commercial properties, Airbnb hosting, and business development.

He also serves as the Chief of New Somanya Traditional Area in the Eastern Region of Ghana.

Lives have been disrupted, homes submerged, businesses destroyed, and livelihoods threatened.

Gutters are choked with plastic and solid waste. Rivers and drains can no longer contain the pressure of heavy rains. The result is devastation.

As Ghanaians search for answers, one uncomfortable question must be asked: Did the cancellation of the YEA-Zoomlion sanitation contract contribute significantly to the sanitation crisis we are witnessing today? Answer is yes.

But this question is not about assigning simplistic blame. It is about honestly assessing whether decisions made in the name of reform have produced better outcomes or worsened existing problems.

For over a decade, my brother one of Ghana’s investigative journalists Manasseh Azure Awuni consistently criticized Zoomlion Ghana Limited and its contracts with government, especially those relating to sanitation and waste management.

His investigations raised concerns about transparency, value for money, and operational efficiency.

He has been widely quoted to have said government should cancel the contracts with Zoomlion describing them as dubiuos, shady etc. At last the contract was refused renewal in 2025.

In every democracy, such scrutiny is important. Accountability matters.

However, accountability must also be balanced with national interest and practical realities.

The danger arises when public pressure generated through sustained criticism and one’s disinterest leads to decisions driven more by sentiment than by strategic planning. That is where I believe Ghana may have made a costly mistake.

The cancellation of the YEA-Zoomlion contract was welcomed by some people  who believed Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) could independently manage waste collection and sanitation services more effectively. That assumption now deserves serious re-examination.

The evidence on the ground is troubling. Indeed it smacks of a total system collapse.

Sanitation conditions in many parts of Ghana have deteriorated. Waste accumulation is becoming more visible. Drainage systems are increasingly clogged.

Flooding incidents appear more frequent and more severe, even at the start of the rainy season.

This is not merely a weather problem. It is also a waste management problem caused by our biases against Ghanaian companies.

For years, Zoomlion played a central role in coordinating sanitation activities nationwide successfully.

One may debate contract structures, payment models, or implementation gaps, but few can deny that the company built an extensive operational system that supported waste collection, drain desilting, and environmental sanitation in communities across Ghana.

The reality is that waste management at national scale requires logistics, coordination, infrastructure, manpower, and discipline.

It is not enough to assume local assemblies can simply absorb such responsibilities overnight.

I have consistently argued that MMDAs face structural challenges, including political interference, inadequate funding, procurement bottlenecks, and competing local interests. These realities weaken their ability to deliver consistent sanitation services at scale.

Sadly, current developments seem to confirm these concerns.

Today, many assemblies are visibly struggling to manage waste just in one and a half years. The consequences are being felt by ordinary citizens through poor sanitation and worsening floods.

This is why I believe government must honestly reassess the decision.

As someone who supported President John Dramani Mahama’s return to power and worked hard in that political journey, I must admit my disappointment with this policy direction.

Leadership requires listening to citizens, yes, but leadership also requires resisting pressure when long-term consequences have not been fully considered.

Not every popular demand leads to good policy outcomes.

Sometimes the loudest voices shape public opinion, but practical governance requires careful judgment, consultation, and evidence-based decisions.

I have never argued that Ghanaian companies are beyond criticism simply because they are local. No institution is perfect. Every company, whether local or foreign, must be held accountable.

My approach has always been straightforward: where there are concerns, stakeholders should engage, identify weaknesses, and implement reforms.

That is how nations grow. We build by correcting and improving, not by dismantling without a stronger replacement.

The goal should never be destruction. The goal should be improvement.

In the case of Zoomlion, perhaps reforms were necessary. Perhaps stronger accountability mechanisms were needed. But was outright cancellation the best solution? And that was what my brother Manasseh advocated and got at last.

Looking at current realities, many Ghanaians are beginning to ask whether we threw away a functioning system without adequately preparing a better alternative.

The flooding crisis should serve as a wake-up call.

Government must urgently review Ghana’s sanitation architecture and assess whether current structures are fit for purpose.

This should not be a matter of politics, media narratives, or personal victories. It should be about protecting lives, safeguarding property, and preserving public health.

Encouragingly, despite the contract cancellation and criticism, Zoomlion Ghana Limited and the Jospong Group have once again demonstrated commitment to national service through emergency interventions following the recent floods.

Their corporate social responsibility efforts, including desilting gutters, disinfecting, evacuating waste, and supporting sanitation interventions in affected areas, are commendable.

These actions are critical in reducing the risk of cholera and other communicable diseases that often follow flooding.

This is the kind of national collaboration Ghana needs.

The sanitation crisis before us demands pragmatism, not pride and point scoring. It demands solutions, not ideological battles.

Government should therefore reconsider its position on the cancelled contract or, at the very least, engage all relevant stakeholders to develop a stronger, more effective national sanitation framework.

Ghana cannot afford to lose the fight against filth.

Today, Zoomlion has following its 20years track record of effective and transformative waste management in Ghana spread its tentacles across Africa and its operating in over 29 African countries.

Yes, that is it Zoomlion has a 30years waste management contract with Nigeria-Abuja, Kenya and many others. They came to love Zoomlion’s operations in Ghana and embraced it in their own countries.

The floods have spoken loudly in Zoomlion’s mother homeland Ghana following an unpopular decision we all took thinking about destruction without improvement.

If we want let’s listen together, if not let’s wallow in our filth forever together.

I come in peace:

The writer, Francis Atayure Abirigo, is a Development Communications expert, a student of law, politics and a PhD Candidate in Social Change Communication at the Facutly of Communication, Innovation and Media Studies, UDS-Nyankpala.

The latest floods that swept through parts of Accra have once again exposed not merely a failure of drainage systems but a deeper failure of leadership, planning, enforcement, and collective responsibility.

Images circulating across social media are haunting: vehicles submerged almost to their roofs, terrified families carrying children through waist-deep water, traders watching years of investment vanish in minutes, and emergency responders risking their lives to save others.

This is no longer a natural disaster. It is a manufactured national embarrassment.
Rain does not kill people. Negligence does.

The conversations dominating social media reflect a public that has reached its breaking point. Across Facebook, X, TikTok, Instagram, and online news portals, one message echoes consistently: Enough is enough.

Many Ghanaians are asking painful but legitimate questions. How can a city that has experienced decades of flooding still be caught so unprepared? Why do we continue to permit construction on waterways?

Why are drains left clogged with plastic waste despite countless public education campaigns? Why are recommendations after every disaster forgotten before the next rainy season?

Most importantly, who is being held accountable? These are not questions born out of anger alone. They are questions born from grief.

For too long, flooding in Accra has been treated as an unavoidable seasonal inconvenience rather than the national emergency it has become.

Yet cities around the world experience heavier rainfall without descending into annual chaos. The difference lies not in geography but in governance.

The tragedy unfolding in Accra is the consequence of years of poor urban planning, weak enforcement of building regulations, inadequate investment in drainage infrastructure, political short-termism, and an alarming culture of impunity.

Illegal structures continue to rise where rivers once flowed freely. Storm drains become dumping grounds for plastic bottles, refuse, and construction debris.

Wetlands that once absorbed excess water are sacrificed for real estate developments.
Nature always reclaims what belongs to it.

When water cannot follow its natural course, it creates a new one—through homes, markets, schools, hospitals, and highways.

Yet government alone cannot shoulder the blame. Citizens who dump refuse into drains cannot absolve themselves of responsibility.

Landowners who knowingly build on waterways gamble not only with their own lives but with the safety of entire communities.

Developers who bypass regulations, and officials who look the other way in exchange for political or financial convenience, become silent partners in every flood-related death.
The floodwaters expose more than our streets.

They expose our values. What makes this year’s devastation particularly heartbreaking is not simply the physical destruction but the emotional exhaustion visible across the nation.

Young entrepreneurs who invested their savings have lost everything overnight. Parents wonder how they will replace school supplies soaked beyond recovery.

Families mourn loved ones whose only mistake was being caught in a city that has repeatedly failed to protect them.

Behind every viral video lies a human story. Behind every trending hashtag lies someone’s nightmare.

The true cost of flooding cannot be measured only in cedis spent on damaged infrastructure.

It must also account for interrupted education, lost livelihoods, declining investor confidence, rising insurance costs, increased healthcare burdens, psychological trauma, and the growing belief among citizens that disaster has become normal.

Nothing could be more dangerous than normalising preventable tragedy. Our response must move beyond sympathy.

Emergency relief is essential, but relief without reform is merely preparation for the next disaster. Accra needs more than promises made during press conferences.

It requires an integrated flood resilience strategy backed by political courage rather than political convenience. Drainage systems must be redesigned for today’s urban realities, not yesterday’s population.

Illegal structures obstructing waterways must be removed consistently and lawfully, regardless of who owns them. Waste management must become efficient enough that drains are never mistaken for rubbish bins.

Building regulations must be enforced without fear or favour. Climate resilience must become a national development priority rather than an afterthought discussed only when disaster strikes.

Most importantly, accountability must cease to be selective. Every ministry, assembly, contractor, developer, institution, and citizen whose negligence contributes to recurring floods should answer not merely to public criticism but to the law.

Nations do not become resilient by surviving disasters. They become resilient by learning from them. The resilience of ordinary Ghanaians has never been in doubt.

It is visible in neighbours rescuing strangers, volunteers distributing food, young people organising clean-up campaigns, and communities rebuilding together after every catastrophe.

But resilience should never become an excuse for institutional failure. Our people deserve better than perpetual recovery. They deserve prevention.

As climate change intensifies rainfall patterns across West Africa, the cost of inaction will only rise.

What appears today as an environmental challenge may tomorrow become an economic crisis, a public health emergency, and a humanitarian disaster of even greater proportions.

History will not judge us by how many condolences we offered after the floods. History will judge us by whether we finally decided that enough was enough.

The waters will eventually disappear. The question is whether our memory will disappear with them.

If, after this latest tragedy, we once again return to business as usual, then the next flood will not be a surprise. It will be a choice.

And future generations will rightly ask why we allowed an avoidable disaster to become the defining symbol of our capital city.

The rain has spoken. Now Ghana must decide whether it is finally ready to listen.

What started as a downpour quickly escalated into another devastating flood event, bringing daily life in Accra to a standstill.

At least three people reportedly lost their lives in the Alajo community in suspected electrocution incidents after floodwaters engulfed their homes. Other areas reported unconfirmed cases of flood-related deaths and missing persons.

Across the city, hundreds of residents watched helplessly as muddy water swept through homes, shops and warehouses, destroying property, household belongings and business inventories.

Commercial activity ground to a halt as major roads became impassable, leaving commuters stranded for hours.

As the situation worsened, the Ministry of the Interior issued a public safety advisory urging residents to stay away from flooded roads, avoid attempting to cross fast-moving water and report emergencies to the appropriate authorities. Electricity supply to some communities was also disconnected as a precaution to prevent further electrocution incidents.

Emergency response teams from the National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO), the Ghana National Fire Service and other security agencies were deployed across affected communities to rescue trapped residents and assist families displaced by the floods.

Earlier in the day, the Ghana Meteorological Agency had forecast widespread thunderstorms and rainfall across southern Ghana, warning that a weak to moderate rainstorm moving westward along the Togo-Benin coastline would bring increased cloud cover and unstable weather conditions.

Yet, while the rain triggered the flooding, experts say the disaster itself reflects a much deeper problem.

More than a rainfall event

Accra’s recurring floods are no longer simply a consequence of heavy rainfall. They are the result of structural vulnerabilities interacting with changing climate dynamics.
Climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme rainfall events, but the scale of destruction witnessed after each storm is largely determined by how the city has been planned, developed and managed over time.

In essence, heavy rainfall becomes a disaster only when urban systems are unable to cope.

Over the past four decades, Accra has experienced rapid urban expansion. Housing estates, commercial developments and roads have spread across the city, often outpacing investments in drainage and other critical infrastructure.

The replacement of natural landscapes with concrete roads, pavements and rooftops has significantly reduced the ground’s ability to absorb rainwater. Instead, stormwater rushes across hard surfaces, overwhelming drains and increasing the likelihood of flash floods.

Compounding the problem is the widespread encroachment on wetlands, floodplains, river buffers and natural drainage channels.

These ecosystems once acted as natural reservoirs, absorbing excess rainfall and slowing runoff before releasing water gradually into rivers and streams. As urban development has consumed these spaces, much of the city’s natural flood protection has disappeared.

Accra’s drainage network is also struggling to cope with increasing volumes of runoff.

Many drains are undersized or poorly connected, while years of inadequate maintenance have left numerous channels heavily silted or blocked.
The city’s persistent challenge with indiscriminate waste disposal has further reduced drainage capacity. Plastic waste and other refuse clog drains and culverts, preventing stormwater from flowing freely during intense rainfall.

Urban planners have also pointed to weak enforcement of land-use regulations. Unauthorized developments, informal settlements in flood-prone areas and inadequate development control continue to increase the number of people and properties exposed to flood hazards.

Climate change is intensifying the risk

Accra’s climate naturally features two rainy seasons—the major season from March to July and the minor season between September and November.
However, climate variability is making rainfall increasingly unpredictable. Storms are becoming more intense, rainfall is falling within shorter periods and flash flooding is occurring more frequently.

Climate scientists warn that global warming is expected to further increase the intensity of extreme precipitation events, raise urban temperatures through the heat island effect and create greater uncertainty in seasonal rainfall patterns.

Although climate change is not the sole cause of flooding in Accra, it amplifies existing weaknesses in urban planning, infrastructure and environmental management.

The latest floods underscore the need for a shift from reactive disaster response to proactive climate resilience.

Experts argue that reducing flood risk will require integrated urban planning that protects wetlands, floodplains and waterways while investing in modern stormwater drainage infrastructure.

Nature-based solutions—including urban forests, rain gardens, permeable pavements and wetland restoration—could help cities absorb more rainfall naturally instead of allowing water to rush into already overwhelmed drains.

Equally important are stronger enforcement of planning regulations, improved solid waste management and infrastructure designed using updated rainfall projections and flood-risk mapping.

Early warning systems and better community preparedness can also ensure weather forecasts translate into timely action that saves lives.

As Accra counts the cost of yet another flood disaster, one lesson remains clear: the city cannot control when it rains, but it can determine how well it prepares for the next storm.

Until structural vulnerabilities are addressed alongside the realities of a changing climate, heavy rainfall will continue to expose the fault lines in Ghana’s rapidly growing capital.

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Each year, a carefully selected delegation of emerging leaders drawn from government, media, business, and civil society convene under the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP).

Beyond the site tours, seminars and meetings lies invaluable connections, networks and access to perspectives that shape future decisions.

Over the decades, the program has hosted individuals who would go on to shape the course of nations and narratives.

Among its alumni are global figures such as former Ghanaian President John Agyekum Kufuor, former UK Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher, Nobel laureates, and some of the world’s most influential journalists and academics.

They arrive as rising voices and become architects of change.

Handpicked and nominated by the U.S. Department of State, IVLP participants are selected not only for what they have done, but for what they are poised to do.

The program was designed to deepen international relationships, but more importantly, to invest the kind of influence that shapes policy, frames public thought, and builds bridges long before they are needed.

This year, the circle of influence expands to include a name that has, in recent times, become increasingly difficult to ignore.

Once described as “one to watch,” Dr. Ekua Amoakoh has moved from promise to prominence.

A medical doctor by profession, she entered Ghana’s political communications space ahead of the 2024 general elections with clarity.

Her calm delivery, measured tone, and command of complex issues quickly set her apart.

She became the spokesperson for health during Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s presidential campaign, translating technical realities and challenges into public understanding.

And when the elections ended in a bitter defeat, highly contested, and emotionally charged, she did not retreat but instead she stepped up perhaps instinctively understanding what Margaret Thatcher once said “you may have to fight a battle more than once to win it”.

Since then, her trajectory has been anything but accidental.

From campaign communicator to deputy spokesperson and now serving as spokesperson and press secretary to Dr. Bawumia, former Vice President and now leader of the opposition party the New Patriotic Party (NPP).

Her rise reflects something deeper than political alignment. It reflects trust. The kind that people gravitate towards both leaders and the masses.

Her IVLP nomination isn’t just symbolic its confirmation. It positions her within a global network of individuals who do not merely participate in systems but shape them.

Through tailored engagements across U.S. institutions, policy environments, and leadership circles, the program offers more than exposure. It offers access.

This matters today because influence is no longer confined to elected office. It lives in the ability to interpret policy, to manage narratives, to negotiate perception across borders.

It lives in people who understand both the language of governance and the pulse of the public.
As the history of the IVLP suggests, alumni of this same program have gone on to redefine the status quo.

Sometimes loudly, often subtly. They build alliances, reframe national conversations, and in some cases, alter the entire trajectory of their countries.

Excited to see what this opportunity for greater collaboration evolves to become not only for her and her political career but the impact on Ghanaian public life.

Moments like these rarely exist in a vacuum. It’s significance is sure to have ripple effects for years to come.